Confucianism and the Korean Family
Author(s): INSOOK HAN PARK and LEE-JAY CHO
Source: Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 26, No. 1, FAMILIES IN ASIA : BELIEFS
AND REALITIES (SPRING 1995), pp. 117-134
Published by: Dr. George Kurian
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Confucianism
and the Korean
Family*
INSOOK HAN PARK**
and
LEE-JAYCHO***
INTRODUCTION
Religiousandideologicalbeliefsarethepartoftheadaptiveculturethatevolvesover
time.The ethicsand valuesespousedby one religionduringa particular
periodand in a
specificculturemaydifferfromthoseof anotherimposinga uniquesetof principlesand
andrulesregulatethebehaviorofindividuals,
rulesuponhumanactivities.
Thoseprinciples
thefamily,
andthecommunity.
EastAsia,namelyChina,Korea,andJapan,withmorethan
oftheworld's population,
overa longhistorical
a cultural
one-quarter
periodhasconstituted
The termConfucianism
is
spherecharacterized
bytheuse of Chineseand Confucianism.
usedheretorefertothepopularvaluesystemofChina,Korea,andJapan,whichis derived
fromthesynthesis
ofthetraditional
cultural
valuesespousedbyConfuciusandhisfollowers
andsubsequently
influenced
byelementsofTaoism,Legalism,Mohism,Buddismand,in
thecase ofKoreaandJapan,Shamanism.
BuddhismhashadmajorimpactsinEast
Although
andcertainaspectsofShamanism,
Asia alongwithTaoisttraditions
Confucianism
hasbeen
in shapingthe behaviorpatternand structure
most influential
of the familyand the
The centralpillarofConfucianism
is thefamily.Indeed,familycohesionand
community.
are takenas thefoundation
forsustaining
thehumancommunity
and thestate.
continuity
One demographically
uniquefeatureof theEast Asianpopulationthatis consistent
withtheConfucianvalueis thepattern
ofuniversal
andchildbearing,
as evidenced
marriage
by censusdata forChina,Korea,Japan,and theethnicChinesepopulationsof Southeast
Asia and elsewhere.In thecountriesof East Asia (Çoale, Cho and Goldman1980 Cho,
inthefunctions,
ArnoldandKwon1982),'therearecommoncharacteristics
andsimilarities
and patternsof the familyand community,
and these characteristics
and
.structures,
ingovernment,
similarities
arereflected
andcommunity
institutions
(Cho Hyung
corporate,
1983).
* Many
havehelped
usinthepreparation
ofthis
article.
mention
must
bemade
ofKimSeWuel,
people
Special
intheendeavour
from
andwhogathered
whowasinvolved
thebeginning
material
wewere
ableto
together
inthework,
as wellas assisting
innumerous
utilize
other
debttoMr.
Wealsooweanenormous
ways.
whose
andTokyo
havebeenvery
Kawarazaki
rolebetween
Sandra
Seoul,
Honolulu,
mediating
important.
Ward
dida marvelous
for
andcontributing
thearticle
alterations,
jobofcopy-editing
making
many
suggestions
inimportant
form.
toitsfinal
ways
** Associate
Professor
ofSociology,
ofPolitical
Konkuk
93-1Mojin-Dong,
Science,
Department
University,
ofKorea.
Seoul,
Sungdong-Ku,
Republic
*** VicePresident
forProgram
1777East-West
EastWest
Hawaii
Center,
Road,
Honolulu,
96848,
Development,
U.S.A.
Vol.XXVI,No.1 (Spring
1995)
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118
JournalofComparative
FamilyStudies
BYRELIGIOUS
1991
POPULATION
PREFERENCE
(%):KOREA,
Table1
Area
Sex
All
Korea
Urban
areas
Rural
areas
Males
Noreligion
46.0
43.5
53.3
53.2
39.5
Allreligions
with
religions
Buddhism
Christianity
Catholicism
Confucianism
WonBuddhism
Other
54.0
56.6
46.7
46.8
60.5
28.7
18.6
5.7
1.0
0.3
0.8
27.2
20.6
6.8
0.7
0.3
0.7
28.6
12.6
2.8
1.6
0.4
0.8
24.0
15.8
4.8
1.3
0.3
0.6
30.9
21.1
6.6
0.7
0.4
0.8
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
belief
Religious
Total
Females
: NSO(1991:300)
Source
ModernKorea has a diversityof religiousbeliefs,and variousreligionscoexist
withoutsignificant
conflicts(Choi Chang-Mou1989:71;Yoon Seung-Yong1990:30931). Accordingto the1991NationalSurveyon KoreanReligion,thetwolargestreligious
andCatholicChristians
(24 percent);
groupsare Buddhists(29 percent)andnon-Catholic
ofthepopulation.
Theremaining
Confucianism
as a religionis practiced
onlybyonepercent
46 percentof thosesurveyedreportedhavingno religiousaffiliation
(NSO 1991:300)'.
(See Table 1.)
thevaluesof
Koreahasa long-standing
Forthepasttwocenturies,
religiousheritage.
have
if
formal
not
Confucianism
as
a
Confucianism,
religiousinstitution, pervadedthe
consciousnessof Koreans(Yoo Seung-Kuk1973:77). These values can be observedin
Koreanhierarchical
social relations,suchas thosebetweenrulerand subject,parentand
and
and
wife.
husband
child,
the
unitofsociety,incorporating
Confucianism
positsthefamilyas thefundamental
of
as well as the social functions
of productionand consumption
economicfunctions
educationandsocialization,
(Lee Kwang-Kyu1989).
guidedbymoralandethicalprinciples
ancestor
deifiedancestors,
hastraditionally
Initsteachings,
Confucianism
institutionalizing
anddelegatedthedutiesofritualmasterto theheadofthemalelineage- thatis,
worship,
andhusband.InthisrespectConfucianism
tothefather
maybe viewedas a familialreligion,
and it seemsthatno othercultureshaveplaced suchemphasison thefamilyas have the
culturesofEast Asia (Lee Kwang-Kyu1989).
Confucianist
weregivennew
In Korea,thevaluesandtraditional
familysystemofConfucianism
the
the
late
Chosun
(1650 1910),although originsof thatbelief
dynasty
impetusduring
1 Korean
EPB
Economic
Bureau
ofStatistics
asNBS(National
wasdesignated
Bureau
ofStatistics
Board),
Planning
to
NSO
name
of
the
institute
In
1991
the
1991
.
December
November
Board)
changed
(Economic
Planning through
asKIPHthrough
andHealth
wasdesignated
ofPopulation
Institute
Korean
Statistical
Office).
(National
Similarly,
and
forHealth
Institute
toKHISA(Korean
oftheinstitute
1989thename
InDecember
1989.
