Postwar studies on the human geography of
Eastern Europe
by David Turnock
Eastern Europe is one of the less well-known parts of the world as far as geographers
in the English-speaking world are concerned. Yet it has consistently attracted a
modest level of interest and the literature that has accumulated over the last few
decades provides both a useful fund of information about the region and a challeng­
ing indicator of potential for future work. In a short essay it is hardly possible to
provide a comprehensive review and attention is restricted to contributions in the
English language. This is perhaps unfortunate in that the persistent interest of
French and German scholars in Eastern Europe cannot be fully documented, while
the formidable output of East European geographers may be obscured. However,
many of the contributions by English-speaking geographers include ample references
to works in East European and other languages. Furthermore there are some East
European countries with a regular output of English language geographical publi­
cations. Outstanding here is the Polish journal Geographia Polonica published
entirely in English and running into almost 50 volumes since publication started in
1964. The collections of essays published in English by the Hungarian Academy of
Sciences are also impressive, while the geographical section of the Romanian
Academy's Revue Roumaine de Giologie Giophysique et Giographie Sirie de
Giographie (abbreviated Revue Roumaine: Giographie in the references) contains
a number of pieces in English interspersed among articles in French, German and
Russian. However, because of the large number of such East European contri­
butions and the fact that there is a tendency towards repetition of certain basic
themes, reviews of individual articles (as opposed to collections) are restricted to
the last 15 years.
To achieve even more stringent definition it is also proposed to restrict atten­
tion to literature produced during the period of socialism in Eastern Europe. This
is not meant as a dismissive gesture towards the valuable foundation works such as
M.I. Newbigin's (1915) Geographical aspects of Balkan problems in relation to the
Great European War or H.G. Wanklyn's (1941) Eastern Marchlands of Europe,
to say nothing of the Admiralty Handbooks on Albania, Germany and Yugoslavia.
Equally no disrespect is intended towards the considerable number of essayists who
tried through the medium of the journals to familiarize an overwhelmingly westernoriented public with the facts of life in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of a series
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Postwar studies on the human geography of Eastern
Europe
of convulsions culminating in the first world war and the appearance of a tier of
'new' countries on the political map. Much of this literature has a permanent value
reminding us of the challenging nature of much geographical field work before the
appearance of a modern infrastructure and equally, by providing reference points
dating back to the late nineteenth century, emphasizing the remarkable progress in
modernization achieved over the last hundred years by the peoples of an area still
regarded as a relatively backward part of Europe. However, concentration on the
last 35 years allows the more recent methodological advances to be considered and
more importantly it focuses on a period when Eastern Europe has been perceived
as an unprecedentedly coherent region by virtue of the ideological stance taken by
the governments of the eight countries which are usually considered to fall into this
major subdividion of the continent. Of course, because of the radical changes in
state boundaries made in 1945 (especially the arrangements for the German Reich)
there was no basis at all for the recognition of such a region before the second
world war (Fischer, 1956; Moodie, 1956) but the postwar changes have been
particularly significant for geographical study because interest is attracted not only
from those regional specialists concerned with the distinctive landscapes, following
in the footsteps of J. Partsch who wrote on central Europe in 1905, but from
systematic geographers concerned with the prospect of finding fundamental differ­
ences in spatial layouts between 'capitalist' and 'communist' systems.
The significance of the ideological factor is by no means clear. Superficially the
great public esteem accorded to Karl Marx may suggest the strongest determination
to build a completely new pattern of human endeavour to avoid the well-publicized
evils of capitalism. And certainly nationalization of the means of production, which
included expropriation of powerful foreign interests, amounted to an economic
reorganization of revolutionary proportions. Yet it may be argued that each state
behaves essentially as a capitalist seeking greater efficiency in order to achieve
maximum growth across the country as a whole. Discussions of 'socialist' location
principles have revealed little that is not eminently reconcilable with the con­
ventional approach in western countries: urban locations are almost universally
selected with discrimination according to transport flows for materials, availability
of fuel and power supplies and the local catchments for labour and marketing.
Despite oft-repeated assertions forecasting the impending elimination of backward
regions, through appropriate allocations of investment under the system of central
planning, growth rates continue to show wide spatial disparities and although
labour shortages in the more highly industrialized areas stimulate diversion of
investment the poorest regions will only improve their per capita incomes by
temporary or permanent migration. The contradiction between ideals and realities
arises in part from the nature of government publications. While the official state­
ments of administrations controlled by monopoly parties may appear refreshingly
unambiguous to the foreigner looking for a clear exposition of priorities it may be
that the urge to make propaganda, without any risk of probing, by a legal oppo­
sition, results in the stipulation of simplistic long-term objectives. Hence while
statistical year-books may provide the student with valuable data the lack of insight
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David Turnock
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into the perceptions of planners and politicians makes assessments about the ideo­
logical factor disappointingly inconclusive. Nevertheless while it would be naive
to suggest that previous interest in Eastern Europe was motivated solely by a
fascination with its landscapes per se (for the political issues concerned with
Balkanization, especially in the light of Mackinder's ideas, were always important)
it remains a fact that today there is a significant interest in alternative political and
economic systems which has directed more attention to the region than might
otherwise have been expected.
