historiCITY Special Edition 2
Wa r o f 1 8 1 2
the year 1813
A Publication of the Hamilton Historical Board
wwwhamiltonhistoricalboard.ca
CONTRIBUTORS TO THE 1813 EDITION
James Elliott
Ian Kerr-Wilson
Journalist and author. His book
Strange Fatality: The Battle of
Stoney Creek, won the Ontario
Historical Society’s best book
award. Member of the HHB.
Manager of Museums & Heritage
Presentation, City of Hamilton. Ian
has worked in curatorial programming and management at industrial,
military, marine and domestic
heritage sites.
Eshtamuel Alvee Goni
Robin McKee
Historical Intern with the City of
Hamilton Culture Department, and
2012 recipient of Susan E. Bennetto
History Student of the Year Award.
Vice-Chair of the HHB, contributing
author to local history books,
presenter of talks & walking tours of
Hamilton Cemetery, and restorer of
designated buildings.
Bill Manson
John Nixon
Past-Chair HHB, historian and
author. Bill specializes in walking
tours and heritage presentations
through Footsteps in Time. He can
be reached at [email protected]
Member of the HHB, award-winning
secondary school teacher with a
special interest in the War of 1812,
and author of the recently published
novel, Redcoat 1812.
Michael McAllister
Peter Rindlisbacher
Coordinator of the City of Hamilton
Museum of Steam & Technology,
and the Hamilton & Scourge
National Historic Site.
Canada's foremost 1812 Marine Artist
with 100 paintings in his collection. A
member of the Canadian Society of
Marine Artists, he can be reached at
[email protected]
Carolyn McCann
John Triggs
Retired educator and long-serving
member of HHB, involved with
Hamilton Children's Museum since
1991.
Chair of the Department of
Archaeology and Classical Studies at
Wilfrid Laurier University. John has
conducted historical archaeology in
Ontario for more than 30 years.
Robert Williamson
Award - winning speaker, the longest
serving member of the HHB, and
retired naval commander specializing
in the naval war of 1812.
1813 EDITION EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
Dr. Christine Lei (Editorial Chair) Hamilton Historical Board
Dr. Mary Anderson (Text Editor) Hamilton Historical Board
Bill Manson (Design, Continuity, Layout Editor) Footsteps in Time
John Nixon (Content Editor) Hamilton Historical Board
Susanne Noordyk (Ads Editor) Hamilton Historical Board
Christopher Redford Coordinator of Heritage Presentation, City of Hamilton
1813 Edition Cover Design by Bill Manson.
Cover photo of the Stoney Creek Battle Site courtesy Ontario Archives
historiCITY COMMEMORATES
!e War of
1812
The War of 1812 is arguably the most dramatic
conflict in Canadian history, one that shaped our destiny and identity as a
nation. historiCITY commemorates this dramatic conflict in three special editions: 1812, 1813, 1814. Given the powerful
nature of this historical event, it is presented in the form of a dramatic playbill.
THE 1813 PLAYBILL
PROLOGUE
page 1
SETTING
page 3
ACT I
DISASTER AT YORK
Capital sacked and burned
ACT II
DIVERSION AT SACKETS HARBOR
Entr'acte King's Head Torched
Fort George Falls
ACT III
ENCAMPMENT AT BURLINGTON HEIGHTS A last stand
page 10
ACT IV
ENCOUNTER AT STONEY CREEK A near-death experience
Entr'acte Rout At The Forty
Surrender At Beaver Dams
page 12
ACT V
SINKING of USS Hamilton and USS Scourge
Entr'acte Americans Control Lake Erie
page 17
ACT VI
“BURLINGTON RACES”
Setting the record straight
Entr'acte Tecumseh Slain
Lesson At Crysler's Farm
page 21
ACT VII
TORCHING OF NEWARK A new kind of warfare
Entr'acte Fort Niagara Captured
page 24
EPILOGUE
A preemptive strike
page 4
page 7
page 26
PRODUCTION NOTES
Warfare in 1813
A Soldier’s Worst Enemies
An Army Marches on Its Stomach
Old News for Young Minds
page 27
page 30
page 32
page 34
EDITORIAL COMMENT
WHAT IS HISTORICAL TRUTH ?