November
changed
SocialAffairs)
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and theKoreanFamily
Confucianism
119
andsocialconditions
oftwomillenniabefore.The ideal
systemdatebackto thehistorical
ofmalesuperiority
withinthepatrilineal
inthelateChosun
becamemoreprominent
family
thanithadbeenduringtheearlyChosundynasty
(1392- 1650).The ruleof"three
dynasty
- ofdaughters
obediences"
to theirfathers,
ofwivestotheirhusbandsandmothers
totheir
sonsinlateryears- was observed,
andthestemfamily
an idealtype.
begantobe considered
Theselaterdevelopments
untiljustpriorto industrialization.
continued
in
was introduced
Buddhism,a moreinstitutionalized
religionthanConfucianism,
Korea duringthe Early Kingdoms(A.D. 372) and adoptedas a state religionfora
millennium(Lee Ki-Young 1973:37; Han Sang-Bum1981:10). Withits emphasison
- includingthe family
- Buddhismdelivereda
rejectingworldlyvalues and concerns
to
that
of
Confucianism.
But
Buddhism's
influence
was limitedto the
messagecontrary
of
individual
and
and
it
to the
sphere
self-enlightenment discipline,
appealedprincipally
rulingclass because the majorityof people,who lived at a subsistencelevel, had few
materialpossessionstorenounce.
The self-abnegation
andantifamilial
monasticism
taught
influencedby that
by Buddhismthusaffectedrelativelyfewin mostsocietiesstrongly
(918-1392)Buddhistpracticesin Korea
religion.Moreover,duringthelateKoryodynasty
becamecorrupt,
constructing
extravagant
templesand observingrituals,thuslosingtheir
philosophicalappeal (Lee Ki-Young1973; Hong 1980).
WhentheChosundynasty
succeededtheKoryoin 1392,itadoptedConfucianism
as
thefamilialand statephilosophy,
Buddhism.Confucianprinciplesand rules
suppressing
wereextendedtoall KoreansubjectsduringthelateChosundynasty
(1650- 1910).Today
Confucianism
is nota formalreligiousinstitution
inKoreabutrather
a code oflatentethics
andvaluesthathasprofoundly
influenced
thesocietyfornearlytwomillennia.
Thatis why,
whenrespondents
takingpartin theNationalSurveyon KoreanReligionwereasked to
theirreligion,fewofthemthought
to mentionConfucianism.
identify
In contrast
toConfucianism
andBuddhism,
Protestantism,
Christianity,
specifically
was introduced
to Korea recentlyand fromthe West- arrivingwiththeexpansionof
Europeanpowerand influenceto Asia in thelate nineteenth
century(Yoon Sung-Bum
1969). DuringJapan'scolonial rule of Korea (1910- 45) and duringthe KoreanWar
Table2
INRELIGION
CHANGES
1962-92
(%):KOREA,
Belief
Religious
1962
1964
1985
1991
Noreligion
Allreligions
90.3
9.7
87.2
12.8
57.4
42.6
46.0
2.6
2.8
2.2
3.4
2.9
2.7
20.1
16.1
4.6
27.9
18.6
5.7
0.2
1.8
2.2
1.4
0.1
0.5
0.2
0.6
Buddhism
Christianity
Catholicism
WonBuddhism
Cheondogyo
Other
(millions)
Population
26,513
28,000
40,419
Source
: NSO(1991:300);
YooDong-Shik
ofEducation
1)
(1970:185);
(1963:10-1
Ministry
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54.0
43,268
120
JournalofComparative
FamilyStudies
(1950- 53), Korea's traditional
culture,includingits religiousheritage,was seriously
undermined.
the
since
Moreover,
1960s, withina single generation,Korea has been
transformed
froman agrarianto an industrialized
urbansociety.The adoptionnotonlyof
Westernscienceand technology,
butalso Westernculture,has playeda decisiverole in
bringaboutthistransformation.
Sweptintothecountryon the tidesof westernization,
and
economic
hastakenrootandexpandedits
Protestantism
industrialization,
development,
reach.
Whereasreligiousbeliefhasdeclinedinsomeotherindustrialized
societies,inKorea
thenumberofProtestant
churchesandBuddhisttempleshas grown,as has theproportion
of people professing
witheveryreligioussect in recentyears(Table 2). The
affiliation
increaseinreligiousbeliefhasbeenobservedthroughout
thesociety,regardless
ofage,sex,
andclass,sincethe1970s(Yoon Seung-Yong1990:312- 315). Although
institutionalized
in the formof Buddhismand Protestantism,
has been restored,
religion,particularly
Korea.
Confucianvaluesand Shamanismcontinueto existin contemporary
Permissiveand dynamicas thisdiversity
of value systemsseemson thesurface,it
thesexes,and social classes,
chaos
and
intrinsic
conflict
between
generations,
signifies
evenwithinindividuals.
it
has
Korean
Indeed,
societyas a wholefromreaching
prevented
thatis,familism
a consensusbeyondthebasicsocialframe
ofreference,
(Yoon Seung-Yong
1990:310;KeumJang-Tae1989:190).
In thefollowingsectionwe describesome of thechanges,perhapsnotuniqueto
in thatsociety,focusingon
Korea,thathaveaccompaniedtheprocessof industrialization
in
In
the
Korean
of
the
Korean
family today,thediscussionwill
changes
family. portraying
itnotonlywiththefamilyof therecentpastbutalso withthetraditional
contrast
family.
DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF THE KOREAN FAMILY
as a "Morning
Korea was a hermitkingdomcharacterized
For severalcenturies,
Calm" in theOrient.Duringthiscentury,
however,Korea has experienceda turbulent
a majorcivil
of thecountry,
of foreignoccupation,an international
war,partition
history
war,ánd recentlydramaticeconomicdevelopmentand social change.The societyand
WarII in 1945
fromtheendofWorld
greatdifficulties
economyofSouthKoreaexperienced
afterits near
untilabout 1960. Its economydependedheavilyon U.S. aid, particularly
in theKoreanWar(1950- 53). Butsincethe1960stheeconomyof theSouth
destruction
hasrecordedanunprecedented
expansion:GNP grewatanaverageannualrateofmorethan
duringthefiveFive-YearEconomicPlanningperiodsfrom1962 to 1986 (EPB
eightpercent
oflivinghasimproved
1987).Thestandard
percapitalincomerosefromU.S.
significantly:
to rapid
$87 in 1962 to U.S. $6,940 in 1992.The economicexpansionhas beenattributed
thatdependon low-wagelabor.
industries
characterized
industrialization,
byexport-led
Few countrieshaveexperiencedsuchrapideconomicand social changesas Korea.
acceleratedtheregionalrelocationofthe
ofthe1960s,in particular,
The industrialization
A babyboomfollowedtheendoftheKoreanWar,andby 1960thepopulation
population.