Work inspired by the theme of separate socialist development must also come to
terms with the fact that Eastern Europe is not a really well-integrated region clearly
separated from adjacent parts of Eurasia. Each state is fully autonomous as regards
its economic planning and while Comecon has gradually widened its coordinating
role any move towards supranational status has been strongly opposed by a section
of the membership, Furthermore Comecon does not now include Albania or
Yugoslavia as full members and these two countries also lie outside the entangle­
ments of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet influence that flows through this comple­
mentary channel of consultation. The various East European countries are quite
small with individual populations ranging from 2.73 millions (Albania) to 35.53
millions (Poland) and their resource bases are highly unbalanced. Each economy is
therefore strongly influenced by external factors and although there are consider­
able exchanges among the various countries there is a very large net energy deficit
which must be met by imports of electricity, gas and oil from the USSR and also
problems of access to the most modern technology which provide great oppor­
tunities for western salesmen. These considerations have often made the Soviet
Union appear a more promising area of study, especially since the prevailing system
has been in force for more than half a century. Even the most committed students
of East European geography must come to terms with the disunity and instability:
deep cultural and ethnic divisions are reflected in antagonisms between many of the
states that comprise this troubled region and relations have been exacerbated by the
legacy of imperialism with its grossly uneven rates of development in the nineteenth
century and land settlement policies, over an even longer period, that have compli­
cated the emergence of economically viable nation states with ethnically rational
frontiers. Many workers have therefore tended to develop an interest in one par­
ticular country, or else a group of countries with cultural/linguistic affinities like
the Slavonic states of Eastern Europe. It may be appropriate to combine Eastern
Europe as a whole with the Soviet Union in view of the similarities in the system of
central planning (Schopflin, 1970) or to combine parts of the region with adjacent
territories in the case of the Balkans (Carter, 1977a; Hoffman, 1963; 1967; 1972;
1980) and divided Germany (Blacksell and Brown, 1983; Dickinson, 1953;Elkins,
1969; Mellor, 1978; Pounds, 1962). The net result is that literature tends t o be
highly fragmented and clear trends are difficult t o identify.
The provision of books for Eastern Europe as a whole is poor compared with
the formidable range of texts available for both Western Europe and the Soviet
Union. Contributions have been made by R.H. Osborne (1967) and N.J.G. Pounds
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Postwar studies on the human geography of Eastern
Europe
(1969), both concentrating on studies of individual countries prefaced by concise
thematic essays. Subsequently the topical approach used by F.B. Singleton (1965)
has become more emphatic. R.E.H. Mellor (1975) restricted coverage of the
national economic geographies to just one fifth of his book and more recently both
D.S. Rugg (1978) and D. Turnock (1978a) have devoted all available space to broad
themes, with particular emphasis on industrialization in the latter case. With the
exception of R.H. Osborne who omitted the German Democratic Republic (hence­
forth abbreviated GDR) all authors defined the region in terms of the eight socialist
countries. Several one country studies are available although the coverage is
extremely uneven. Yugoslavia is particularly well provided for (Fisher, 1966a;
Hamilton, 1968; Hoffman and Neal, 1962; Singleton, 1970; Singleton and Carter,
1982) compared with Albania (Harrington, 1967), Czechoslovakia (Demek and
Stffda, 1971; Wanklyn, 1954), Poland (Benes and Pounds, 1970; Pounds, 1964)
and Romania (Matley, 1970a; Moraru et ah, 1966; Turnock, 1974a). A finer focus
has been applied through essay collections dealing with problems of economic
development (Hoffman, 1971) and city structure (French and Hamilton, 1979), but
there is room for more work of this kind with regional planning, rural development
and ecological problems as particularly appropriate themes. Unfortunately the
relatively small number of well-supported university courses dealing with Eastern
Europe is discouraging to publishers while the scale of research effort, especially
when linked with intensive field work in Eastern Europe, is very small outside the
ranks of East European nationals who often find it difficult to publish in the west.
However, the gap has been filled to some extent by Hungarian and Polish publi­
cations in English. The Hungarian Academy of Sciences has published a series of
studies of Hungarian geography edited initially by M. Pecsi (1964), but subse­
quently by B. Sarfalvi, covering such themes as agriculture (1966), applied geography
(1964 and 1969), land use (1967), applied geography (1969), population move­
ments (1970) and urbanization (1975), along with the regional studies on the Great
Hungarian Plain (1971). Several issues of Geographia Polonica also offer useful
collections of papers that present considerable amounts of data and offer con­
siderable methodological interest as well. One notable example gathers the papers
read at seminars held between Polish geographers and their colleagues in Czecho­
slovakia, the GDR and the USSR in 1977 (Dziewoiiski etal, 1981). All this reflects
the intimate concern of East European geographers with the formulation of
development plans (Dzieworiski, 1975; Kostrowicki, 1956; Leszczycki, 1960;
Malisz, 1975b).
I
The socialist economy
There would seem to be great scope for work concerned with the planning systems
in force in Eastern Europe at various levels and the response has been substantial.
At the highest levels the economists have tended to make the running although
geographers have investigated Comecon (MeEor, 1971) and the content of the
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early medium-term plans has been scrutinized with reference to domestic resource
bases (Caesar, 1955; 1962; Pounds and Spulber, 1957). Single country studies on
Albania (Hall, 1975), and the GDR (Childs, 1966; Elkins, 1960), Poland (Hamilton,
1964b) and Yugoslavia (Caesar, 1962) should also be noted. Much greater interest
has been shown in regional allocations of investment capital and in the effective­
ness of such strategies for the reduction of inequalities inherited from the capitalist
past. The regional system has itself attracted some interest (Dzieworiski and Wr6bel,
1964), with particular reference to the Balkan countries of Bulgaria (Osborne,
1960), Romania (Helin, 1967; Tufescu and Herbst, 1969) and Yugoslavia (Mesic,
1977; Poulsen, 1971) but most attention has of course been directed to the varia­
tions in resource allocation. The success of regional policy in Poland has been
demonstrated by A. Wr6bel (1980) who used shift-share analysis to demonstrate
a strong positive gain by the underdeveloped eastern regions against the highly
developed voivodship of Katowice. This encouraging situation applied in both the
1950s and 1960s and may be considered highly satisfactory in view of the many
problems facing the developers in the eastern border regions, which tend to be
relatively slow in assimilating new innovations (Karaska, 1975; Loboda, 1974).