Canada is currently commemorating the War of 1812, which on the world stage in the early 19th century was relatively
insignificant, but in Canadian history was the decisive event that shaped our modern nation and identity.
This war was waged in many battles on many fronts, both land and sea. However, most of the truly significant action
occurred along the borders of the Province of Upper Canada. So, this “relatively insignificant war” takes on particular
historical importance for us here in Ontario. Although Hamilton still did not exist in 1812, this part of the Province of
Upper Canada became a significant part of the “theatre” of the war, and played a significant role in its outcome.
It is not the intent that these special commemorative editions retell the entire story of the War of 1812. The broad
mandate of the Hamilton Historical Board, and of this publication, historiCITY, is to present local history. This special
edition of historiCITY is the second of three commemorating the War of 1812. Each edition focuses on the role that this
region and its people played in the “theatres of war” along the borders of the Province of Upper Canada.
In soliciting materials for these special editions, and in designing a dramatic and theatrical format in which to present
the material, the historiCITY Editorial Team was often faced with a challenge of presenting the “truth” about the War
of 1812. The word “truth” has a variety of meanings, perhaps the most concrete one being, “the state of being in accord
with fact”. The word “fact” is most often defined as “something that has actually occurred.”
We all possess biases that result from influences such as upbringing and life experiences. In recording the “truth” of an
event, whether in words or in images, the first-hand observer hopefully can be relied upon to have accurately recorded
the facts of “where” and “when”. However, even the most conscientious observer will bring some degree of bias to the
record, by consciously or unconsciously selecting precisely what to record, and exactly how to record it. This slant is
magnified when the observer surmises the “why” of the event. Thus, the final record of an event may contain the facts
as “seen” by the observer, and therefore be to varying degrees more or less “true”.
Historians, even as first-hand observers, are no exception. In addition, historians most often deal with interpreting
events after the fact, using facts and truths that have been further distorted by the intervention of time and opinion.
Thus, “historical truth” tends to change from time to time, depending upon how successful were attempts at reaching
consensus by historians at any given time. Sometimes, historians fail to reach consensus, and debate results.
In preparing the content for this special bicentennial edition of the War of 1812, there have been lively debates among
contributors about some of the historical facts and truths put forward, as well as about how they should be presented.
There will be some readers, as well, who may dispute some of the history being presented. Such debate is healthy from
a historical perspective, and may even lead to a clearer understanding of exactly what happened and why it happened.
It is to be hoped however, that there is one historical truth upon which all can agree. The War of 1812 was the defining
event in history that led directly to the development of our Canadian nation and identity.
As a footnote to the theme of "historical truth", these commemorative issues of historiCITY contain images to
complement the text. The majority of these pictures are artists’ interpretations of the people and events depicted in the
stories, and are therefore creative, artistic compositions, which may or may not always paint a “true” picture.
Bill Manson
1813 Editorial Committee
The views and opinions expressed by the contributors to historiCITY do not necessarily reflect
those of the Editorial Committee or of the Hamilton Historical Board.
1
PROLOGUE TO 1813
THE 1812 DRAMA SO FAR...
Commentary by Bill Manson
The outbreak of the War of 1812 is a relatively insignificant event on the world stage at the time. It is a war that a majority
on both sides do not want and that both sides are ill-prepared to fight.
The War of 1812 in North America is a spin-off of the Napoleonic War in Europe. The British naval
blockade of Europe requiring all neutral ships to be inspected has severe impacts on the American
economy. Moreover, resentment in the U.S. is ignited by the British impressment of sailors who are
serving on American ships at sea.
As well, the Americans suspect the British of aiding the Indian "confederacy" in their attempt to
hold on to their ancestral lands in the Ohio, Michigan, and Indian Territories, which the U.S. is
determined to appropriate in its territorial plans for westward expansion.