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and theKoreanFamily
121
Confucianism
ANDECONOMIC
MAJOR
DEMOGRAPHIC
STATISTICS:
KOREA1960-2020.
Table3
Statistic
1960
Totalpopulation
(millions)
Urban
population
Percapital
income
(US$)
TRF(perwoman)
Natural
Increase
Rate(%)
Lifeexpectancy
(years)
1970
1962
25,012
28,0
£.0
2.97
55.3
87
1980
1990
31,435 37,407 43,500
41.1
57.3
74.0
3,942
4.2
2.8
1.7
1.57
0.97
0.75
63.2
65.8
70.8
Meanageofpopulation
24.0
26.1
2000
80.6
1.7
0.0
72.7
2020
50,193
75.9
29.7
Source
: NBS(1990):NSO(1991:64).
ofSouthKoreawas25 million(Table3). By 1990ithadgrownby75 percent
to43.5 million.
the
it
is
in
to
reach
50
thus
million,
By
year2020,
projected
doubling only60 years.
hasacceleratedas wellas anincreasing
number
ofmenandwomenhave
Urbanization
to
cities.
The
urban
has
from
28
migrated
population grown
percentofthetotalin 1960to
the
it
is
to
reach
74percentin1990;by year2000,
projected
nearly8 1 percent(NSO 1991).
If one reckonsfromthebeginning
of Korea's industrialization
in the1960s,thesefigures
indicatethatKorea has been transformed
an
from agricultural
to an industrial
economy
withina singlegeneration.
has beenso swiftthatthegeneration
Indeed,thetransformation
can be said to havedividedtwodifferent
Koreas.
FAMTLYSTRUCTURE
Table4
TYPE(%):KOREA,
HOUSEHOLD
1955-90
Household
1955
1966
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
AllKorea
household
One-person
Nuclear
household
family
Stem
household
family
Other
3.2
63.5
30.7
2.5
2.3
64.7
20.6
12.4
4.8
68.1
19.0
8.1
4.2
67.7
11.9
16.2
4.8
68.3
10.9
16.0
6.9
68.8
10.2
14.1
9.0
68.0
9.5
13.4
Urban
household
One-person
Nuclear
household
family
Stem
household
family
Other
5.2
73.4
19.6
1.8
2.8
69.3
13.6
14.3
5.9
72.4
12.7
9.1
4.5
70.5
7.6
17.4
4.7
69.8
7,6
17.9
6.8
70.0
7.7
15.5
8.6
69.7
7.8
13.9
Rural
household
One-person
Nuclear
household
family
Stem
household
family
Other
2.6
60.3
34.4
2.7
2.0
62.2
24.5
11.3
4.0
64.8
23.7
7.4
3.9
64.9
16.2
15.0
4.9
66.2
15.6
13.3
7.2
66.4
15.1
11.3
10.3
63.3
14.3
12.1
Source
: 1955-85:KimNam-I
andSoonChoi(1990:485);
1990:NSO(1992:34)
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122
JournalofComparative
FamilyStudies
the
Historicalstudiesindicatethatthenuclear(husband-wife)
familyconstituted
the
became
the
stem
the
Chosun
of
families
family
dynasty,
although
throughout
majority
one married
childstaysinthe
idealtypeafterthemiddleChosunperiod.In a stemfamily,
to thepatriarchal
familyin whichtheagingparentsand their
parentalhome- in contrast
The
and
their
and
sometimes
female,offspring
male,
spousesand childrenstaytogether.
The
remainedtheideal untiljust priorto Korea's industrialization.
stemfamilystructure
an
however.
stem
was
that
of
the
extended
is
characteristic
family only ideal,
family
large,
oftheseventeenth
Theactualsize ofhouseholdsandthemostcommontothefamily
registry
exceeded
four
household
size
the
personsdue to thehigh
onlyslightly
century, average
deathrate(Kim Du-Hun1969). Censusdatadatingfrom1955revealthatnuclearfamilies
thestem
themostprevalenttype(63.5 percent)justpriorto industrialization;
constituted
Jae-Seul
Choi
Korea
families
for
of
accounted
31
(1979b,
(Table 4.)
only percent
family
familiesthanthreethatnationallythereweremoretwo-generation
1982a) has reported
thelargest
families,and householdswithfewerthanthreechildrenconstituted
generation
between
theideal
the
Jae-Seuk
1982a:79).Thus, disparity
(58.1 percent)(Choi
proportion
and thelife
and actual familycompositionpersisteduntilKorea becameindustrialized
expectancyprolonged.
ANDAVERAGE
INHOUSEHOLDS
NUMBER
GENERATIONS
MEMBERS:
1955-90
OFHOUSEHOLD
KOREA,
Table5
1955
1960
1966
1970
1975
1980
1985 1990
AllKorea
3.2
household
One-person
Onegeneration
Twogenerations
Three
generations
Four
generations
relatives
Notblood
members
ofhousehold
Average
7.5
64.0
26.9
1.6
5.7
67.7
24.1
2.6
4.8
6.8
70.0
22.1
1.1
4.2
6.7
68.9
19.2
0.9
5.5
5.2
5.1
4.8
8.3
68.5
16.5
0.5
1.5
4.5
6.9
9.6
67.0
14.4
0.4
1.7
4.1
9.0
10.4
66.3
12.2
0.3
1.5
3.8
Urban
5.2
household
One-person
Onegeneration
Twogenerations
Three
generations
Four
generations
relatives
Notblood
ofhousehold
members
Average
9.3
71.6
18.5
0.6
2.8
8.1
74.3
15.9
1.7
5.9
9.2
75.4
14.9
0.5
4.5
8.3
72.9
13.9
0.5
5.1
4.9
4.9
4.7
9.0
71.4
12.7
0.3
1.9
4.4
6.8
9.4
69.8
11.8
0.2
2.0
4.0
8.6
9.6
69.4
10.6
0.2
1.6
3.8
Rural
2.6
household
One-person
Onegeneration
Twogenerations
Three
generations
Four
generations
relatives
Notblood
ofhousehold
members
Average
6.7
61.0
30.3
2.0
2.0
4.3
64.1
28.5
3.1
4.0
5.0
66.0
27.4
1.6
3.9
5.2
64.9
24.6
1.4
5.7
5.5
5.4
4.9
7.2
64.3
21.8
0.9
0.9
4.7
7.2
9.9
61.4
19.6
0.8
1.1
4.2
10.3
14.1
57.2
16.2
0.6
1.1
3.8
Household
1990:NSO(1992:446)
Source:
1955-85:NSO(1991:294);
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and theKoreanFamily
Confucianism
123
onthefamily,
Korea'sindustrial
transformation
hashadprofound
effects
substantially
that
families
the
of
stem
families
is, patrilineal,
three-generation
reducing proportion
lefttheirparentsinthecountryside
andstarted
theirownconjugalfamilies.This
as children
trendhas made nuclearhouseholdsconsistingof elderlyruralcouplesmorecommonas
well.Between1955 and 1990 theshareof stemfamiliesdeclinedfrom31 percentto only
10 percentof all Koreanhouseholds,and by 1990 theshareof nuclearfamilieshadrisen
between1966and 1990 theaveragesize
from64 percentto69 percent(Table4). Moreover,
oftheKoreanfamilyshrankfrom5.5 personsto 3.8 persons(Table 5). Andthedifference
of
in averagefamilysize betweenurbanand ruralareas has disappeared.The proportion
roseduringtheindustrialization
householdsconsisting
ofone andtwogenerations
period,
householdsalso rose
from71.5 percentto76.7 percentandtheproportion
ofsingle-person
from3.2 percentto 9.0 percentwhile the proportionof more thanthree-generation
householdsdeclinedfrom28.5 percentof 12.5 percent.