Nevertheless, the broader perspectives offered by other writers indicate only
modest change in the relative status of the different regions (Koropeckyj, 1977;
Leszcaycki et al., 1975; Zimon, 1979). The highly developed southern region
(which includes Upper Silesia) has increased its share of total industrial employ­
ment from 21.1 per cent in 1939 (present frontiers) to 25.3 in 1975. The south­
western district (former German territory) has lost ground, as have the cities of
U&i. and Warsaw, while gains in the poorer regions have been slight (Misztal and
Kaczorowski, 1980). The Poles have clearly recognized the essential importance
of the Upper Silesian Industrial Region (Gdrndslgskie okreg przemysiowy)
whose
1.05 million industrial workers contribute almost a quarter of the country's
industrial output. Development has favoured the fringe districts but even so con­
siderable decentralization has been necessary to relieve the central axis (Zone A)
from Gliwice to Chrzandw by resettlement in the adjacent Zone B with its new
towns of Tarnowskie G6ry and Tychy. Work by Polish geographers on such matters
(Kielczewska-Zaleska et al, 1965; Kortus, 1976; Leszczycki, 1960; Pakula, 1980)
has been complemented by valuable western contributions (Pounds, 1958a; 1958—
9).
Turning to the other countries of Eastern Europe, Yugoslavia has attracted much
attention as a country with very serious regional imbalances and also one with
strong emphasis on decentralization through republican governments and workers'
councils (Gregory, 1973; Logan, 1968; Singleton, 1979; Wilkinson, 1967). Yet
there has been a widening of disparities in national income between the various
republics and autonomous regions between 1947 and 1976: the regions with the
highest incomes in 1947 (Croatia, Slovenia and Vojvodina) have all made further
progress against the national average. The Soviet blockade of 1 9 4 8 - 5 4 stimulated
some dispersal of industry but momentum was subsequently lost and the most
that can be said for regional policy is that without it contrasts might be greater
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Postwar studies on the human geography of Eastern
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still. Studies of the poorer regions (Creigh, 1967; Wilkinson, 1952) reveal a very
poor economic performance in Kosovo despite the political pressures to soften
Albanian protest through economic development. Elsewhere there is confirma­
tion of the prime importance attaching to the advanced industrial regions: plainly
there are major variations in the efficiency of different industrial locations and
governments that wish to maximize national growth rates cannot easily solve deepseated regional problems simultaneously. This is evident for example in the GDR
(Berentsen, 1981), Hungary (Dienes, 1973a; 1973b) and Romania (Ronnas, 1982b;
Turnock, 1979c). General reviews of spatial socioeconomic inequalities in Eastern
Europe (and the Soviet Union) find overwhelming evidence for the priority attach­
ing to growth and productivity over spatial and structural equity (Fuchs and
Demko, 1979; Koropeckyj, 1972). Wisely, however, the authors conclude that
because regional imbalance is a problem facing all developed countries it should
cease being an issue for polemical debate and instead should be the focus of a
constructive dialogue.
Industrialization has been fundamental to Eastern Europe's economic growth
in the period of socialism and it is appropriate that geographers should place great
emphasis on this theme, although it is at the same time regrettable that more
insights have not been forthcoming with respect to locational decision-making.
Some attempts have been made t o examine changes in industrial patterns in Eastern
Europe as a whole (Hamilton, 1970) but most studies of changing industrial pat­
terns relate to individual countries, including Hungary (SaVfalvi, 1964), Poland
(Beaver and Kukliriski, 1964; Murray and Karaska, 1975; Pounds, 1960), Romania
(Herbst et ah, 1975; Herbst and Letea, 1976; Turnock, 1970a; Velcea, 1969) and
Yugoslavia (Hamilton, 1963a; Hoffman, 1956). There is no doubt about the impres­
sive gains in employment and output registered throughout Eastern Europe yet
regional patterns have not shown radical change despite propaganda claims to the
contrary. Certainly shifts have occurred through a trickling-down process with
investments diverted from the most developed regions with problems of congestion
and labour shortage to accessible locations with good labour catchments
(Kielczewska-Zaleska et al., 1965; Tatai, 1976). And new mineral resources like
the huge copper deposits discovered in Lower Silesia obviously attract attention.
In Poland it has been shown that virtually four fifths of the investments in industry
during the 1960s went to a group of 25 areas comprising less than one fifth of the
total area of the country and over the period 1945—70 715 of a total of 1270 new
plants have been located in these favoured areas (Lijewski, 1976) which emphasize
the importance of the growth pole concept in socialist countries (Dobrowolska,
1976; R6g, 1972). Location decisions that have been scrutinized tend t o be based
on economic rationality. Some developments were undoubtedly undertaken with­
out adequate preparation and with an uncertain knowledge of the quality of raw
materials available: the KoSice iron and steel works in eastern Slovakia was based
on an unrealistic appraisal of the iron ore resources of the area and as a result this
integrated works has been embarrassed by high transport costs for both iron ore
(imported from the Soviet Union) and coking coal supplied from the Moravian
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David Tumock
321
coalfield. Nevertheless examples of industrial developments deliberately established
in economically irrational locations for sociopolitical reasons remain elusive and
attempts to draw up a list of socialist location principles to underpin an industrial
geography intrinsically different from capitalist structures have not been con­
vincing (Hamilton, 1971). Surprisingly perhaps, East European geographers have
not concerned themselves greatly with this question although some work has been
done on optimum industrial structures (Ziolo, 1976).
The preoccupation with industry may be usefully broken down into individual
branches. Studies of various light industries, often with reference to a single
country, generally reveal a relatively high level of locational flexibility which makes
them particularly good candidates for development in the more backward regions
(Bencze, 1971; Dawson, 1967; 1969b). Studies of heavy industry have been almost
entirely restricted to the iron and steel industry although chemicals (Elkins, 1957)
and engineering (Kortus, 1980) are together far more important. The discrimina­
tion probably arises from the dogmatic emphasis given to integrated iron and steel
complexes in the early medium-term plans in order to provide the raw materials
for a greatly expanded manufacturing sector to be developed on largely autarkic
lines. Although several plants have been investigated (Compton, 1965; Ivani£ka,
1964; Pounds, 1958c; Sinnuber, 1965) the most interesting contribution has dealt
with a series of remarkable location decisions in Yugoslavia (Hamilton, 1964a).