These acts on the part of Britain serve to inflame the American perception
that the British have no respect for the U.S., either as a nation or as an
emerging independent player on the world stage. And so on June 18, 1812 U.S.
President James Madison declares war, and prepares the nation to invade the British Provinces of
Upper and Lower Canada, even though financially and militarily the U.S. is ill-equipped to do so.
Napoleon
At the onset of the war, the Americans have no standing army and little naval presence on the
Great Lakes. Militias are hastily formed and regrouped, primarily under the commands of retired
officers from the War of Independence, and by local "bigwigs" with perhaps some political
experience but with no military training. For its part, the British regulars are supported by local
militia led by trained British commanders, and by warrior tribes of the First Nations. The land
forces are supplied and supported by a well-established Provincial Marine on Lakes Erie and Ontario.
Madison
The initial American strategy is to invade Canada on three fronts: in the west, along the Niagara
Frontier, and in the east. Meanwhile, the British commander, Major General Isaac Brock, is aware
that he does not have the resources to defend the entire Canadian border, and so decides upon an
offensive rather than defensive strategy, using surprise and concentration of force.
Brock
In the west, the first shots of the war are fired on July 15, 1812 at the Canard River near
Amherstburg. However, the American assault on the Province of Upper Canada ultimately fails,
and the invaders later retreat to a defensive position in Fort Detroit. Two days later on July 17, a
small British expeditionary force dispatched by Brock takes American Fort Mackinac on St.
Joseph's Island in the St. Mary's River at the head of Lake Michigan. This is a significant coup.
Brock continues his offensive strategy in the west by leading a force of British regulars, Canadian
militia, and coalition of Western tribes under the leadership of Tecumseh to assault Fort Detroit on
August 13. Two days later the American commander, Brigadier General William Hull, surrenders.
Basking in the success of his offensive strategy, Brock hurries back to Niagara to prepare for an
assault on the U.S. across the Niagara River. However, he loses the advantage when he is ordered to
stand fast by his superior, Governor George Prevost, who is hoping to negotiate an armistice.
During the cease-fire, American forces prepare for an attack across the Niagara River. With the
failure of Prevost's armistice negotiations, they do so on October 13. The small garrison at
Tecumseh
Queenston is overwhelmed, and the American forces establish a stronghold in the town and along
the Niagara Escarpment on the heights above. Brock rushes from Fort George to personally lead an assault to regain
Queenston Heights, where he is mortally wounded. Eventually British reinforcements arrive and repel the American
2
invaders, thus rescuing the Niagara Frontier. However, this gain is far overshadowed by the loss of a
brilliant military strategist, Brock.
Following the American defeat at Queenston Heights, President Madison orders an attack on
Montreal in the eastern Province of Lower Canada, but this too proves to be a dismal failure, again
due to lack of military organization.
And so, as the first year of the War of 1812 draws to a close, despite several attacks by American
forces, the British are still in full control of the Canadian frontier having added several strongholds
like Forts Detroit and Mackinaw, Brock strengthens the Provincial Marine on lakes Erie and Ontario,
the First Nations remain strong allies, and overall the war has relatively little impact on the personal lives and pursuits of
the average Canadian.
Prevost
All this is about to change in 1813.
Over the winter of 1812–1813, the Americans make plans to again launch a three-pronged attack on British North
America: in the Northwest and Lake Erie, in Upper Canada along the Niagara Frontier and Lake Ontario, and in Lower
Canada at Montreal and the St. Lawrence River. All these sites are in British control. The Americans replace many of the
"old guard" disgraced military commanders of 1812 with younger, more experienced officers. They also build up their
fleet on Lakes Ontario and Erie, recruit and train new militia, and establish reliable supply lines.