too is therisingproportion
of single-person
householdsin ruralareas
Noteworthy
and8.6 percentrespectively.
whichwas higherthanthatinurbanareasin 1990,10.3percent
areoverrepresented
households
Observations
byagerevealthatinurbanareassingle-person
in
are
whereas
rural
areas
byyoungpeople(under30)
they overrepresented
byolderpeople
(over50).
canbe explainedinpartbychangesinsuchdemographic
Changesinfamilystructure
and migration.Social and economic
variablesas age at marriage,fertility,
mortality,
such
income
and
also
affect
as
conditions,
familystructure
by influencing
housing,
In
trends.
the
sections
we
first
describe
therelationship
between
demographic
following
and
then
Korean
structure
and
discuss
other
of
Korean
characteristics
fertility
family
in
that
have
the
midand
customs
since
industrialization
demography family
changed
began
of
Most
on
the
characteristics
of
families
come
from
1950s.
thedata
small-scale
Korean
Data on fertili are
surveysconductedat varioustimesin selectedareas of thecountry.
availablefroma nationalsampleand are collectedmonthly.
FERTILITY
Korea has experiencedone of theworld'smostrapidfertility
declines.A massive
was launchedbythegovernment
in 1962 as partoftheSouth's first
family
planning
program
FiveYearEconomicPlan.The successofthatprogramcontributed
greatlyto thedramatic
increasein theprevalenceof contraceptive
use amongcurrently
marriedwomenof ages
15- 44, fromninepercentin 1964to77.1 percentin 1988- an almostninefold
increasein
ratehas dropped
just 20 years(Choe andPark1988; Konget al. 1987). The totalfertility
- fròm6.0 childrenperwomanin 1960 to 1.7 childrenin 1990 (Coale, Cho,
precipitously
and Goldman1980; Choe andPark 1988; NSO 1991).
userstendedto
Duringtheearlystagesofthefamilyplanningprogram,
contraceptive
be olderwomen,thosewithalreadylargefamilies,andwomenwithhighereducationthan
nonusers.That is, theywere womenwho used contraception
to stopchildbearing
after^
reachingtheirdesiredfamilysize. In morerecentyears,however,thepositiverelationship
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124
JournalofComparative
FamilyStudies
andeducationhas becomeweakeror
use andwomen'sage,parity,
betweencontraceptive
In
ofwomenofreproductive
evenbeenreversed. 1965,forexample,theproportions
ages
21
methodwere and 14 percent,
whowerecurrently
respectively,
usinganycontraceptive
hadrisento72 percentinurbanareasand
inurbanandruralareas.By 1985,theproportions
of
in
and
Park
68 percent ruralareas (Choe
1988; KIPH 1985). In 1967 theproportion
was
21
while
were
with
who
no formaleducation
women
percent,
usingcontraceptives
amongthosewitha highschooleducationitwas 32 percent(Moon, Han,andChoe 1973;
ofwomenwith
was reversed:70 percent
Koh,Hahm,andByun1980).By 1985thatpattern
no formaleducationand 67 percentof womenwithhighschool educationwere using
inKoreaas
womenwas as prevalent
use bymarried
By 1990,contraceptive
contraceptives.
or
residence.
of
education
rural/urban
the
user's
inotherindustrialized
countries,
regardless
thathas resultedfromKoreanwomen'sacceptance
The dramaticdeclinein fertility
of contraception
has had majoreffectson individualfamilies.The trendtowardsmaller
froma rural,agrariansociety
familysize, whichhas accompaniedKorea's transformation
industrial
to an urbanized,
one,has led to newinteractions
amongfamilymembers.
CHANGES IN CONFUCIAN VALUES
The Korean familyduringthe Chosun dynasty(1392- 1910) was a patrilineal
of
its rootsgoing back to social conditionsthatpredatedthe introduction
institution,
the
In
a
Confucianism
family, family
patriarchal
bysometwothousand
years.2 Confucianist
as an entitytakes precedenceover its individualmembersand the familygroup is
function
of familymembersis to
withtheclan.The mostimportant
identified
inseparably
Confucian
the
traditional
within
andpreservethehousehold
maintain
system(Lee Hyo-Jae
the centralfamilialrelationshipis not that
1960; Ko Yung-Bok 1967). Accordingly,
betweenhusbandand wife,butratherthatbetweenparentand child,especiallybetween
betweenfamilymembersarenothorizontal
andson.Moreover,therelationships
father
characterized
thatis, based on mutuallove and equality but verticalfilialpiety
by
rests with the (male) head of the
and obedience. Authority
benevolence,authority,
in statusexistamongtheotherfamilymembers.
household,anddifferences
betweenhusbandand wife
thehierarchical
relationship
DuringtheChosundynasty
to
the
betweentheking
observedinKoreanfamilies.Itwasequated
was strictly
relationship
A
wife
would
sacrificeherself
and his subjectsand to thatbetweenfatherand son.
was
manner.
She
in
an
toserveherhusbandandfamily
taughtnotto
exemplary
completely
Korean
arose
the
thus
her
on
maxim,"Homes
forceherviewsaboutfamilylife
husband;
the
hen
crows."
perishwhen
intothelawsofthestate.Inaccordancewith
werewritten
Theseunequalrelationships
andson,
was
a
woman
husband,
theruleofthethreeobediences,
requiredtoobeyherfather,
2 Family
funerals
andancestral
ofcoming
ofage,marriage,
fortheceremonies
rules
byKu-zun
worship
compiled
thelastpart
ofKoryo
toKorea
introduced
(958theChinese
(1368-1644),
during
(1420-95)
Dynasty
Ming
during
observed
butwidely
oftheChosun
theearly
from
were
(1392-1650)
rules
These
dynasty
1392).
part
prescribed
were
alsoloiown
thelatter
oftheChosun
since
rules
( 1650-1910).
asfamily
They
period
part
public
bythegeneral
were
doctrines
whose
1130-1200)
Rules
ofChu-Tzu
astheFamily
adopted.