After the second world war it was first envisaged that the modest capacity already
in existence, mainly in Bosnia and Hercegovina and Slovenia, should be supple­
mented by a new integrated plant located at Doboj in Bosnia: only the limestone
was available in the immediate vicinity but with the completion of new railways
(Banja Luka-Doboj-Tuzla) iron ore could be supplied from Ljubija and coke from
Lukavac in the Kreka/Tuzla coalfield. Additional coal and iron ore could be sup­
plied from Zenica and Vares respectively. The location was also convenient for the
supply of finished products to markets in central and southern Yugoslavia. How­
ever, the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform in 1948 created a new situa­
tion because the withdrawal of Soviet assistance made it imperative to find less
costly ways of increasing production. The serious risk of conflict between the
constituent republics of Yugoslavia, suggested a strategy of dispersal to give each
part of the Federation a stake in the industry. Several republics were already active
and locations like Jesenice (Slovenia), Sisak (Croatia), Smederovo (Serbia) and
Zenica (Bosnia) have all witnessed subsequent expansion. But entirely new units
were installed at NikSid in Montenegro, using locally generated hydroelectricity to
convert pig iron and scrap railed in from Bosnia, and at Skoplje where low grade
Macedonian ore is combined with coke manufactured in Kosovo. Further studies
of this kind would be very useful as a basis for more reliable generalizations but
it remains extremely difficult for researchers to gain the necessary insights and
collect sufficient evidence for a convincing presentation.
Agriculture is no longer of overwhelming importance in terms of the value of
production but a large proportion of the population of Eastern Europe is still based
on the land. And despite considerable efforts to make radical changes in farm
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Postwar studies on the human geography of Eastern
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structures and practices through the formation of cooperatives and the provision
of machinery traditional patterns still remain, especially in the mountainous areas.
General reviews have been written for the region as a whole (Enyedi, 1967) and for
a number of individual countries including Bulgaria (Cousens, 1967) and Romania
(Turnock, 1970c) where state farms and cooperatives are predominant, but also
Poland (Dawson, 1982) and Yugoslavia (Hoffman, 1961) where there is still a very
important private sector. It emerges that government sensitivity over capitalistic
systems of production has inhibited investment and amalgamation outside the
socialist sector leading to food shortages and associated political crises: for Poland
especially there is a dilemma between encouraging the peasant in the face of strong
disapproval from the country's Warsaw Pact allies and extending the socialist sector
in the teeth of bitter opposition in the countryside. But for the most part geogra­
phers have not been greatly concerned with structural change in East European
agriculture. A notable exception is V.D. Freeman's work (1979; 1983) on agri­
culture development and rural change in the GDR. Using studies available in
German, supplemented by field work, the author examines the organization of the
socialist sector and shows how the landscape has been affected with respect to both
field and settlement patterns. It is evident that cooperative farms have accelerated
the tendency for population to gravitate towards key settlements, although the
main villages (Hauptdorf) represent a selection of the central places that served the
rural areas in earlier times. In contrast to the limited interest in agricultural struc­
tures there is a considerable amount of literature on enterprise patterns. These
have been thoroughly investigated by East European geographers especially the
Hungarians (Asztalos, 1969; 1971; Sa'rfalvi, 1966), Poles (Tyszkiewicz, 1979;
1980) and Romanians (§teftnescu, 1972; 1973). Foreign visitors to the area have
made notable contributions but apart from W.A. Dando's thorough investigation
into wheat production in Romania (1974), these tend to deal mainly with tradi­
tional practices in Romania (Matley, 1970b; 1971) and Yugoslavia (Johnston and
Crkvencic", 1954; 1957; Matley, 1968; Savory, 1958). One particularly important
approach to the study of agricultural enterprises is through land use studies
(Biegajlo and Jankowski, 1972; Kostrowicki, 1970; Kostrowicki and Tyszkiewicz,
1970; Sa'rfalvi, 1967) and it is unfortunate that lack of resources has prevented
more comprehensive surveys. Of course agriculture is continually being required
to increase production in order to boost both domestic living standards and export
trade. This may require organizational changes, which geographers have not dis­
cussed at length, with the exception of agrarian-industrial complexes in Bulgaria
(Entwistle, 1972). However, land improvement is quite frequently considered
(Iordan, 1977; Sarfalvi, 1964; Vespremeanu, 1980) and future agricultural geo­
graphies have also been considered (Kostrowicki, 1975). It is certain that in the
year ahead agriculture will reduce its demands for human labour still further
and this must affect the stability of rural communities (Sa'rfalvi, 1964; 1966). The
problems facing the less accessible villages have been mentioned by several authors
(Lichtenberger, 1978; Thomas and Vojvoda, 1973; Thomas, 1978).