In the Northwest, Major General William Henry Harrison replaces Hull. Directed to re-take
Detroit, Harrison is unable to advance without American control of Lake Erie. To that end, naval
building on the shores of Lake Erie becomes a priority, and a new commander of American naval
forces on Lake Erie, Master Commandant Oliver H. Perry, arrives at Presque Isle Pennsylvania to
take charge.
The Americans decide their first focus will be achieving victory on Lake Ontario and the Niagara
frontier. To this end, Captain Isaac Chauncey is dispatched to Sackets Harbor New York to oversee
the construction of an American fleet on Lake Ontario. By the spring of 1813, the American forces
on the Niagara frontier under Major General Henry Dearborn significantly outnumber the British
forces, and the American Navy under Chauncey now has the strongest squadron on the Great
Lakes.
Meanwhile, the British Government is severely taxed by the war with Napoleon, and sends few
reinforcements to British North America to bolster the 1812 complement of British troops,
Canadian militia, and First Nations warrior allies. All British military supplies and stores still
have to be conveyed up the rapids of the St. Lawrence under the fire of the gun batteries on the
American shore. The British naval administration do little to maintain the equipment of the old
vessels on Lakes Erie and Ontario, where only a few new ships are being constructed. The Royal
Navy does, however, make two new appointments: on March 12, Sir James Lucas Yeo takes
command of Britain's Lake Ontario squadron at Kingston on Lake Ontario, and later on June 10
Commander Robert H. Barclay, a veteran of Trafalgar, arrives at the British naval base at
Amherstburg on Lake Erie.
By April 1813, the stage is set for the Americans to attack, and they do just that on April 27 with
a naval assault on York, the capital of the Province of Upper Canada. And so begins Act I of the
War in 1813...
1813 Prologue Credits
Napoleon Portrait by Jacques-Louis David Public Domain
James Madison Portrait by James Monroe Public Domain
Major General Isaac Brock Portrait by George Theodore Berthon, Archives of Ontario
Tecumseh Portrait by Benton Lossing, based on a sketch by Pierre le Dru Public Domain
Sir George Prevost Portrait attributed to Robert File , McGill University Archives
Miniatures from the collection of John Nixon Photographed by Christopher Redford
3
THE SETTING
Maps by Eshtamuel Alvee Goni and Christopher Redford.
Adapted from original maps by Thomas Kensett and Thomas Keefer.
ENT
RPM
CA
A ES
AR
NIAG
NIA
GAR
A ES
CAR
PME
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4
ACT I
DISASTER AT YORK
Ap"l 27, 1813
Story by Michael McAllister
On the morning of April 27 1813, an American fleet of 16 ships loaded with 1,750 American troops anchors off York in
preparation for an amphibious assault on the capital of Upper Canada. Gun Captain Ned Myers of the armed schooner
USS Scourge is amongst the sailors that man the oars in the landing boats carrying the infantry, and braving the shot of the
Mississauga warriors concealed in the bush. As the boats hit the beach, the Mississauga fade away and the Grenadier
Company of the 8th (King’s) Regiment fire a volley and charge with fixed bayonets. However, overwhelmed by sheer
numbers they are forced to retire eastwards to Fort York’s western battery.
Deployed well to the north of the landing site in case of an American flanking movement, the York Militia and the
Glengarry Light Infantry are ill-positioned to lend a hand.
According to Ned Myers, Scourge and the other schooners...
…were now ordered up the bay, to open on the batteries nearer to the town… we all anchored
within canister range. We heard a magazine blow up, as we stood in, and this brought three cheers
from us.
This explosion of the western battery leads to its abandonment after a brief attempt to bring it back into action. As British
troops retire behind the fort’s western ramparts, American forces advance to within canister range of the fort walls where
they halt in expectation of a British surrender.
Meanwhile, Provincial Commander of Forces, Major
General Sir Roger Hale Sheaffe, decides to cut his
losses and retire to Kingston, leaving the capitulation
of the capital to the local militia.
The Americans set fire to the Sir Isaac Brock, a
Royal Navy vessel under construction, and to a large
quantity of naval stores. They blow up the grand
gunpowder magazine.