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and theKoreanFamily
Confucianism
125
in thatorder.She livedin constantfearofdivorceanddesertionundera rulethatdefined
- butnotbythewife.
sevenvicesconsidered
tobe validreasonsfordivorcebythehusband
Those vices weredisobedienceto thehusband'sparents,failingto bear a son,adultery,
If a wifeboreno son,
a harmful
disease,maliciousgossip,andtheft.
jealousy,contracting
itwas commonforthecoupletoadoptone orforthehusbandtokeepa concubine.A crime
committed
by a wifeagainstherhusbandwas punishablein the same way as a crime
committed
orbya slaveagainsthismaster(ChoiJae-Seuk1982a).
bya sonagainsthisfather
Whena husbanddied; his wifeand son had to observea mourning
periodofthreeyears.
Underthissystemof severediscrimination,
womenof theChosundynastywere
confinedto home.In a yangbon(noble)family,
an unmarried
womanwas prohibited
from
to
men
close
male
and
after
she
was
from
relatives,
talking any
except
marrying
prohibited
outdoors
without
from
her
husband
Jae-Seuk
Nevertheless,
(Choi
1982a).
going
permission
thepositionofwomen,atleastthosewithchildren
wasnothopeless.Justas womenoccupied
a subordinate
weresubordinate
totheirparentsandwere
positioninrelationtomen,children
requiredto reveretheirmotheras well as theirfather.
These Confucianprinciplesof familyrelationships,
whichwereprojectedintothe
and
national
life
and
social
value,areperhapsas remoteand
community
givenimportant
to
some
of
the
of
Koreans
The
strange
youngergeneration
todayas theyaretoWesterners.
Koreanfamilyduringthepremodern
intextbooks
period,however,as portrayed
published
afterliberationin 1945, remainedessentiallyConfucianas an ideal and in practice.
Koreanfamilylaw emphasizedtheimportance
of blood
Moreover,even afterliberation,
relationsand theauthority
of themale householdhead(Choi Jae-Seuk1964).
The processofchangein Confucianvaluesandideology,as manifested
in thedaily
livesofordinary
et al.
Koreans,was studiedbyLee Hyo-Jae1960) andKo Hwang-Gyung
values such as attitudes
towardthefamily
(1963). Theirresearchfocusedon traditional
betweenparentandchildren
andbetweenhusbandand'vife.Their
systemandrelationships
toclarify
themodernization
studies,whichattempted
processwithintheKoreanfamilyand
reflected
in
interest
Korea's
social
and
economicmodernization,
indicated
contemporary
thattraditional
Confucianvalues continuedto be thedominantinfluenceon theKorean
(Choi Jae-Seuk1989; Cha Jae-Soon1978).
familyuntiltheonsetof-industrialization
Table6
OPINIONS
WHETHER
ABOUT
CHILDREN
OBEYTHEIRPARENTS
SHOULD
(%):
KOREA1959AND1990
Opinion
1959
1990
Children
should
obey
onthesituation
Depends
Parents
should
dowhat
their
children
want
Other
43.2
50.7
5.4
07
18.7
62.4
18.9
0
Numbers
702
402
Source
: Park
(1990:962).
Studiesconductedafter1980 comparing
attitudes
of surveyrespondents
withthose
foundintheearlierstudiesrevealtheextenttowhichvaluesandpracticeshavechangedin
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JournalofComparative
FamilyStudies
126
that
bothurbanandгига!Koreanfamilies.Lee Dong-Won(1981),forexample,hasreported
almost60 percent
ofrespondents
saidtheywouldnotadopta childorkeepa concubineeven
in disputeswiththeirchildrenis
iftheyhadno children.Moreover,theparents'authority
to a 1990survey(Park)whosaid that
ofrespondents
no longeraxiomatic;theproportion
childrenshouldobeytheirparentswas only18 percentcomparedwith45.5 percentofthe
whosaid that
et al. 1963); theproportion
toa 1959survey(Ко Hwang-Gyung
respondents
childrenshouldact accordingto theirown wisheswas 18.9 percentcomparedwith5.4
percentin 1959 (Table 6)(Park1990).
FAMILY
IFPARENTS
LINEAGE
ABOUT
CONTINUING
ATTITUDES
HADNOSON(%):KOREA1959AND1990.
Table7
Attitude
1959
1990
notnecessary
Succession
Succession
okay
bydaughters
forhusband
tohavea concubine
Okay
orothers
sonfrom
blood
relatives
Would
adopt
Other
14.3
8.3
43.4
33.2
0.6
25.9
15.8
23.5
34.3
0.5
Numbers
1,525
141
Park
Source:
(1990:962).
- especiallysons- as a meansofcontinuing
thefamilylinehas
Thevalueofchildren
of
Koreansociety.In
industrialization
since
the
Koreans
rural
declinedsubstantially
among
did
that
the
of
some
41.7
1990,
reported they notneedchildren
surveyrespondents
percent
couldprovidethenecessarysuccession,whereasin Ko' s
tosucceedthemorthatdaughters
1959 surveyonly22.6 percentof therespondents
expressèdtheseviews(Table 7).
WOMEN'S STATUS
Mostofthestudiesdoneinthe1960son theKoreanfamilyfoundthatSouthKorea's
had notimprovedthesocial, political,or
and urbanization
economic
development
rapid
certain
obvious
of
women.
status
gains theyhad made in educationand
Despite
legal
and
within
thefamily
male
notion
of
in
the
labor
the
force,
persisted
superiority
participation
boss
father
was
The
Jon
the
1989).
Byo 1980ng-Je
throughout society(Lee Hyo-Jae1960;
in receivingfood,
overdaughters
and themotherhis obedientassistant.Sons hadpriority
education.
and
clothing,
towardsex rolesintheKoreanfamilyfound
Park(1990) in herresearchon attitudes
even thoughwomen's
is stillprevalent,
male
of
thatthetraditional
superiority
concept
in social lifehas increased.Yu Euisocial positionhas improvedand theirparticipation
behindmales in post- middle
Young (1987) reportedthatfemaleslaggedsignificantly
ofboys
schooleducation,although
progresshas beenmadeforbothsexes.The proportion
74
in
1966
to
from
35
increased
had
10
in
school
percent
12)
percent
(grades
enrolled high
ratiosfor
in 1980,whereasforgirlsithadrisenfrom20 percentto62 percent.Enrollment
forbothsexessince1945. Tenyears
havealso risensignificantly
thecollege-agepopulation
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and theKoreanFamily
Confucianism
127
afterliberation,
only7.9 percentofthemenand 1.3 percentofthewomenbetweentheages
had risento 14.7 and 7.9
of 19 and 24 wereattending
college.By 1980,theproportions
respectively.
anddataon
Education,however,does nottellthewholestory.Laborforcestatistics
fromothersourcesrevealthatKoreanwomenstillhave
women'slaborforceparticipation
forequality.Manymiddle-andupper-classwomenwith
a longwayto go in theirstruggle
are
inactive
at
home
aftermarriage,
oftenagainsttheirwishes(Yu Euicollegedegrees
take
most
women
their
Young 1987). Although
jobs outof economicnecessity,
working
workstatusdoes notnecessarily
affectthemale-dominant
of
the
structure
authority
family.
