A Gymnasium in Jerusalem
Roberto Mazzucchi
University of Pisa
Abstract
The Hellenization of Palestine is a complex matter. Many questions need to be answered, above all in relation to the different attitudes toward Greek culture of the relevant sources. In this context Jerusalem requires a particularly careful analysis.
In the years preceding the Maccabean Revolt, during the period of sacerdotal infighting to obtain political power, the High Priest Jason, member of the Oniad clan, constructed in Jerusalem a gymnasium, which was traditionally one of the most important
of Greek cultural institutions. The establishment of this gymnasium was perceived as a
turning-point, and was the cause of subsequent ideological and political conflicts. Our
principal sources, Flavius Josephus and the books of Maccabees, dealt with the question
from various points of view. The gymnasium was a place where the citizens of a polis
[Greek city] practised athletic and cultural activities according to the Greek way of life.
For some people in Jerusalem, however, these activities were dangerous and potentially
damaging to the political hierarchy, social behaviour and religious principles of the Jewish nation. This chapter explains the reasons for this hostile reaction.
L’ellenizzazione della Palestina è un argomento complesso. Molte questioni richiedono una
risoluzione, ma aprono problemi di notevole caratura, specie se consideriamo il diverso approccio che le fonti a nostra disposizione ebbero nei confronti della cultura greca. In questo
contesto, Gerusalemme merita una trattazione particolare.
Nell’epoca precedente alla Rivolta Maccabaica, durante il movimentato periodo delle lotte
pontificali per il conseguimento del potere, il sommo sacerdote Giasone, esponente della famiglia degli Oniadi, diede inizio ad un forte cambiamento ed impiantò in Gerusalemme un
ginnasio, una delle più importanti istituzioni del mondo greco. L’instaurazione di un ginnasio venne intesa al pari di una svolta istituzionale, ma divenne causa principale dei conflitti
ideologici e politici dei periodi successivi. Le fonti a nostra disposione, Giuseppe Flavio e i due
libri dei Maccabei, affrontano l’argomento sotto vari punti di vista, ma è comunque possibile
intravedere i motivi che suscitarono le reazioni più ostili. Il ginnasio, infatti, era un luogo
dove i cittadini di una polis (città greca) praticavano attività atletiche e culturali, secondo
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Roberto Mazzucchi
lo stile di vita dei Greci. Queste attività furono, per alcuni, mutamenti pericolosi, i quali
potevano intaccare, sotto vari aspetti, la gerarchia politica, il comportamento sociale e la fede
religiosa di tutta la nazione giudaica. Gli elementi più conservatori fra i Giudei reagirono
con ostilità al cambiamento; in questo contesto si cercherà di comprenderne i motivi.
Following Alexander the Great’s arrival in Asia, many of his Greek soldiers settled in
the occupied lands, a process that brought them into direct contact with the indigenous
people. The relationship between these groups produced various and complex results.
In some cases a strong fusion emerged between Greeks and the inhabitants of Asia;
but in other cases there was resistance and conflict. In general, Greek civilization was
adopted in the conquered lands, which led to the development of new ways of life. This
lasted for a long time after Alexander’s death, and scholars refer to the phenomenon as
Hellenism1. This is a difficult term to explain. The renowned historian Johann Gustav
Droysen explained it in terms of Vermischung or fusion, and scholarship has continued
to regard the period as characterized by an amalgam or blending between the Greeks,
with their politics and institutions, and the cultures of the inhabitants of the portions
of Asia they conquered. Thus, Hellenism was not a homogenous phenomenon. The
peoples who lived in Asia differed from each other as well as from the Greeks, and,
therefore, each group developed its own particular forms of administration, political
institutions, and social customs.
Previous scholars considered the Hellenization of Palestine as a complex phenomenon
that permanently changed the Jewish way of life. Hellenism was generally thought to
have eroded ancient Jewish traditions and to have forced the Jews to choose between
assimilation or resistance2. This general opinion emerged from a particular perspective:
the perception of Judaism as a compact, closed and indissoluble phenomenon. Modern
scholarship has challenged this vision3. In this chapter, I will explain the consequences
of the relationship between Greeks and Jews. More precisely, I will analyse the period
preceding the Maccabean Revolt when certain members of the Jewish ruling class decided to open their arms to the customs of the conquerors. That they chose to do so by
sponsoring the introduction of a new institution brings to the fore the broader question of the roles institutions played in symbolizing, and even provoking, political and
cultural change.
The main source for these events is the following passage from II Maccabees IV, 7-15:
(7) After the death of Seleucus, when Antiochus, called Epiphanes, took the kingdom, Jason, the brother of Onias, obtained by corruption the High-Priesthood (8) and promised
to the King, by means of an official request, 360 silver talents and a further revenue of 420
talents. (9) Besides this, he promised to assign 150 talents if he was given licence to set up,
on his own authority, a gymnasium and an ephebia and (have licence) to fill in a register
of Antiochians in Jerusalem. (10) After he had received the grant of the King, and had
A Gymnasium in Jerusalem
21
assumed power in his hands, he began to bring over his countrymen to the practice of the
Greek way. (11) And abolishing those privileges which the King had granted on behalf of
the Jews by the means of John, the father of Eupolemus, who went as ambassador to Rome
to ask friendship and alliance, he eradicated the lawful institutions and encouraged illegal
customs. (12) For this, he built a gymnasium under the acropolis and persuaded the chief
young men to wear the petasus. (13) So, it was the peak of Hellenism and the approach towards foreign manners, because of the exceeding corruption of the impious and false High
Priest Jason. (14) In as much, the priests were not interested in the services of the altar,
but, disdaining the temple and neglecting the sacrifices, hastened to take part in the games
which were against the Law in the palaestra, after the discus throwing called them forth.