Again, according to Myers:
…we heard an awful explosion on shore. Stones
as big as my two fists fell on board of us,
though nobody was hurt by them. We cheered,
thinking some dire calamity had befallen the
enemy. The firing ceased soon after this
explosion.
The Death of Captain Neal McNeale at the Battle of York by BTA Griffiths.
Courtesy Library and Archives Canada
Casualties for the American force have been light up to this point. However, the falling stone from the magazine kills an
additional 250 officers and men, including the tactical commander Brigadier General Zebulon Pike.
In the aftermath of the Battle of York, ripe for mischief and with total disregard for the terms of capitulation, American
soldiers and sailors including Myers and his gun crew loot the town.
During the initial occupation, Myers records:
...[we] walked over the ground where the explosion took place. It was a dreadful sight; the dead being so
mutilated that it was scarcely possible to tell their colour. Among other things we took, was the body of an
English officer, preserved in rum, which, they said, was General Brock’s. I am ashamed to say that some
of our men were inclined to drink the old rum.
5
Myers explains that he and his gun crew feel they are justified in disobeying orders regarding private property because
they risked their lives during the battle. For his own part he wants to have it said that amongst the other sailors, he was
foremost in such an exploit.
After the sacking of York, the war takes a decidedly nasty turn. Towns and forts on both sides of the border are put to the
torch with little regard for the pain, suffering, and property damage inflicted on the civilian population.
Is this image worth keeping?
British troops retreating to Kingston after defeat at York burn the bridge over the Don River Engraving by E Shrapnel based on a
drawing by I Bellamy Courtesy Library and Archives of Canada
Dramatis Personae
The real story of Hamilton’s Allan Napier MacNab begins with the American attack on York.
Fourteen- year-old MacNab joins his father in supporting the defence of the town. He is exhilarated
with his brief war experience as a civilian volunteer, and like his father before him decides to make a
career of it. After the torching of York, MacNab follows the retreating British troops to Kingston.
Commodore Yeo arrives in Kingston two weeks after the York raid and is looking for recruits to man
his new flag ship HMS Wolfe. Keen for action, MacNab signs on as midshipman and sees his first
action on May 29, 1813, when the British squadron attacks the American naval base at Sackets Harbor.
MacNab some
decades later
Immediately after the Battle of Stoney Creek, on June 8, 1813 the British fleet with MacNab on board
arrives off Grimsby en route to York with supplies and reinforcements from the Sackets Harbor raid. During the Battle of
Forty Mile Creek, the British schooners move in close to shore and bombard the American camp, capturing all their supply
bateaux, and equipment. During the remainder of June, with the British controlling Lake Ontario, MacNab participates in
several raids on American supply lines along the south shore of Lake Ontario, burning and pillaging depots at Genesee and
Sodus. During this time, MacNab is commissioned and promoted to the rank of Ensign. A petition soon follows from
MacNab to Lieutenant Governor Francis Gore, requests a transfer to the British Army. The reason given is that naval life is
"not agreeable" to him.
6
Since Yeo agrees with the request, it likely means MacNab suffers from seasickness. It is possible that MacNab is still with
the naval squadron during the first part of August, and participates in the naval action August 6 to 10, 1813, which sees the
sinking of USS Hamilton and Scourge. However, by August 30, 1813, he is at St. David's awaiting acceptance by Colonel
John Murray into the 100th Regiment. As a member of the British 100th Regiment of Foot at St. David's keeping the
Americans bottled up in Fort George, MacNab witnesses the first real atrocity of the war: the needless burning of the town of
Newark.
On December 19, 1813 MacNab, perhaps because of his naval experience, is chosen as a member of the advanced guard of
Grenadiers, to cross the Niagara River by boat. Colonel Murray reports that MacNab conducted himself with great bravery
and zeal in overpowering an American outpost and wiping out the main picket in front of Fort Niagara. Just nine days later,
MacNab participates in another night river crossing against the town of Buffalo, which is burned along with four ships
wintering in the harbour. He is commissioned in the field to the rank of Ensign for bravery and daring.