Infrastructure ought to attract a considerable interest from geographers since
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David Turnock
323
adequate power supplies and transport systems are obvious preconditions for sus­
tained economic development. While a great deal of progress was made with railway
building in the late nineteenth century in all parts of Eastern Europe except the
mountainous parts of the Balkans the installation of electricity grids is very largely
an achievement of the last quarter of a century and the decentralization of light
industry to the poorer regions has to that extent become more feasible during the
postwar period (Borcu, 1971; Mejro, 1975). The electricity supply industry has
forged linkages with electrical engineering (for generators, turbines and trans­
formers) and with mining since the very large power stations (often with capacities
in excess of 1000 MW) must either locate on domestic coal, gas or oil fields or
integrate with flows from abroad. Some studies of individual fuel resources have
been made (Carter, 1970; Elkins, 1953; 1956) but there has been surprisingly little
interest in sorting out the various options available. Broadly speaking it seems that
initial emphasis was placed on low grade coal and natural gas as fuels for use in
power stations to reduce pressure on the oil and hard coal resources. Hydroelectric
works for local supply have a long history but large schemes were implemented in
the 1960s and 1970s (Hamilton, 1963b), notably the Iron Gates project on the
Danube (Myers, 1965) where Romania and Yugoslavia jointly installed 2000 MW
of generating capacity and improved navigation facilities (Hall, 1972). States lack­
ing such potential found that hydrocarbons imported from the Soviet Union were
competitive in price with domestic lignite. But rising oil prices have caused serious
problems (Dienes, 1976) and forced a shift of interest back to low grade domestic
fuels and also brought nuclear power into the reckoning (Mathieson, 1980).
With regard to transport, Eastern Europe has witnessed the growth of air services
and motorways (Mohrmann, 1977) which were only weakly anticipated before
1945 outside of Germany, yet no serious studies have been attempted. Railways
have been given some treatment with emphasis on the modernization of inherited
systems and on the restructuring which has sometimes been necessary because of
changes in frontiers, especially in the GDR (Mellor, 1953; Price, 1975). Some
special operating arrangements are in force, as in the case of the freight line from
Gorlitz to Zittau in the GDR which runs along the Polish side of the Neisse but the
special operating rights in Czechoslovakia in the AS and Cheb have been withdrawn.
In Romania the withdrawal of transit facilities along the Tisa through Soviet
territory between Sighet and Halmeu obliged the Romanians to build a new railway
linking the isolated parts of the Maramures. region with the rest of the network at
Salva (Turnock, 1978b; 1981). However, in the Balkans a number of new lines have
been built to round off the system: all Albania's railways have been built since
1945 and a link with the Yugoslav network at Titograd in Montenegro has now
been agreed. This will give additional importance to the recently completed BelgradeBar railway which has been studied geographically from both the economic and
political points of view (Singleton and Wilson, 1977; Wilson, 1971). Despite their
modest importance compared with railways, navigable waterways have been quite
thoroughly investigated and the theme of integrated river basin development and
water resource management has been prominent (Somogyi 1971; 1979. Turnock,
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Postwar studies on the human geography of Eastern Europe
1979a; Szupryczyriski, 1976; Zajbert, 1975). Several individual rivers have been
examined (Hinsch, 1977) but the Danube has been most thoroughly treated
especially with regard to the improvements carried out at the Iron Gates and the
work still in progress in Germany and Romania to open up a through route from
Rotterdam to Constanta (Korompai, 1977; Turnock, 1979d; Weigend, 1975). A
canal across Dobrogea to provide an alternative access to Constanta, avoiding the
lengthy passage through the Danube delta, was first attempted in the early 1950s
and was then seen, along with a projected Oder-Danube canal, as a sign of increas­
ing Soviet influence (Kish, 1947; Sinnhuber, 1955. Spulber, 1954). But the work
was resumed in the late 1970s as a purely Romanian initiative (Sharman, 1983)
and may be the first of a series of canal links to serve a chain of major industrial
installations which have developed in the southern part of the country in view of
the electricity now supplied through the grid and the growing dependence on
imported raw materials. However, despite the growing importance of East European
ports and ocean shipping in general very little literature is available (Debski, 1974;
Ghenovici, 1977;Zaleski, 1978).
Some interest in transport studies arises through the concept of an integrated
system (Madeyski and Lissowska, 1975) and also through the overall improve­
ments in mobility which are so significant for migration and for commuting (Fuchs
and Demko, 1977a; 1977b; 1978). This is largely reflecting trends which have long
been established in the west. Functional urban regions focusing on the largest cities
and agglomerations have become more pronounced and in view of the growing
unity between the city and its hinterland industrial employment may be con­
centrated in the urban centres without a mass exodus of population from the
countryside (Jerczyiiski, 1981; von Kanal, 1981). However, not all East European
commuters have a real choice and many of them are obliged to spend long hours
in uncomfortable and overcrowded buses and trains because of the often acute
shortage of apartment accommodation in the towns. Several noteworthy studies
of movement and accessibility have been made in Poland where global coefficients
of mobility reveal interesting variations in the level of migration (permanent and
temporary) and commuting in the different administrative regions (Gawryszewski,
1981) and where transport indices are used to indicate the centrality of towns
(Lijewski, 1980). A very detailed case study dealing with commuting in the city of
£ 6 d z examines a virtually closed system and rationalizes a highly complex range
of distances and directions in terms of quality of transport and demographic/
social conditions as well as employment and housing availability (Dzieciuchowicz,
1981). Other intraurban studies have examined the accessibility of urban trans­
port systems (Caranfil, 1971; Taylor, 1976) and considered the distribution of
service centres with reference to market accessibility models (Chudzyriska, 1981;
Polarczyk, 1976).