(15) So they, without honour towards the fathers, esteemed the Greek glories as the best.
Jews and Greeks
At the beginning of the 2nd century BC, king Antiochus III (223-187 BC) conquered
Palestine4. Following his victory over the Ptolemaic forces that had occupied Jerusalem
and the surrounding lands, Antiochus annexed the country to the Seleucid Kingdom
(200 BC)5. The arrival in the country of king Seleucid inaugurated a period of intense
interaction between Greek and Jews, as is reflected in the sources. The rule of Antiochus III was characterized by far-sightedness. The king granted a series of privileges and
benefits to the Jews of Jerusalem, who obtained religious freedom in exchange for a military alliance and political loyalty6. In fact, the king expressed his gratitude to the Jewish
people who had helped him in the struggle against Ptolemy V of Egypt. Antiochus III
promised aid to rebuild the city damaged by war, gave subsidies to restore the Temple
and for cultural expenses, granted tax exemptions, and declared that Jews were to be
ruled by their own ancestral laws7. These concessions kept the peace for some years,
during which the interaction between the Seleucid kingdom and the Jewish nation was
peaceful and collaborative. Greek poleis (cities) emerged in the Syro-Jewish area and
Hellenic culture strongly influenced the Jewish people8. Some elements of Jewish society accepted the gradual transformations produced by Hellenism, while others, more
closely associated with ancient Jewish traditions, began to oppose the new way of life9.
Such opposition found clear expression in IV Maccabees, one of the apocryphal books
from the late prophetic period, wherein one reads that Seleucus IV Philopator (187175 BC), admiring Jewish legislation, gave to the Jews a large sum of money for cultural
practices and allowed them to adopt their own traditional constitution. Nevertheless,
according to this text, the continual introduction of innovations worked against the
general (traditional) harmony and therefore caused many problems10. As a matter of
fact, Seleucus IV continued the policies of his predecessor, along the lines previously
developed by Antiochus. According to II Maccabees, Jerusalem experienced a long period of peace, harmony and good administration thanks to the subsidies of Seleucus IV
and to the piety of Onias III, the High Priest11.
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Roberto Mazzucchi
The political and institutional consequences of this interaction were varied and complex. Although the Jews of Jerusalem continued to preserve their traditions, they were
gradually influenced by Greek culture, literature, and politics. Besides the Torah – the
everlasting Law that regulated civil behaviour, religious practice and social hierarchy
of the so-called Chosen People – the Jews of Jerusalem were inspired by new ideas and
adopted, little by little, elements of Greek political thought and bureaucracy. Greek
cities and colonies, populated by Greek farmers, soldiers, intellectuals and merchants,
were built in the Jewish territories further removed from the strong influence of the
Temple of Jerusalem12. Therefore, the circulation of new ideas and cultural exchanges
opened to the Jews other perspectives of life and different points of reference. In a short
time these new ideas led to the creation of new institutions.
Conflict broke out between Onias III, the High Priest, and Simon, the Temple’s Overseer of finances, when the latter tried to extend his political power against the wishes
of the High Priest. He suggested to King Seleucus IV that the treasure of the Temple
of Jerusalem be available to the royal treasury. The Book of Maccabees tells us that in
response Seleucus sent his royal minister, Heliodorus, to confiscate the funds, but when
Heliodorus was in the Temple the Lord sent a terrible armoured knight on a powerful
horse to make him desist13. Obviously, the story is pure invention, but it suggests the
attractiveness of Jewish finances for the Seleucid monarch, who still had the burden of
paying a heavy indemnity owed to Rome14. The situation worsened when Onias III disappeared from the scene and Seleucus was assassinated in 175 BC15. At that point the
throne passed to his brother Antiochus, who had arrived in Syria after living for fifteen
years as a hostage in Rome16.
One suggestive institutional change occurred during the government of Antiochus IV
(175-163 BC) in relation to Joshua’s High-Priesthood. Josephus, our main source, referred to Joshua as the brother of the High Priest Onias III and the son of Simon II,
who were High Priests thanks to the belonging to the Oniad family17. Thanks to his
membership in the same clan Joshua succeeded Onias as High Priest. However, during
his office, he changed his name to Jason, following Greek usage18.
For a long time the Oniads sought and secured accords with the Hellenistic rulers who
lived in the Syro-Jewish area. After the reign of Alexander the Great, the Oniads tried
to steer a path between Ptolemaic and Seleucid influences in order to preserve their ancient traditions and their own personal authority19. One of the Hellenistic kings’ tactics
for establishing supremacy over a large number of lands and countries included forging
strong relationships with the subjugated peoples living in the Hellenistic Kingdoms.
In the same way, the Jewish authorities generally maintained a discreet stance towards
their foreign leaders and rulers. The persistent interaction between Greeks and Jews
that these arrangements gave rise to naturally influenced the political, social and economic life of Palestine. There were elements which accelerated this transformation, like,
for example, the presence of foreign merchants and intellectuals who promoted Greek
A Gymnasium in Jerusalem
23
culture with new products and new ideas. Jason’s assuming a new name represented a
further step toward identification with Hellenistic way of life.