In 1814, when the war the in Europe ends with the defeat of Napoleon, MacNab is transferred to the 49th Regiment in
Montreal. On September 11, 1814, he participates in the Battle of Plattsburg on Lake Champlain. What should have been an
easy victory turns into a disaster due to the inept leadership of Governor Prevost, and this discourages MacNab from making a
career in the army.
By Robert Williamson
Ned Myers is born in 1793 in Quebec as a British subject, and is raised along with his sister
Harriet by a clergyman in Halifax. At age 11 he stows away aboard a merchant ship bound for
New York City to become a sailor. Eventually, Myers rejects his status as a British subject to
become an American citizen. He begins life in the United States Navy as a common jack in the
summer of 1812, just prior to the American declaration of war. His first posting in the navy is at
the New York Naval yards on one of the small gun-boats, after which he joins Commodore Isaac
Chauncey as part of the Lake Ontario squadron aboard Scourge. As is the case with many a man
who joins the navy or the army, he is strongly encouraged by peers and the provision of strong
drink to regularly imbibe -- a practice that carries him off "the straight and narrow" on a regular
basis. In 1843 James Fenimore Cooper writes a biography of Ned Myers, My Life before the Mast
vividly describing Myers’ escape from the sinking schooner Scourge.
By Michael McAllister
7
ACT II
DIVERSION AT SACKETS HARBOR
Ap"l 29, 1813
Story by Robert Williamson
When Commodore Sir James Yeo, Royal Navy, arrives in Kingston from England on May 16, 1813, to take up his new
appointment as naval commander on the "Lakes of Canada," he faces a growing crisis. The Americans, having had
several winter months to build ships and organize their extensive resources, are first on Lake Ontario in the spring of
1813. They test their strength with an amphibious raid on York, April 27, 1813, capturing or destroying large amounts of
military stores and equipment in that weakly defended outpost. They are about to expand their spring offensive against
the British at Fort George on the Niagara River, when Commodore Yeo, after only a few short weeks at his new post,
prepares to take action. Yeo writes this report to the British Admiralty on May 31, 1813:
In consequence of the enemy's attack at Fort George it is deemed advisable by His Excellency,
Sir George Prevost and myself, to cause a diversion, that Sackett’s Harbour should be the point of attack.
Sackets Harbour 1813 with ships under construction in the naval yard. Painting by Peter Rindlisbacher.
Yeo’s report concludes by saying that on May 29, the newly defined Royal Navy squadron under his command carried
out the raid and that British troops, after gaining a decided advantage, were reluctantly ordered to re-embark and leave a
beaten enemy, having obliged them to set fire to their naval stores. After the New York State militia abandoned the naval
depot and town, the remaining regular troops retired within their enclosed forts and blockhouses.
Civilian historians describe the so-called "battle" of Sackets Harbor as an American victory because the Americans do
not surrender their fortifications. These writers fail to recognize that the operation is a raid, not a battle. The British do
8
not have the resources to occupy the enemy base. Their objective is to destroy and capture, thus creating a diversion to
draw the American fleet, under Commodore Chauncey, away from its support of the American troops invading the
Niagara Peninsula. The diversion succeeds.
Because of the destruction of all the ship's stores and damage to the navy yard the Americans are unable to outfit their
ships under construction and cannot return to the offensive for several weeks. The strike succeeds because it brings the
British valuable time in control of the lake during the all-important summer months of military operation, as Commodore
Chauncey returns to Sackets Harbor with his fleet to protect his ships under construction.
In the aftermath of the Sackets Harbor raid, the words of a respected career American officer, Colonel Alexander
Macomb, best describes the importance of Yeo's diversionary strike: "Canada will not be conquered this year."