Intheworkplace,
remain
discriminatory
againsttheminhiring,
practices
payandpromotion
reach
few
or
Euiadministrative
strong:
supervisory,
managerial,
positions(Yu
Young
womenareexpectedtoretirefrom
1987;Cho Hyung1983,1989).Uponmarrying,
working
mostcorporate-sector
jobs.
The gap betweentheaveragemonthly
wage of male and femaleworkersactually
widenedduringthe1970s.Accordingtoa surveyofworkers
employedbyfirmswith10 or
moreemployees,theratioof femaleto malewagesfellfrom46.5 percentin 1970 to 44.4
percentin 1980 (Cho Hyung1987,1989).
Womenarethemajorsource(75.8 percent),
of unpaidfamilyworkon farmsand in
factories
to
census
(Cho Hyung1989). According
data,overthetwodecadesbetween
city
1960and 1980,thepercentage
offemalesintheKoreanlaborforcegrewfrom27.1 percent
to 36.6 percent.Cho Hyungfound,however,that42.9 percentof workingwomenwere
unpaidfamilylaborers,whereasonly1.6 percentwereemployers.Almost80 percentof
wereemployedinagriculture.
Thus,thesexualdivisionoflaborhas
unpaidfemaleworkers
little
since
Korea
to
modernize:
most
ruralwomencontinueto workas
changed
began
laborers
owned
on
farms
their
families
and
unpaidfamily
by
managedbythemen.Although
moreruralwomenhavebeeninvolvedin a widervariety
ofproduction
activitiesinrecent
to
the
rural
labor
and
the
demanded
years,owing
shortage
highwages
bymales,theirstatus
as familyworkers
hasnotimproved.
industrialization
and
urbanization
haveled
Thus,rapid
inwomen'seducationandlaborforceparticipation
toimprovements
but
not
have
rate, they
altered
the
economic
status
of
Korean
women
or
their
in
economic
role
the
fundamentally
family.
MARRIAGEAND DIVORCE
DuringtheThreeKingdomsperiodand the Koryoperiod(57 B.C.- A.D. 1392),
oftheirownchoiceamongcommoners.
couplesenteredfreelyintomarriagewithpartners
In contrast,
duringtheChosundynastystrictrules were imposedon marriageand the
Allmarriage
werearranged,
theprocessinvolving
selectionofpartners.
fourritesprescribed
in theMungungkaraeinitialdiscussionbetweenthefathers
ofthepartners,
submissionof
themarriage
of theson to thefather
oftheprospective
bride,the
proposalfromthefather
ofgiftsfromtheprospective
ofthe
bride,andthegreeting
offering
groomtotheprospective
The wishesoftheprospective
bridebyherbetrothed.
brideandgroomwerenotconsidered
intheprocess.Moreover,themarriages
wereforbidden
betweenrelativeshavingthesame
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JournalofComparative
FamilyStudies
128
between
familynameand thesame domicile,betweentheupperclass and commoners,
with
released
from
the
and
between
officials
and
or
women
different
court,
factions,
girls
all
was
but
outside
one'
s
own
class
theoffspring
oftraitors.
Thus,marriage
impossible(Choi
Jae-Seuk1971,1974b,1982b;Ют Young-Chung1979,NAS 1989).
Divorcewasrarelypermitted,
andthenonlyinunavoidablecases.Divorcecases were
totheConfuciancustomof weighingtheseven
to
a
but
not
subject
legalproceeding rather
married.
reasonsfordivorceagainstthreereasonsforremaining
Onlymenwereallowedto
in seeking
the
husband's
and
for
divorce
Chosun
prerogative
during
dynasty,
petition
for
all of
was notconsidered.
divorcewas honoredwhereasthewife'sinterest
Except theft,
offamilyorderand
thesevenreasonsforallowingdivorcewererelatedtothemaintenance
thefeudalfamilysystem(ChoiJaeThusdivorcewasa meansofprotecting
maleauthority.
Seuk 1979b).
Today customsgoverningmarriageand divorcehave undergonemajorchanges.
ofparents
inparksandstreets,
anda decliningnumber
Youngwomenandmenminglefreely
choosematesfortheirchildren(Lee Dong-Won1981;Park1990). Amongyoungpeople,
is becomingmorecommon.Ina 1982case studyof55 married
beforemarriage
cohabitation
ofSeoul,Cho OaK-Le ( 1987) learnedthatmanyofthemhad
womenina poorneighborhood
cohabitedwithouta formalweddingoutofeconomicnecessity.Eventuallymostof them
aresometimes
Children
inmanycaseswiththeirchildren
hada marriage
present.
ceremony,
a stabilizingfactorin such marriages.Moreover,wives can notsue theirhusbandsfor
forrearingthe
all responsibility
divorce.Yet, althoughtheyare burdenedwithvirtually
in
of
divorce.
the
event
to
their
children's
have
no
children,
custody
they
legal right
Despitethesebehavioralchangesas wellas changesinurbanhouseholdcomposition,
ofurbanparentstowardtheselectionofspousesfor
familytype,andfamilysize,attitudes
more
and1980(Lee dong-Won1981.Although
1958
between
theirchildren
hardly
changed
to
their
children
still
most
and
about
parents expect
practices,
dating courtship
permissive
beforemarrying.
seektheirpermission
ARRANGEMENTS
MARRIAGE
TOWARD
PARENTS*
ATTITUDES
FORTHEIRCHILDREN
(%):KOREA1959AND1990
Table8
Sons
Daughters
Whodecides
arrangements?
marriage
1959
1990
1959
1990
Parents
absolutely
later
children
Parents
first,
later
Children
first,
parents
Children
absolutely
20.9
58.5
12.4
8.2
2.7
18.2
54.5
24.6
28.3
60.5
. 6.5
4.7
3.2
18.4
53.5
24.9
1,509
402
1,505
402
Numbers
: Park
Sources
(1990:966-967)
a studyconductedin 1990 (Park 1990),which
In contrastto theseurbanfindings,
et al. 1963) a ruralarea,foundthatparents'
replicatedthe1959 study(Ko-Hwang-Gyung
fortheirchildren.In the1959
in
decisive
no
arrangements
marriage
opinionswere longer
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and theKoreanFamily
Confucianism
129
79.4 percentofparentsstatedthattheirownopinionwas moreimportant
thantheir
survey,
sons' opinions;only20.6 percentsaid thattheirsons opinionsweremoreimportant.