Josephus alludes to continuous tensions between the two most important clans of Jerusalem, the Oniads and the Tobiads. The first split between the two families took place
under Ptolemy III Evergetes (247-221 BC), when Joseph, son of Tobias and Overseer
of the Jewish people, obtained the office at the expense of Onias II, the High Priest20.
It is impossible to analyse the full range of differences between the Overseer and High
Priest in the city of Jerusalem, given the scarcity of sources. It seems, however, that
both offices were linked to the Temple, the former as financial administrator and the
latter as religious and political ruler21. Tension between these two offices characterized
the subsequent political life of the city and was the principal cause of the social and
political conflict which persisted into the age of Jason and his successor Menelaus. We
can distinguish the general behaviour of the two families: while the Oniads defended
Jewish tradition, which they linked to the law of the fathers and ancestral norms, the
Tobiads represented the lay aristocracy that sought economical and cultural benefits
from the process of Hellenization22.
According to Josephus, Jason was the leader of the Oniads and Menelaus of the Tobiads.
Josephus also affirms that Antiochus IV deprived Jason of the High Priesthood, and
conferred the office on his own brother, Menelaus23. This was surprising given that Jason had always loyally cooperated with the king. The fact was, however, that Antiochus
was not interested in Jewish rivalries and had appointed Menelaus on the basis of the
latter’s promise to increase revenue24. This was a pressing issue for the king, as the royal
treasury had suffered thanks to the loss of Asia Minor and the payment of a war indemnity to Rome after the Battle of Magnesia (189 BC).
Some Biblical texts tell a different story regarding these two obscure personalities. Jason, according to II Maccabees, was guilty of neglecting ancestral traditions in favour
of the new opportunities brought by Hellenization25. He is said to have corrupted the
Seleucid King, Antiochus IV Epiphanes, in order to obtain the High Priesthood. Following this success he started to transform the habits of his countrymen. Evidently, the
true transformation took place after the construction of the gymnasium, around which
most Greek institutions centered. The Bible defines this entire event as the peak of Hellenization26. On the other hand, Menelaus was guilty of corruption. In fact, he obtained
the office of High Priest in the same way his rival did, by winning over king Antiochus
IV27. Biblical sources disagree with Josephus on another question, and claim that Menelaus was not a member of the Oniads, but of another clan28. Moreover, it seems that the
same person simultaneously held the offices of Overseer and High Priest.
In this context exactly who promoted Hellenization in Jewish countries, or in Jerusalem, is not the most relevant question. Evidently the available sources support a specific
family while denigrating the other. This desire to focus blame suggests that the authors
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Roberto Mazzucchi
of these texts, as well as the population at large, were confused by the chaotic situation
because of the lack of clear political reference points. Generally speaking, Josephus,
who wrote in the 1st century AD, narrated these conflicts with his own priestly family
background in mind. On the other hand, the author of II Maccabees focused his attention upon demonising Hellenization as a threat to customs and habits that meant the
loss of ancient traditions which he linked to specific codes of behaviour29. Taking them
together, one can see the different ways in which Hellenization was perceived by the
sources as well as by the people of Jerusalem.
Perceptions of Hellenization
Josephus, when recounting events prior to Antiochus IV’s persecution, introduced a
contrast between the Oniads and the Tobiads. In his view Jason, leader of the Oniads,
was supported by the majority of Jerusalem’s people. For this reason, Menelaus and his
allies demanded the help of Antiochus IV and made clear their intention to neglect the
ancient laws and Jewish habits in order to follow the king in adopting the Greek way
of life and breaking with traditional institutions30. Hence, the Tobiads and Menelaus
asked Antiochus for permission to build a gymnasium in Jerusalem and, having obtained it, hid their circumcision so as to look like Greeks when naked31.
At this point Josephus starts to paraphrase I Maccabees so much that the two texts report events in much the same way32. There were, however, some differences between
the two accounts. The author of I Maccabees not only omitted the whole question of
the conflicts over the High Priesthood and the names of the High Priests, but also
failed to mention the Tobiads, who were, according to the previous two sources, the
most important promoters of Hellenism33. Moreover, the text of I Maccabees does not
portray King Antiochus IV as the foe of Judaism in particular, but rather of all foreign
peoples34. Given that the author of I Maccabees regarded Hellenes and foreigners as the
same, it is evident that Hellenization was not, for him, the greatest institutional and
social danger35. Rather, it posed the same problem as the introduction of any foreign
habits, regardless of their origins.
The description of events in II Maccabees presents a more detailed account of reform.
To be precise, II Maccabees recounts the history of the Maccabean clan, while emphasizing the life and deeds of Judah Maccabeus and how he differed from Antiochus IV36.