Dramatis Personae
In March 1813, the British Secretary of War appoints Sir James Lucas Yeo to command the
Royal Navy Squadron on the Great Lakes. Yeo brings 400 trained British seamen with him, which
gives him a distinct superiority over the American crews. Yeo operates under the directive of the
Duke of Wellington that the defence of Canada depends on naval control of the Great Lakes, and
carries out that directive very successfully. Yeo is only 31 years old but has a Knighthood from the
King of Portugal for his brilliant work in small boat actions and amphibious assaults, and his
opponents are intimidated by his professional reputation and aggressiveness. Canadian author,
Thomas Raddall describes Yeo as an intense man, subject to recurring fits of tropical fever from his
previous station, accounting for fluctuations in his behaviour. By nature he is a lonely and
somewhat morose man with sudden irritable surges of energy. After his success in the War of 1812,
he is assigned to commands in West Africa and the Caribbean where he dies prematurely in 1818 at
the age of 36 from debilitating tropical fever.
Photos courtesy
Hamilton & Scourge Society
By Robert Williamson
Born in Black Rock Connecticut, on February 20, 1779, Isaac Chauncey is appointed a
Lieutenant in the US Navy on September 17, 1798. He fights with gallantry in the West Indies
and Mediterranean before taking command of the US naval forces on Lake Ontario during the
War of 1812, conducting amphibious operations in cooperation with the Army, and challenging
the British fleet under the command of Sir James Yeo. His last service is as member, and
President for four years, of the Board of Navy Commissioners. Chauncey dies in Washington on
January 27, 1840.
By Bill Manson
9
Entr’acte
KING’S HEAD TORCHED Story by Ian Kerr-Wilson & Robert Williamson
May 10, 1813
The exact location of the King's Head Inn, built in 1793, is
uncertain but contemporary descriptions place it on the shore
of Lake Ontario, near the junction of modern-day Beach
Road and Woodward Avenue. Initially an aid to travellers, the
building, with its small garrison, also serves as a military
storehouse. As the Americans are preparing their attack at the
Niagara River on Fort George, the Inn is a legitimate target,
illustrating the free hand they have on the Lake.
On May 11, 1813, American forces attack the Inn. Samuel
Hatt describes the incident: “The Yankeys visited the Head of
King's Head Inn 1796. Attributed to Owen Staples after a
the Lake with two Schooners and…about 200 Men. Major
drawing by Elizabeth Graves Simcoe
Fitzgerald of the 49th … had about 14 Regulars and 25
Militia… I met him within two miles of the Beach with a reinforcement of about 30 choice Militia but he, I think properly
too, thought proper to retire…. The Yankeys burnt the Government House, but did no other mischief, “
Brigadier General John Vincent notes that the schooners have been “…cruising for several days, between this post [at
Niagara] and York” before landing a party “for the Express purpose of destroying the Government House...” The defenders
are unable to repel the attackers because “their debarkation [is] covered by the guns in the vessels.” While reinforcements
arrive, they are “too late to chastise the marauding acts of an Enemy …”
Within a month, the British Army faces a larger force of Americans in the summer campaign on the Niagara Peninsula, and
the material lost in the King’s Head raid is sorely missed.
FORT GEORGE FALLS
Story by Bill Manson
May 29, 1813
By late May, the Americans have assembled an army of more than 8000 men under the command of General Henry
Dearborn at Fort Niagara, and Commodore Chauncey's USN squadron controls Lake Ontario. Defending the British side
of the Niagara frontier, the principal
British garrison at Fort George has
only 1050 regulars and a few hundred
militiamen under the command of
Brigadier General John Vincent, as
well as some 50 Mohawk allies led by
John Norton. Fort George is stripped
of cannons to arm the British Lake
Erie fleet, and new cannons to be
shipped to Fort George are captured
by the Americans at York. The attack
on York shows just how weak the
British supply lines to Niagara are,
and reinforcements are sent to
Kingston to bolster the lines.
Fort George, built to guard against a
river crossing, is useless against an
amphibious assault. On May 2, the
American fleet begins the assault.