II
Population and settlement patterns
The remarkable demographic changes that have accompanied the modernization
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David Turnock
325
process in the postwar period and the existence of detailed census material have
naturally made population studies an important topic for geographers. Population
may be considered a basic resource for economic development (Podoski, 1975)
but themes such as fertility and population policy have been largely ignored in
preference to migration studies. A number of important collective works deal with
Eastern Europe as a whole (Kostanick, 1977; Sa'rfalvi, 1970), and single country
studies have been contributed by western scholars (Borchert, 1975; Compton,
1969; 1972; 1973; North, 1958), although these are greatly outnumbered by the
work of East European geographers in respect of countries with outlets for English
language publications: Hungary (Sdrfalvi, 1966; 1969; Tajti, 1971), Poland
(Dzieworiski et al., 1975; Gawryszewski, 1977; Jelonek, 1976; Kosiriski, 1970)
and Romania (StefSnescu, 1975; Stefanescu and Baranovsky, 1978). The picture
is a fairly uniform one of large net gains by the urban centres arising partly from
migration and partly from relatively high rates of natural increase as the rural
population contains a high proportion of elderly and retired people (Vorosmarti
and Tajti, 1976). There are exceptions, however, and in Romania for example
the rural population is declining much more rapidly in the west (Banat and Crisana)
than in the northeast (Maramures and Moldavia) where a strong preference for
seasonal migration maintains the vitality of the villages, especially in parts of the
Carpathians (Turnock, 1980). Case study work has focused on areas much affected
by expulsion and resettlement at the end of the second world war like the western
borderlands of Czechoslovakia (Shute, 1948; Steers, 1948) and the new northern
and western territories of Poland (Hamilton, 1975; Kosiriski, 1961). Refugee prob­
lems have been examined with regard to Germans expelled from the eastern terri­
tories of the former Reich (Mellor, 1957) and Turks forced out of Bulgaria with
minimal formalities (Kostanick, 1957). Studies of ethnic minorities in Eastern
Europe are not numerous (Mellor, 1963) although it may be relevant to refer to
work on two districts of Austria, Burgenland (Burghardt, 1962) and Klagenfurt
(Rendall, 1957), which involves Hungarians and Yugoslavs respectively.
The growth of the urban sector at the expense of the rural is widely accepted
as the inevitable consequence of modernization and this phenomenon has been
evident for almost a century in those parts of Eastern Europe accessible to the
growth centres of Berlin, Budapest and Vienna (Dzieworiski, 1973; 1976; Kosiri­
ski, 1974; Pounds, 1971; Sa'rfalvi, 1975). Most jobs in industry are generated in
the towns while mechanization of agriculture reduces the need for a large active
population in the countryside (Stefanescu, 1981). Moreover the organization of
so much East European agriculture on a cooperative basis reduces the need for a
highly dispersed pattern of rural settlement. However, the priority given to invest­
ment in production has left insufficient resources available for the transformation
of the settlement system that the new economic structures have made appropri­
ate (Kielczewska-Zaleska et al., 1965). Concentration of production has gone
ahead of concentration of population and a great deal of commuting work has
therefore resulted as several Romanian studies have demonstrated (Cucu, 1972;
Ianos and Olaru, 1980; Iordan, 1975). New housing estates have emerged in the
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towns and most young people aspire to a modern apartment in the city. But there is
also a continuing appreciation in some quarters of a rural domestic environment
with access to a smallholding. Work in the GDR has examined the varied demo­
graphic trends in rural communes in the context of access to major centres,
recognizing the limits of daily commuting as an important means of discrimination
between zones of relatively intense interaction and areas further from the cities
where population is more likely to be declining (Berentsen, 1982; Von Kanel,
1981; Kronert, 1981; Ludemann and Heinzmann, 1978; Rosenkrauz, 1975; Scherf,
1981). In theory a system of key villages would be economically and socially
desirable and there has been some interest in modelling settlement systems (Kind,
1981; Malisz, 1975b), notably by the Polish geographer, A. Zagozdzon (1972;
1973; 1976). However the limited funds available and the reluctance shown by
many to abandon homes in the smaller settlements means that change takes place
only slowly. This is the general thrust of literature available on Bulgaria (Hoffman,
1964), Hungary (Beluszky, 1971; 1976), Poland (Kielczewska-Zaleska, 1961),
Romania (Ronn&s, 1982b; Turnock, 1976; Velcea, 1972) and Yugoslavia (Milojevic, 1953). Servicing a highly dispersed rural population is expensive (Barta,
1976) and particular problems arise in the areas of tanya settlement in Hungary
(Lacko, 1976; Petri, 1969).
Urban growth is disproportionately concentrated in the larger towns and the
hierarchy within the urban sector is becoming more pronounced. All Polish towns
except 11 (all of them components of large urban complexes) recorded a natural
increase in population in 1970—75 but there were 232 which experienced a net loss
through migration. Most of these were small towns with a population of less than
5000, although a few towns with more than 10 000 inhabitants were included:
mainly towns in the Jelenia G6ra and Walbzych districts where obsolete industries
are declining or in the Katowice area where decongestion policies are in force.
582 towns had a positive migration balance with 60 per cent of total net urban gain
in population by migration registered by the 63 cities with populations exceeding
50 000 (Jerczyriski, 1977; 1981). Information in Czechoslovakia (Macka et al,
1981), GDR (Grimm, 1981; Schmidt, 1975), Hungary (Sarfalvi, 1964; 1966) and
Romania (Panaite et ah, 1978; Ronnas, 1982c) shows a similar situation. The most
dynamic cities tend to be the national capitals which offer a wide range of job
opportunities and a relatively stimulating cultural life, although the size of each
capital in relation to the leading provincial cities varies enormously according to
historical circumstances (Strasiewicz, 1969). A number of works deal with individ­
ual cities, notably Berlin (Elkins, 1959; Merritt, 1973; Paterson, 1965), Bucharest
(Turnock, 1970b; 1974b) and Warsaw (Grime and Wgcrawowicz, 1981), with
further contributions emphasizing the theme of industrial concentration in Buda­
pest (Dienes, 1973a) and city structure in Prague and Sofia (Carter, 1979).