Current research stresses that the purpose of the authors was to celebrate and restore
cultural practices then under threat37. The aim of the book was, therefore, to praise the
Temple and promote adherence to the ancient institutional tradition. The text tells of
the High Priesthood rivalries and the request to King Antiochus IV to build a gymnasium and an ephebia for the youth. The book also refers to the High Priest’s intention
to draw up a public list of Antiocheans, that is, Hellenized citizens, who lived in Jerusalem38. Following this the High Priest Jason began to encourage the diffusion among
A Gymnasium in Jerusalem
25
his countrymen of Greek habits and manners; Jason ignored the benefits that the Jews
had obtained in the past from Greek kings and now he approved behaviour and customs that broke the law. Moreover, II Maccabees describes in detail the decadence of the
priestly class, the lack of cultural services, carelessness towards sacrifices, contempt for
the Temple, and the staging of theatrical shows in the gymnasium39. All this represented
for the author of the book an offence against tradition, but the fait accompli included a
number of institutional changes. The panorama offered by II Maccabees ascribes every
fault of the Jewish leadership as originating with the mistakes of Jason and the priestly
class, who had succumbed to Hellenization. For a less biased picture of this process it is
necessary to analyse sources free from such prejudices.
Our sources agreed on the need to build a gymnasium. II Maccabees specified that the
construction was located near the acropolis of Jerusalem40. In general, a gymnasium
was an outdoors complex, open to the public at large, and provided space dedicated to
sports and cultural activities41. A standard gymnasium included a running track, a place
for gymnastics, one or more swimming pools, dressing-rooms and other minor buildings. The activities included foot races, wrestling and other competitions, and javelin
throwing. II Maccabees affirmed, also, that the gymnasium of Jerusalem also planned
to house a discus competition42. In ancient Greek the word gymnos (from which gymnasium is derived) means naked, and every participant competed naked. Thucydides,
who wrote in the 5th century BC, stated that in Asia this was not the rule, but he referred to an earlier period (8th century BC) and affirmed that barbarians could hardly
be expected to follow such Greek customs43. However, it is most likely that, following
Alexander the Great and his conquests, the situation could have changed.
Most of the young competitors belonged to an association known as the ephebia.
This organization included young males between 18 and 20 years (ephebes), who were
trained in the use of weapons and prepared for public life. The ephebes were young
citizens skilled in war who wore short hair, a little cloak and a petasus, a sort of large
hat in order to protect them from the sun44. The gymnasium thus served as a training
ground for them. But it also had another role: it was considered the defining institution
of Greek urban civilization, serving as the ideological and cultural centre of the city.
The gymnasium was the focus for social activities and provided education in writing,
literature, and rhetoric45. Therefore, the introduction of the gymnasium represented a
set of wholly new values for the Jews46.
Our sources do not mention the building of structures other than the gymnasium. However, it is not impossible that Hellenization led to the construction of other buildings
in Jerusalem which were based upon Greek architectural traditions. The gymnasium
provoked opposition in Jerusalem because it featured naked competitors. Although the
sources do not mention this directly, the various references to circumcision, especially
in II Maccabees, may be read as indirect proof. According to Jewish tradition nakedness was looked upon as offensive47. This attitude not only reflected moral beliefs. It
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Roberto Mazzucchi
also highlights the importance that the Jews attached to clothing and specific kinds of
dress. Within the Jewish cultural tradition clothing took on specific roles and functions,
including its ability to distinguish various categories of persons: the rich from the poor,
the religious from the laity, leaders from their supporters48. It seems the nakedness of the
gymnasium represented a sort of equality in a society that was structured in a strongly
hierarchical way. Moreover, Jewish males had serious problems with nakedness because
of their circumcision. The Greeks regarded circumcision as an insane and shameful mutilation of the human body49. For that reason, Jewish people suffered from their awareness of this physical difference, which sometimes led to mockery by others50.
Jewish tradition looks on circumcision as a physical mark of the covenant between Yahweh and the Hebrews. The origin of the practice was argued over in ancient times and
the Biblical texts contain many discrepancies51, but in general it was believed that it
was a hygienic measure that assured fertility and protection from evil spirits52. More
precisely, circumcision became established practice during the Babylonian Captivity
(586-537 BC), so much so that it was considered as proof of belonging to Yahweh53.
Because the Hebrews were forced to live in countries where nobody followed such a
practice, circumcision became the distinctive sign of the Jews with respect to other peoples54. Its use continued until the times of Alexander the Great. During the interaction
of Jews with Greek culture and customs in the Hellenistic Age, the common usage of
circumcision was progressively influenced by the Greek way of life, which began to corrode Jewish traditions that were now perceived as barbaric and primitive. On the other
hand, Greek culture offered a series of opportunities which were forbidden by Jewish
traditions and norms. These opportunities started to attract more enterprising people
who were interested in opening their horizons in spite of ancient tradition.
The Jews who willingly took part in Greek culture used various strategies to hide their
circumcision. The main method was a sort of operation (epispasmos) in which circumcision was disguised by an artificial foreskin55. This practice began following Jason’s request to Antiochus IV. It is also probable that during Antiochus IV’s time in Jerusalem
the epispasmos was embraced by more conservative people, who feared king Antiochus
IV’s hostility toward Jewish traditions56.
The author of II Maccabees commented on another specific question: the compilation
of a list of Antiocheans of Jerusalem. What did this mean?
The answer is rather complex. Scholars have interpreted the list as the presence in Jerusalem of a Greek political corporation (politeuma) made up of Hellenized Jews who
participated in the Greek institutional system57. These received the name of Antiocheans, probably because the city of Antioch was, in fact, the most important political centre of the Seleucid Kingdom, similar to a modern capital. They were, therefore,
individuals keen on promoting the process of Hellenization58.