By
thattheirsons' opinionswere
1990,some79. 1 percentofruralparentsinterviewed
thought
moreimportant.
The importance
of daughter"
s opinionscomparedto parents'opinionin
children'sarrangements
showeda moremarkedchangeincase ofdaughters.
By 1990,some
78.4 percentofruralparentsstatedthattheirdaughters'opinionsweremoreimportant.
In
in
the
was
11.2
the
1959
contrast, proportion only
percent
survey(Table 8).
Moreover,wives can now sue theirhusbandsfordivorce.Yet, althoughtheyare
all responsibility
burdenedwithvirtually
forrearingthechildren,
theyhaveno legalright
to theirchildren'scustodyin theeventofdivorce.
SON PREFERENCE
Son preference
remainsa deeplyentrenched
value.Accordingto a 1971nationwide
ofKoreanwomenprefer
sonstodaughters,
survey(Chungetal. 1972),morethan90 percent
andnothavinga sonis a sourceofsevereemotionalstrainforwomen.A sonis essentialfor
securingstatuswithinthefamily,foreconomicsupportin old age, and forprovidinga
successorforthefamilylineage(Williamson1972;Arnold1985).In recentyears,however,
thevalue of childrenincludingson preference
has beenchangingslowly.
INHERITANCE
theprinciple
ofequaldistribution
ofinheri
tanceregardless
DuringtheChosundynasty
of birthorderor sex, statedin theKyungguk
Code
of
the
(Great
Chosun),was not
taejun
observed
Choi
Jae-Seuk
Because
womenhadno
(Kim Young-Chung1979;
1972).
strictly
to
inherit
the
of
head
of
often
in
the
lost
out
the
inheritance
household,they
position
right
ofproperty.
The shareof inheritance
was
due.to unmarried
daughters alwaysgivento the
eldestson,whowouldpayforthedaughters'
when
Inpractice,
weddings
theyweremarried.
were
women
a
share
of
the
at
the
time
of
their
butthey
then,
given
familyproperty
marriage,
werenotconsideredin theinheritance
and theirportionwas muchsmallerthanthesons'
- thesame as theinheritance
share.This practice
systemof China- continued
duringthe
of
Korea
Jae-Seuk
until
women's
(Choi
1972).Indeed,
Japaneseoccupation
recently,
right
ofinheritance
was notreeognizedor theirsharewas muchsmallerthanmen'sevenwhen
therightwasrecognized.
ThebasicKoreanlawconcerning
inheritance
statesthatproperties
the
and
aretobe distributed
the
children
ofsex.Butinfact
equallyamong spouse
regardless
theeldestsonreceivedone-half
morethantheothers,
andwhendaughters
weremarried
they
receivedone-fourth
of theotherchildren'sshare.
A law reenactedin 1991,however,providesthatifthereis no will,thespouseofthe
deceasedis toreceiveone-halfoftheproperty
andtheotherhalfis tobe distributed
equally
the
children
of
their
sex
or
marital
status.A property
executedwilltakes
among
regardless
precedenceover the law, however.Data are not available on how inheritedassets are
dividedin mostKoreanfamilies.Withwomen'slimitedeconomicactivity,
the
currently
newinheritance
which
women
economic
should
have
system,
gives
independence,
major
social and economicimplications.
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130
JournalofComparative
FamilyStudies
POWER AND ROLE DIFFERENTATION
Most studiesof changesin Koreanfamilystructure
have focusedon theeffectsof
nuclear
withstemfamilies,
andwiferural
with
urban
families,
industrialization,
comparing
in
with
The
male-dominated
families.
structure
authority
employed
wife-unemployed
traditionalKorean families,which prevailedin ruralareas even in the 1960s, also
in thecities,specifically
Seoul andTaegu,until1960(Choi
characterized
familystructure
in modern
and authority
Jae-Seuk1979a, 1982a). By thelate 1960s,roledifferentiation
basedonfamily
wife's
showedonlyslightvariations,
nuclearhouseholds
type,
employment,
divisionof labor
and thepresenceof a maid in thehome;butin generalthetraditional
betweenthesexespersisted
(Lee Dong-Won1976;Cha 1978;Yu si-Jeong1976;Lee Hanthaturbanwivesperformed
63.8 percentof the
Gi 1977).Choi Jaè-Seuk(1982a) reported
the
whereasfewer
of
of
the
and
53.9
61.8
bed-making,
laundry
percent
percent
cooking,
than1 percentof husbandssharedcookingor laundrytasks.The restwereperformed
by
housemaids.
In contrast
totherapidchangestakingplaceoutsidethehomeintheKoreaneconomy
valuesandrolespersisted.
within
thefamily
Confucian
andsociety,
traditional
Nevertheless,
formcentering
into
the
nuclear
onthehusbandand
evolved
as thefamilystructure
gradually
wife,and as morewomentookjobs outsidethe home and women's rightsbecame a
issue,thefamily'sstructure
type
beganto changefromthehusband-dominated
prominent
- wifetype.The functional
of thefamilybeganto changeas well,
structure
to a husband
Confuciantypetoa moreorless cooperativetype.As forthedecisionfromthetraditional
within
the family,thereis some evidence thatit is becomingmore
makingpattern
as Koreansocietybecomesmoreurbanizedand
democraticand less role-differentiated
nuclearized.
in 1985(KoreanSurveyPolls 1987) foundthatwivesperformed
One studyconducted
and
morethan80 percentofhouseholdchoressuchas cooking,laundry,
grocery
shopping,
more
household
tasks
than
wives
Korean
The
found
that
also
performed
dishwashing. study
thatJapanese
wivesin WesterncountriesbutfewerthanJapanesewives.It is noteworthy
thantheyweretoWesternwives,who
andKoreanwivesweremoresimilartoone another
a
as purchasing
jointdecisionmakingwiththeirhusbandsin suchfamilymatters
reported
and
income
children's
would
children
how
education,
have,
home,
management.
they
many
a lowerlevelofjointdecisionmaking,as wellas less
JapaneseandKoreanwivesreported
in
in makingimportant
involvement
decisions,buttheyalso reported
higherinvolvement
householdmanagement.