Although governments wish to limit the growth of capital and other major cities
decentralization is never easy because powerful organizations can use their 'clout'
and ingenuity to counter administrative measures. Any movement to the provinces
is usually directed to the smaller towns for which several case studies exist
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David Turnock
327
(Adamczewska-Wejchert and Wejchert, 1975; Lettrich, 1971; Sdrfalvi, 1964). New
town development has been restrained, arising only spasmodically in connection
with either the decongestion of large conurbations or the opening up of major new
mineral finds in rural areas (Carter, 1975a). The rapid growth experienced by most
towns in Eastern Europe has raised the issue of 'socialist cities' being fundamentally
different from western 'capitalist' counterparts. Land use surveys provide some raw
material (Grocholska, 1975; Rakowicz-Grocholska, 1970) but evidence remains in
short supply. Nevertheless certain authors are fairly committed to demonstrating
major differences through the greater mixing of land uses in city centres (encouraged
by the lack of any land value surface), the planning of socially mixed suburban
complexes with apartment blocks and industrial estates (Lentz, 1975), the over­
whelming importance of public transport and architectural features (French and
Hamilton, 1979; Rugg, 1971). However, the issue remains all the more incon­
clusive because it is extremely difficult to isolate characteristics that are intrinsi­
cally 'socialist' from manifestations of national character and relatively low income
levels. The city is certainly fundamental to socialist economies and the planning
of an urban dominated settlement system to harmonize with development plans
is a continuing preoccupation (Deica and Stefanescu, 1972; Deica et al., 1976;
Dzieworiski, 1978; Fisher, 1966b; Je>aszko, 1977; Leszczycki, 1975; Mohs, 1975).
Emphasis on the towns as industrial locations has subjected the inherited build­
ing stock, including a valuable medieval component, to unacceptably high levels of
traffic vibration and atmospheric pollution (notably through emissions by poorly
maintained combustion engines and by factory and power station chimneys). The
older buildings may be important as national monuments to inspire both the native
population and the increasing numbers of tourists whose hard currency is now
considered highly desirable (Carter, 1984). Indeed, tourism in general is very
important in development plans and geographers have been much involved in
surveying the potential for further growth in the context of available infrastructure
and physical resources in pollution-free areas. The extent of such work has been
demonstrated in the case of Romania (Turnock, 1977b) although very little is
available in the English language (Dragomirescu and Nicolae, 1980). Several con­
servation areas have now been recognised by UNESCO as being of world signifi­
cance, most notably the cities of Dubrovnik in Yugoslavia and Krakdw in Poland.
But especially in the latter case there is a daunting problem in generating funds to
allow restoration work to keep up with the decay which arises from the tremen­
dous quantities of dust and gas (mostly sulphur dioxide and carbon monoxide)
deposited on the city annually by local factories, especially the Nowa Huta steel­
works (Carter, 1981; 1982; Kortus, 1972; 1975). Even where the historic build­
ings are of somewhat lesser importance pollution is a serious problem involving
both economic and social costs (Billwitz, 1975; Katona, 1979; Kromm, 1973;
Probald, 1974). Conditions in Sofia can be particularly disagreeable because of the
position of the city in a deep and poorly ventilated basin. The rural areas are
affected too as pollution threatens water supplies: the value of the Wtocfawek dam
on the Vistula in Poland has been compromised (Szupryczyriski, 1976) and the
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Postwar studies on the human geography of Eastern
Europe
success of Kiskore in Hungary as a water-based recreational complex is threatened.
Opencast mineral workings, notably lignite quarries, have serious environmental
consequences (Czerwiiiski, 1976; Kozacki, 1978) and even intensive arable farming
is now linked with undesirable changes to the landscape (Berenyi, 1976; Marosi
and Papp, 1978). Now that environmental problems are acknowledged by East
European governments (Dienes, 1974a; 1974b) it is possible for geographers to
investigate them in depth and in some countries the theme of environmental pro­
tection is giving the discipline a new sense of purpose (Turnock, 1982). However,
much of the work on this theme is omitted because this review is restricted to
human impact on the environment and therefore excludes many contributions
made to land use mapping and resource/feasibility studies.
Ill
Historical geography
Studies dealing with the historical geography of Eastern Europe are not numerous
and progress has been rather unsatisfactory. East European geographers are often
encouraged to concentrate their efforts on tasks relevant to national development
plans and in some countries the propaganda offensive against former regimes has
made geographical studies of the relevant periods particularly difficult. Several
English-speaking geographers have become deeply involved although rapid progress
by foreigners is unlikely in view of the perceived inaccessibility of source material.
Research faculties for historical geographers are easier to secure nowadays but
nevertheless linguistic and diplomatic skills remain all important. There is no single
text that provides a summary of Eastern Europe's historical geography although the
work of N.J.G. Pounds on Europe as a whole (1973; 1979) includes many relevant
sections while the equally thorough study of Western Europe by C.T. Smith (1967)
is useful for the German lands in general. When detailed research studies are con­
sidered most themes are represented although coverage is generally uneven. On the
political front attempts have been made to identify a zone of instability between
the homelands of Germans and Russians (Cahnman, 1949). Cahnman recognizes
two great sociopolitical fields, one in the east defined by the Soviet boundary of
1939 and another in the west delimited conveniently by the ninth century Carolingian Empire. Eastern Europe emerges essentially as the marchland territory which
at times has been an unstable shatter zone (East, 1961) and at other times, includ­
ing the present, heavily influenced by a single power. With respect to individual
nation states the concept of core areas has been usefully applied to Eastern Europe
(Pounds and Ball, 1964). Transylvania's position in Romania has been considered
(Morariu, 1969) while in Yugoslavia the significance of Kosovo (Wilkinson, 1955)
and Macedonia (Carter, 1969a; Wilkinson, 1951) has been related to the evolution
of Serbia. Turning to the rural settlement of the region the authoritative review by
G. Pfeiffer (1956) has been complemented by a considerable number of local
studies. Most of these relate to medieval settlement patterns in the zone of contact
between Germans and Poles (Dickinson, 1949; Maas, 1951; Szulc, 1972; 1978)
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David Turnock
329
although the developments in the Dark Ages have been examined (Dunin-Wasowicz
and Podwiriska, 1978) along with nineteenth-century modifications (Dobrowolska,
1978). Elsewhere case studies are limited (Carter, 1977b; Lettrich, 1969; Stefanescu,
1977) and recent interest has come largely from the anthropologists and historians.