A Gymnasium in Jerusalem
27
To be precise, the Greek text refers to anagraphai of Antiocheans. According to LiddleScott’s dictionary, the ancient Greek word anagraphai can be translated as documents,
records, register or public list59. References to anagraphai or records are sometimes
present in our sources: in relation to Nehemiah, for example, II Maccabees mentions the
presence of records (anagraphai) and memoirs60. Josephus similarly commented that the
ancestors of the Jews took care to preserve their documents (anagraphai), which were
collected by their priests and prophets61. What is more, these documents often contained lists of sacerdotal lineages and through them it was possible to determine legitimate access to the office of High Priest62. It seems, therefore, that the anagraphai were
official written documents, kept by this official in the Temple’s archives63. Their usefulness related directly to their recording historical events and memories, thus preserving
historical knowledge and an awareness of the past. In this context, it is evident that the
word anagraphai has a meaning close to the modern concept of public register, that is,
where a person’s belonging to a certain community was registered and identified.
Despite regional differences, the civil servants of each Greek city (polis) organized their
population in a well-structured system, in which each male was registered in a city-list
with his wife, his children and his place of birth64. The anagraphai, quoted in II Maccabees, therefore constituted a register of participation in the Greek way of life as it was
composed of those who refused the Jewish conservative tradition and took part instead in the activities of the gymnasium and other institutions of Greek origin. It is also
probable that these registers were compiled outside the Temple of Jerusalem, which
conferred added importance on the institution of public registers65. Such an institution
suggests, for the period under study, a greater political ouverture along with fairly broad
civic participation.
Conclusion
Our sources treat Hellenization in different ways. Each ancient author aimed to show
some distinctive aspect of the interaction between Greeks and Jews in order to support
a precise point of view. Josephus, in books XII and XIII of Jewish Antiquities, preferred
to dwell on the conflicts over the High Priesthood. He tried to be impartial and show
the benefits of Hellenization, as well as the determination of the Jews to preserve their
own traditions. I and II Maccabees also dealt with Hellenization. The author of I Maccabees focused his attention on the story of Jerusalem’s most important clan, before and
after the rule of Antiochus IV. The author of II Maccabees, however, showed little interest in religion and the institutions of the Temple of Jerusalem, and focused instead of
portraying Judah Maccabeus as a pious Jewish hero taking on the Greek conquerers66.
Hellenization was not only introduced by force. Although the Greeks brought their
way of life into Palestine and Jerusalem, their presence was not absolutely coercive. It
is clear that Greek culture, economy, and political institutions were perceived by most
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Roberto Mazzucchi
Jewish people as dynamic forces, full of opportunities. During the period of Jason and
Menelaus, the Jewish religious authorities promoted Greek institutions and in so doing
represented popular desires and wishes. Obviously, new institutions such as the gymnasium, the ephebia and the creation of a list of Antiocheans in Jerusalem led to political
and social transformations. Among these were the new opportunities Hellenization
afforded Jews to participate in Greek social and political activities.
Some time ago Martin Hengel affirmed that these new institutions were the starting
point for the transformation of Jerusalem into a Greek polis, dominated by a narrow
elite made up of Greeks which looked on most of the rest of the populace as subordinates67. This needs to be slightly amended. In general terms, Greek culture and mentality assumed the political participation of its citizens. It is likely that the majority
of the Jewish population of Jerusalem did not perceive the situation as a new form of
subordination, given that the Jewish state-Temple had limited their political influence
in the past68.
Some traditionalists believed that these progressive transformations threatened the
benefits derived from ancient religious tradition. They saw such benefits as linked to
a narrow and precise hierarchy, defined by the concept of bloodline and by the absolute possession of knowledge and culture. Those who sought reform aimed to limit
the power of the dominant priestly clans in order to disseminate wealth, culture, and
freedom. It is evident that, in this context, others tried to take advantage of the confusion, supporting sometimes the traditionalists and, at other times, the innovators. Such
a situation gave rise to tensions which doubtless contributed to disorders such as the
Maccabean Revolt.
Notes
The term was coined by Johann Gustav Droysen, who was the first modern scholar systematically to
treat the period after Alexander the Great. See his Geschichte des Hellenismus, vol. I, Geschichte der
Nachfolder Alexanders, Hamburg 1836, and vol. II, Geschichte der Bildung des hellenistischen Staatensystemes, Hamburg 1843, as well as his Geschichte des Hellenismus, Gotha 1877. The writings of Droysen
are also available in a French translation under the direction of A. Bouché-Leclercq, now reprinted as
Histoire de l’Hellénisme, 2 vols., Grenoble 2005. For general works on Hellenism, see M. Rostovzev, A
Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, 3 vols., Oxford 1941; F.W. Walbank, The Hellenistic World, Glasgow 1981; D. Ogden (ed.), The Hellenistic World. New Perspective, London 2002; A.
Erskine (ed.), A Companion to the Hellenistic World, Malden 2003; E. Will, Histoire politique du monde
hellénistique, Nancy 1982; H.J. Gehrke, Geschichte des Hellenismus, Munich 1991. For a general vision
of Hellenistic kingship see B. Virgilio, Lancia, Diadema e Porpora: Il Re e la Regalità Ellenistica, in
“Studi Ellenistici”, XIV, Pisa 2003.