KINSHIP
of kinin dailylife- thatis,
In a majorityof farmvillages,thepracticalfunctions
assumedbythefather'srelatives.
mutualassistanceand cooperation weretraditionally
at leastin ruralareas,fortheoldergeneration
Untilthelate 1960sthetendency
continued,
thanthe
and theyangban(noble) class to considerthe father'skin as moreimportant
or
mother's.Thistraditional
view,however,is no longersharedbytheyounger
generation
class (Choi Jae-Seuk1971,1974b).
thecommoner
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and theKoreanFamily
Confucianism
13 1
Untiltheearlyseventeenth
Koreanfamiliesmaintained
a kinshipsystemthat
century,
did notdistinguish
betweenpaternaland maternaldecedents.But a changein favorof
and this
paternaldescendantsoccurredduringthemiddleperiodof theChosundynasty,
to
honor
descendants
became
more
tendency
only paternal
prevalentduringthe later
withtheexpansionof linkagesand improvedorganization
ties
dynasty
amongpatrilineal
of ancestralworshipcontinuestoday,
(Choi Jae-Seuk1979b). The Confuciantradition
especiallyin ruralareas,buttheemphasison honoring
onlythefather'skinhas weakened
common
amongtheyounger
generation,
especiallyinthecities.Itis becomingincreasingly
to honorthekinofbothparents.
The deeplyrootedpreference
accordedto patrilineal
successionremainsdominant,
and thereseemsto be a limitto thetendency
towardbilateralkinshiprelations(Lee HyoJae1960;ChoiJae-Seuk1975b).Regardlessofwhether
separatehouseholdsaremaintained
fortheparentsandtheeldestson,,therelationship
betweenparentsandchildren
is basedon
mutualrelianceandmostchildren
their
to
when
the
become
too
plan rejoin
parents
parents
old to careforthemselves.
This trendindicatesthatalthoughindustrialization
has caused
urbanfamiliestoevolveintothenucleartype,parentsandtheirgrownchildren
stilldepend
on one anotherto a greatextent,in contrast
to Europeannuclearfamilies.Therearesigns,
thatinurbanareasfamilytiesandtheimportance
attachedtokinshiparegradually
however,
weakening.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
Forseveralcenturies
Koreawas a hermit
kingdomintheOrient,closedtotheoutside
world.Duringthepastthreedecades,however*
ithasundergone
majorsocialandeconomic
and unprecedented
urbanization,
economicexpansion
changes.Rapid industrialization,
haveoccurredsincethe1960s.Thegrossnationalproduct(GNP) grewatan averageannual
rateof morethan8 percentduring1962- 86 (EPB 1987). An agrarianeconomyhas been
economicbase characterized
industries
thatdepend
replacedbyan industrial
byexport-led
on a comparativeadvantagein low-wagelabor as a resultof massive rural-to-urban
Whereasaboutone-fourth
ofthepopulation
oftheSouthresidedincitiesin 1955,
migration.
more
South
in
Koreans
live
in
cities
than
live
towns
and villages.
today
hasbeenvirtually
eliminated.
Alongwiththerapideconomicdevelopment,
illiteracy
Most Koreanscompletenineyearsof formaleducation,and manycontinuethrough
high
school (33.2 percent)and college (14 percent)(NSO 1991). A moderneducatedclass
dominatestheeconomyand thesociety.The traditional
class system,based on ascribed
status,has given way to a modernstratification
systembased primarilyon income,
occupation,and education.
Notableamongthesechangesis an evolutionfromthetraditional
stemfamilyto the
- thatis,a transition
nuclearfamily
fromthree-and
householdstoone-and
four-generation
householdsandfromlargeto smallfamiliesin bothruraland urbanareas.
two-generation
Forexample,averagefamilysize,whichin 1960was 5.6 percent,
hadshrunk
by 1990to3.8
percent(NSO 1991).
This content downloaded from 165.194.163.109 on Thu, 22 Aug 2013 02:40:49 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
132
JournalofComparative
FamilyStudies
inreducing
SouthKoreais widelybelievedtobe oneofthemostsuccessfulcountries
The totalfertility
ratefellfrom6.0 childrenperwomanin 1960to 1.7
itsleveloffertility.
effecton individualfamilies.Withhigher
by 1990. This declinehas had a tremendous
thusraisingthequalityofthesecondgeneration
incomeandfewerchildren,
(Park,1992).
thepredominant
moreand morefarmfamilies,traditionally
familygroup,
Consequently,
sector.
are movingintotheurbanindustrial
andsocialchanges,Koreanfamilies
Despitethesesweepingeconomic,demographic,
inherited
fromtheirConfucianpast.Mostof
characteristics
stilldisplaystrong.patriarchal
thestudieson familyvaluesandbehaviorsuchas Lee Hyo-Jae1960;Ko Yung-Bok1967;
etal. 1962conductedinthe1960snotedthatthechangeshavenotbeen
Ko Hwang-Gyung
accompaniedby improvedsocial,political,and legal statusforwomen.Despiteobvious
the notionof male
gains made by women in educationand economicparticipation,
The
father
is
bossandthemother
within
the
and
the
still
society.
family
superiority persists
is his obedientassistant;sons takeprecedenceover daughtersin meals,clothing,and
ofsons,andsonpreference
education.Traditional
familyvaluesemphasizetheimportance
value.
remainsa deeplyentrenched
In thetraditional
(1392- 1910),thedivisionof
familyofthelastdynasty
patriarchal
for
laborwas basedon sex.The husbandmadeall decisionsandhadprimary
responsibility
the family'seconomic well-being,while the wife occupied herselfexclusivelywith
in
and householdchores.Recentstudiesindicatethatthewife'sinvolvement
childrearing
familydecisionmakinghas increasedbut is still subordinateto thatof the husband,
in financialmatters.
particularly
Duringthis century,Korean exposureto Westerninfluence,includingscience,
ofthecountry
hasplayeda decisiveroleinthetransformation
andrationalism,
technology,
these
froman agriculturalto a modernindustrialized
changes,the
society.Despite
Confucianinfluenceon theKoreanfamilyis stillstrong,as evidencedby thepersistent
and strongkinship
deferenceby wivesto theirhusband'sstatusand role,son preference,
bonds.Whetherparentsand theireldestson maintainseparatehouseholdsor not,the
betweenparentsand theirchildrenremainsstrong,beingbased on mutual
relationship
and
reliance, manygrownchildren
plantolivewiththeirparentswhentheparentsgrowold
of
Confucianinfluence
andrequirehelp.The ethicsandvaluesespousedbythetraditional
thepastare changingslowly.
oftheeconomyandsocietyin
In Koreatoday,as a resultoftherapidtransformation
valuesandtheConfucian
betweentraditional
recentdecades,thereappearstobe a conflict
andsocialchangesonthe
economic
influence
Western
hand
and
the
one
on
through
heritage
menandwomen,and
is beingplayedoutbetweenparentsandchildren,
other.Thatconflict
on theirviewpoint,
to
as
subordinates
and
depending
apply,
attempt
they
superiors
- in the family,in the
traditionalConfucianvalues or modernegalitarianprinciples
a greatdeal of
is generating
This diversity
and in theiractionsas individuals.
workplace,
and consensusin Koreansociety.
social harmony
tensionandthreatens
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and theKoreanFamily
Confucianism
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