The evolution of the complex ethnic patterns evident in Eastern Europe has been
traced through history in the case of Yugoslavia (Hoffman, 1977) and recent
transfers have been examined more comprehensively (Kosiriski, 1969). Economic
development has occasionally been approached from an ideological standpoint
(AUcock, 1977) but other writers, whether concerned with the economy as a whole
(Hamilton, 1982; Spulber, 1966) or industrialization alone (Turnock, 1977a),
have stressed the persistence of spatial inequalities through periods of rapid political
change, while the dramatic change in the status of Eastern Europe as an exporter
of agricultural surpluses (Borgstrom and Annegers, 1971) demonstrates another key
element in the modernization process. Perhaps surprisingly in view of the avail­
ability of census data demography has not attracted much attention. However, the
recent studies dealing with migration from rural areas in the Yugoslav-Italian
borderland (Thomas, 1979) and with regional variations in household structures in
Germany (Kemper, 1983) indicate the potential for further work.
The historical geography of towns is quite well developed. There are some
studies of individual cities over a long time span (Fisher, 1963; Turnock, 1970b)
while other writers have concentrated on discrete periods. Foremost here is the
impressive contribution by F.W. Carter to our understanding of conditions in
Dubrovnik and Krakow in medieval times. All this activity is based on intensive
documentary studies during this period. So far only one study deals with Krakdw
(1983) but in the case of the more prolonged investigations on Ragusa (Dubrovnik)
a valuable monograph (1972) has followed a series of papers outlining the unique
status of the city in the medieval trading patterns of the Balkans through discussion
of trade routes (1969b; 1971a), commodity structures ( 1 9 6 8 - 6 9 ) , local industrial
developments (1971b) and foreign policies (1968; 1980) surrounding this remark­
able city state whose geographical setting was previously discussed by J. Roglic
(1961). For the nineteenth century Carter's work on Prague (1973; 1975c),
emphasizing mobility in a large industrial city dominated by the textile and
engineering industries (Carter, 1975b) may be linked with the contemporary
growth of Budapest as one of Eastern Europe's leading industrial centres (Bencze
and Tajti, 1972). Evidently the growth of industrial centres was heavily conditioned
by the growth of the railway system (Caranfil, 1972; Krzymowska-Kostrowicka,
1972) allowing for the distribution of coal and raw materials from such important
areas as the Silesian coalfield (Pounds, 1958b). But decision-making over railway
links was influenced by strategic as well as economic considerations and some
recent work (Mellor, 1979; Turnock, 1979b) has indicated that potential exists
for further investigation of the historical geography of railways. Other modes have
attracted attention, notably the road system in Roman times (Burghardt, 1979;
Skrivanic", 1977), and once again it becomes clear that the link between an urban
system and its infrastructure is all important. Demographic trends in nineteenth
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330
Postwar studies on the human geography of Eastern Europe
and twentieth-century towns have been investigated (Ciobanu, 1979; Laux, 1983)
including changes in ethnic composition (Ronnls, 1982a). Residential structure
has been much discussed and the alleged distinctiveness of socialist cities has stimu­
lated comparisons relating the present city of Warsaw to the situation in the interwar period (Dawson, 1971; WecTawowicz, 1977). Using factorial ecology it is shown
how the 1931 city was differentiated into large zones according to ethnicity and
religion as well as occupational and social structures. Today the occupational and
social criteria are all-important not only in Warsaw but in all the major Polish
cities although the resulting differentiation is very finely focused and produces a
complex mosaic and a much lower level of spatial segregation. Housing policy is
considered to be important in creating this mosaic and this contrast with the
larger homogeneous zones characteristic of the interwar period is seen as the
fundamental distinction between capitalist and socialist cities (WecTawowicz, 1981).
Another approach which merits more attention deals with the evolution of the
urban system as a whole. So far the literature is restricted to F.W. Carter's (1977c)
study of the western Balkans in medieval times and to the very detailed research
by P. Ronnas (1979; 1980; 1984) dealing with the urban network in Romania
over the last hundred years.
IV
Conclusion
Geographical work on Eastern Europe is substantial even in the limited context of
English language studies and since the discipline is strongly developed in almost all
the individual countries the total effort is impressive. There is a strong emphasis
on the present day situation, reflecting the preoccupation of most East European
geographers with tasks related to medium-term planning. It has to be remembered
that many geographers work in research institutes rather than university depart­
ments and for them contracts with central and local government departments are
all-important. However, there is a great deal of intrinsically interesting material —
both methodologically and thematically — that is accessible to the English language
reader with whom this paper is primarily concerned. Nevertheless there remains an
important role for English-speaking geographers in Eastern Europe in reporting
on developments in that area, combining field work with digests of the relevant
East European literature in order to provide the perspective and overall assessment
that is not otherwise available. There is a further role for foreign geographers in
drawing attention to those areas in the discipline that are given relatively low
priority by the East Europeans themselves. Here there are two points of particular
importance. First, studies of economic and social change taking place at the present
time should adopt a behavioural approach and involve contact with a relevant
cross section of the population. It requires considerable linguistic and diplomatic
skill to carry out a structured questionnaire survey with the blessing of the
authorities but it is now quite feasible in most countries to carry out field studies
that will yield useful information and insights without too many compromises
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David Turnock
331
with methodological rigour. Second, historical geography, involving the whole
timespan of human settlement but especially the medieval and the modern periods,
is an area of great opportunity. Although access to certain archives remains very
difficult and negotiations carried out at a distance are notoriously frustrating,
many sources can be examined with only minimal formality especially with support
of sympathetic colleagues in the country concerned. Indeed, for those with the
commitment to persevere in what may appear initially as an unpromising environ­
ment, it is often the contact with fellow geographers and social scientists that
provides the major stimulus for sustained research on a part of Europe that seems
likely to increase its importance in world affairs.
Department of Geography, University of Leicester, UK
V
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