1
Arnaldo Momigliano approached Judaism as a monolithic phenomenon which was the result of Jewish
resistance to Hellenism. See his Alien Wisdom, Cambridge 1975, pp. 97-122. For a different point of
view see E. Gruen, Heritage and Hellenism. The Reinvention of Jewish Tradition, Berkeley - Los Angeles
1996, pp. 10-11.
2
A Gymnasium in Jerusalem
29
For interaction between Jews and Greeks during the Hellenistic period see E. Gruen, Jews and Greeks,
in A. Erskine (ed.), Companion cit., pp. 264-279; M. Hengel, Giudaismo ed ellenismo: studi sul loro
incontro, con particolare riguardo per la Palestina fino alla metà del 2. secolo a.C., Brescia 2001, 2 vols.; E.
Bickermann, Gli Ebrei in età greca, Bologna 1991; E. Will, C. Orrieaux, Ioudaïsmos-Hellènismos. Essai
sur le judaïsme judéen à l’époque hellénistique, Nancy 1986; V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and
the Jews, Philadelphia 1959. For the cultural impact of Hellenism on Jewish society see L. Troiani, Il
modello ellenistico, in “Studi Ellenistici”, XV, Pisa 2003, pp. 215-228.
3
For the sake of completeness, I give a partial chronological sequence of the Seleucid kings (dates are
BC): Seleucus I Nicator (305-281); Antiochus I Soter (281-261); Antiochus II Theos (261-246); Seleucus II Callinicus (246-225); Seleucus III Soter (225-223); Antiochus III the Great (223-187); Seleucus IV Philopator (187-175); Antiochus IV (175-164); Antiochus V Eupator (164-162).
4
See Will, Histoire politique cit., II, pp. 101-102, 118-121.
5
See Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, XII, pp. 138-144, 145-146. See also E. Bickerman, La charte séleucide
de Jérusalem, in Studies in Jewish and Christian History, Leiden 1980, vol. II, pp. 44-85; E. Bickerman, Une proclamation séleucide relative au temple de Jérusalem, in Studies cit., pp. 86-104; T. Rayak,
Documents and Rhetoric in Josephus: Revisiting the ‘Charter’ for the Jews, in Studies in Josephus and the
Varieties of Ancient Judaism, Leiden 2007, pp. 141-167; E. Bickerman, Une question d’authenticité: les
privilèges juifs, in Studies cit., pp. 24-43.
6
Bickerman, Une question d’authenticité cit.
7
Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization cit., pp. 90-116; Hengel, Giudaismo cit., pp. 58-106.
8
On the political parties and internal conflict in Jerusalem see Hengel, Giudaismo cit., pp. 128-130, 550553, 560-562.
9
IV Maccabees, III, 20-21; also II Maccabees, III, 3.
10
II Maccabees, III, 1-3.
11
Momigliano offered a different interpretation, arguing that the Hellenization of Palestine was a cursory
and superficial phenomenon. See his Alien Wisdom cit., pp. 113-120. Modern scholarship has offered
other views based on new interpretations of the sources. See, for instance, Gruen, who believes that
Jews tried to recreate their past and redefine themselves in the light of a new and more dynamic way of
life. See Gruen, Heritage cit., pp. XIII-XX , as well as Troiani, Il modello cit., pp. 215-228.
12
II Maccabees, III, 4-30.
13
E. Gruen, Hellenism and Persecution: Antiochus IV and the Jews, in P. Green (ed.), Hellenistic History
and Culture, Berkeley - Los Angeles 1997, pp. 238-263, esp. p. 242. On the story of Heliodorus see E.
Bickermann, Heliodore au temple de Jerusalem, in Studies cit., pp. 159-191.
14
Scholars are divided on this issue. See, for example, M. Delcor, Le Temple d’Onias en Égypte, in Études
Bibliques et Oriéntales de Religions Comparées, Leiden 1979, pp. 329-343; E. Gruen, The Origins and
Objectives of Onias’ Temple, in “Scripta Classica Israelitica”, 1997, 16, pp. 47-70; A. Momigliano, Prime
linee di storia della tradizione maccabaica, Amsterdam 1968, pp. 38-39; F. Parente, Onia III’ Death
and the Founding of the Temple in Leontopolis, in F. Parente, J. Sievers (eds.), Josephus and the History of
Greco-Roman Period. Essay in Memory of Morton Smith, Leiden 1994, pp. 69-98.
15
After the battle of Magnesia (189 BC) against the Romans, Antiochus III was forced to accept harsh
economic and military exactions. See Will, Histoire politique cit., pp. 213-216; Polybius, History, XXI,
16-17; Appianus, Syriaca, 38-39 (193-200); Diodorus, Historical Library, XXIX, 10. On the assassination of Seleucus IV (176-175 BC), probably at the hands of the supporters of Antiochus IV, see Will,
Histoire politique cit., pp. 261, 304-306.
16
Jewish Antiquities, XII, 237-239. Simon was reported to have fathered three sons, who were named
Onias, Joshua and another Onias. Joshua changed his name to Jason and the second Onias to Menelaus.
17
Conflict and Institutional Development
30
Roberto Mazzucchi
It is unlikely that Simon gave the same name (Onias) to two of his sons and other sources contradict
this information by suggesting that Onias/Menelaus hailed from a different family. In fact, according
to II Maccabees IV, 23, Menelaus was the brother of Simon of the tribe of Benjamin (Greek Version)
or Bilga (Latin version). See also II Maccabees III, 4. Following Abel, I prefer to link Menelaus and the
tribe of Bilga, given the former’s humble origins. See P.F.-M. Abel, Les livres des Maccabées, Paris 1949,
p. 48; see also M. Hengel, Giudaismo cit., p. 568.
Jewish Antiquities, XII, 239. On the naming patterns of Maccabees and Hasmoneans see T. Ilan, The
Greek Names of the Hasmoneans, in “Jewish Quarterly Review”, July - October 1987, 78 (1-2), pp. 1-20.
18
On the relationship between the Jewish High Priest and the Egyptian administration see Hengel,
Giudaismo cit., pp. 65-78. Seleucid rulers originally won the support of the Jewish leadership thanks
to a policy of non-interference towards Jewish authority, although this arrangement did not last. See
Gruen, Heritage and Hellenism cit., pp. 10-11. On the subordination of the Jewish High Priest to the
Seleucid rulers see II Maccabees III, 1-3; IV, 4-10; 23-25.
19
Josephus recounts the whole Saga of the Tobiads in Jewish Antiquities XII, 154-236. An interesting interpretation of the story can be found in A. Momigliano, I Tobiadi nella preistoria del moto maccabaico,
in his Quinto Contributo alla Storia degli Studi Classici e del Mondo Antico, Rome 1975, pp. 597-628.
See also Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization cit., pp. 126-134.
20
General opinions concerning the relationship between the High Priest and prostates can be found in
Momigliano, I Tobiadi cit., pp. 612-613; Hengel, Giudaismo cit., pp. 69-70. I believe this issue merits
further analysis.
21
Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization cit., pp. 71, 131-134.
22
Jewish Antiquities, XII, 237-240.
23
Gruen, Hellenism and Persecution cit., p. 243; on the behaviour of Jason see also II Maccabees, IV, 18-23.
24
II Maccabees, IV, 1-11.
25
II Maccabees, IV, 13.
26
II Maccabees, IV, 24-27.
27
See note 13.
28
On the difference between the sources see L. Troiani, Note storiografiche sopra I e II Maccabei, in “Studi
Ellenistici”, XX, 2008, pp. 347-370, and his La riforma del culto del Tempio di Gerusalemme, in “Materia Giudaica”, 1998, 3, pp. 3-7. For a general view of the sources Josephus used in his Jewish Antiquities
see E. Bickermann, The God of the Maccabees: studies on the meaning and origin of the Maccabean revolt,
Leiden 1979, pp. 107-111. For a synoptic analysis of the Greek text of I Maccabees, II Maccabees and of
the Jewish Antiquities of Josephus see J. Sievers, Synopsis of the Greek Sources for the Hasmonean Period:
1-2 Maccabees and Josephus, War 1 and Antiquities 12-14, Rome 2001.
29
Jewish Antiquities, XII, 239-240.
30
Jewish Antiquities, XII, 241. On circumcision in the Hellenistic Age see A. Sisti, Il valore della circoncisione al tempo dei Maccabei, in “Liber Annus”, 1992, 42, pp. 33-48. For a wider view of circumcision
in the classical world, see F.M. Hodges, The Ideal Prepuce in Ancient Greece and Rome: Male Genital
Aesthetics and Their Relation to Lipodermos, Circumcision, Foreskin Restoration, and the Kynodesme, in
“Bulletin of the History of Medicine”, 2001, 75 (3), pp. 375-405.
31
Jewish Antiquities XII, 240-334, which describes the period from the first expedition of Antiochus IV
to Egypt (c. 170/169 BC) until the death of Judah Maccabeus, agrees with I Maccabees, I-IX, 22. On
the other hand, Jewish Antiquities XIII, 1-213, that deals with the events of 159 BC until the death of
Jonathan Maccabeus, corresponds to I Maccabees, IX, 23 to XIII, 42. For commentary see H. Thackeray, Josephus, the Man and the Historian, New York 1967, pp. 61-64; R.B. Motzo, Ricerche sulla let-
32
A Gymnasium in Jerusalem
31
teratura e la storia giudaico-ellenistica, Rome 1975, pp. 645-682; Momigliano, Prime linee cit., pp. 9-66;
Bickermann, The God cit., pp. 107-111.
I Maccabees, I, 10-15.
33
I Maccabees, I, 11, 15. See also Troiani, Note storiografiche cit., pp. 347-359.
34
For a general view of I Maccabees, see Abel, Les livres cit., pp. XXI-XXXII.
35
The author of II Maccabees affirms that the book is a synthesis of a broader history written in Greek by
Jason of Cyrene; see II Maccabees, II, 23-25. In this sense Bickerman defined the book as “a synthesis
of an orthodox theology with the most powerful rhetoric”; see also Heinemann I., Real-Encyclopädie
der klassischen Altertums-wissenschaft, Stuttgart 1928, vol. XIV, cols. 779-797, s.v. Makkabäerbücher.
For an overview of the interaction between Judaism and Hellenism within this book see also M. Himmelfarb, Judaism and Hellenism in II Maccabees, in “Poetics Today”, Spring 1998, 19, pp. 19-40.
36
It is impossible here to deal with the specific political, social and religious tendencies of the author
because the book was written a long time after the events it narrates. In general, I recommend the introduction to the commentary of P.F.-M. Abel, Les livres cit., pp. XXXIII-XLVIII, along with the commentary of J. Goldstein, II Maccabees, New York 1983. For a detailed exposition see also Momigliano,
Prime linee cit., pp. 67-128.
37
II Maccabees, IV, 7-9.
38
II Maccabees, IV, 14-15.
39
II Maccabees, IV, 12. According to the text, the promoter of the building was the High Priest Jason.
40
For the gymnasium see J. Oehler, Real-Encyclopädie. Neue Bearbeitung, Stuttgart 1912, vol. VII, 2, cols.
2004-2026, s.v. gymnasium; see also Rostovzev, A Social and Economic History cit., vol. II, pp. 10581061; J. K. Davies, Cultural, Social and Economic Features of the Hellenistic World, in F.W. Walbank, A.
E. Astin, M.W. Frederiksen, R.M. Ogilvie (eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge 1984, vol.
VII, 1, pp. 304-320.
41
II Maccabees, IV, 14.
42
Thucydides I, 6, 5-6. See also S. Hornblower, A Commentary on Thucydides, Oxford 1991, vol. I, pp.
27-28.
43
See also the mention of petasus in II Maccabees, IV, 12.
44
In this sense see, for example, L. Grabbe, The Hellenistic City of Jerusalem, in J. Bartlett (ed.), Jews in the
Hellenistic and Roman Cities, London - New York 2002, pp. 6-21, esp. pp. 9-10.
45
See for instance Himmelfarb, Judaism and Hellenist cit., pp. 24-29.
46
See for example M. Poliakoff, They Should Cover Their Shame. Attitude Towards Nudity in Greco-Roman
Judaism, in “Source”, 1993, 12, pp. 56-62. For a general view of Jewish attitudes toward nakedness in a
later period, with references to Talmudic and Rabbinical sources, see M.L. Satlow, Jewish Constructions
of Nakedness in Late Antiquity, in “Journal of Biblical Literature”, Autumn 1997, 116 (3), pp. 429-454.
On the abhorrence of nakedness in the Semitic ancient world, see S. Brock, Clothing Metaphors as a
Means of Theological Expression in Syriac Tradition, in M. Schmidt, C. Geyer (eds.), Typus, Symbol, Allegorie bei den östlichen Vätern und ihrer Parallelin in Mittelalter, Regensburg 1982, pp. 11-37, esp. p. 22.
47
Satlow, Jewish Constructions cit., pp. 430-431; M.E. Roach, J.B. Eicher, The Language of Personal Adornment, in J.M. Cordwell, R.A. Schwarz (eds.), The Fabrics of Culture: The Anthropology of Clothing and
Adornment, New York 1979, pp. 7-21, esp. p. 10.
48
Hodges, The Ideal Prepuce cit., pp. 379-380, 384-388; also Herodotus, Histories, II, 36, 3; 104, 2-4;
Strabo, Geography, XVI, 2, 37; 4, 5, 10; Diodorus, Historical Library, I, 28; III, 32; Philo, Special Laws,
I, 1, 2; 2, 9-12.
49
See, for instance, Philo, Special Laws, I, 1, 2.
50
Conflict and Institutional Development
32
Roberto Mazzucchi
For example, Genesis affirms that the practice lasted until Abraham, while Exodus refers to it during the
time of Moses and Joshua and the entry of the Israelites into Canaan. See Genesis, XVII, 9-14; Exodus,
IV, 24-26; Joshua, V, 2-9.
51
Sisti, Il valore cit., pp. 34-35.
52
R. De Vaux, Le istituzioni dell’Antico Testamento, Turin 1964, p. 58.
53
De Vaux, Le istituzioni cit., p. 58.
54
I Maccabees, I, 15.
55
On the attitude of Antiochus IV to circumcision, see Sisti, Il valore cit., pp. 38-41. A different point
of view is in Grabbe, The Hellenistic cit., pp. 12-13, 20-21; the author disagrees about nakedness in the
gymnasium and draws attention to the difficulties of undergoing an “umcircumcision” at a time when
anaesthetics were unavailable.
56
See, for instance, Bickermann, The God cit., pp. 59-65.
57
Gruen, Hellenism and Persecution cit., pp. 242-243.
58
See H. Liddle-G. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford 1940, pp. 101-102.
59
II Maccabees, II, 13.
60
Josephus, Against Apion, I, 29.
61
See Josephus, Against Apion, I, 31-35 (lists or archives); Life, 3-6 (public registers).
62
Goldstein, II Maccabees cit., pp. 186-187.
63
L. Boffo, Per una storia dell’archiviazione pubblica nel mondo greco, in “Dike”, 2003, 6, pp. 5-85.
64
Josephus affirms that in later times (66 AD) there were public archives in Jerusalem which contained
loan contracts, but it is also possible that there existed other kinds of public and administrative documents. Such archives were destroyed during the siege by Titus in 70 AD. See Josephus, Bellum Judaicum, II, 427-228; VI, 354.
65
See, for instance, II Maccabees, XIII, 14: “… and ( Judah) having exhorted his people to fight manfully
and to stand up even to death for the laws, the Temple, the city, their country and institutions ...”.
66
Hengel, Giudaismo cit., pp. 166-167; Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization cit., pp. 163-165.
67
Hengel, Giudaismo cit.
68
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