Assault on Fort George Painting by Peter Rindlisbacher
After three days of constant
bombardment, which destroys almost all the buildings within its walls, Fort George is taken. The British forces fall back to
Burlington Heights with the Americans in hot pursuit.
10
June 1813
ACT III
ENCAMPMENT AT BURLINGTON HEIGHTS
Story by John Triggs
Head-of-the-Lake, Upper Canada, June 1813:
The veteran fur trader can hardly contain his fury. It is an outrage. He and his family are being ordered to
vacate their residence - the very house that he built with his hard-earned commercial profits when he was
the sole settler in this wilderness at the end of Lake Ontario. His gentleman’s dwelling, the commodious and
comfortable brick cottage with two service wings, and a separate summer kitchen in front, is one of the
finest residences in this part of the province. Where is he to go? The only other building suitable for a
residence is the small cottage overlooking the lake down the hill from the gentleman’s ‘country mansion’.
Artist’s drawing of Richard Beasley’s house within the walls of Dundurn Castle c. 1965. Arthur Wallace Dundurn Castle
National Historic Site.
Richard Beasley cannot foresee events which will occur in the next three
months. The Royal Navy will lose control of Lake Erie in September 1813,
setting the stage for an American invasion into Upper Canada on the Detroit
frontier. After suffering defeat at Moraviantown on the Thames, the British
army, under the command of that disgraceful and some would say cowardly
General Henry Proctor, will be forced to retreat from the advancing wave of
undisciplined and ‘barbarous’ American soldiers led by General (later
President) W. H. Harrison. The noble Tecumseh will fall and hundreds, if not
thousands, of native allies, will find their way to Burlington Heights in the
coming weeks.
Beasley’s misfortune is to have settled on the neck of a naturally fortified
peninsula some three decades earlier. Ideal for conducting a trade with the
local Mississauga, from a military standpoint the Heights is also the most
easily defended position on the road between Niagara and the little ‘muddy’
town of York. The retreating British army is in need of a place to make a last
stand against the invading Americans who are already, in June, rolling up the
Niagara peninsula in their attempt to capture the entire province of Upper
Canada: an act which at least to Thomas Jefferson at the outbreak of the war
was a ‘mere matter of marching’.
British military plan of Burlington Heights.
Library and Archives Canada.
11
In June 1813, after commandeering Beasley’s house, the
British army fortifies the position by constructing
defensive earthworks, powder magazines, blockhouses,
and cannon batteries. Hundreds of British soldiers,
native warriors (among them Iroquois, Mississauga,
Ottawa, Shawnee and other Western nations) together
with their families, are soon encamped at the recently
established military position. Beasley looks on
helplessly as his cultivated acres are destroyed, fences
burnt, timber cut, buildings ruined and crops confiscated
to feed the hundreds of soldiers, warriors and refugees.
Epilogue:
The Archaeology of Burlington Heights
Excavation in the Cockpit at Dundurn Castle 1992 Photo courtesy of
John Triggs.
Beginning in 1991, I supervised and conducted
archaeological excavations at Dundurn Castle and,
although I did not realize it at the time, I entered into one
of the most interesting and rewarding periods of my career. In 15 years of digging with professional archaeologists,
students and volunteers, tens of thousands of artifacts were recovered dating to the War of 1812. As a team, we
investigated two defensive earthworks dating from that time: one does not appear on any map from that period and one
was the first line of defence
against the invading U.S.
army. Military regimental
buttons and other uniform
insignia, musket balls, gun
flints, and the thousands of
pieces of everyday objects
(ceramic dishes, bottle
glass, smoking pipes, food
bone, and even personal
items such as lice combs
and jaw harps) give us a
tangible connection to this
period of our history. Other
objects, glass trade beads,
silver trade jewellery, flint
and copper projectile
points, provide clear
evidence of the hundreds of
First Nations allies who
were so instrumental in
defence of the province.
Conjectural reconstruction of Beasley home under British occupation, based on archaeological research
Other discoveries we made
by Linda Carter and Christopher Redford Courtesy Dundurn National Historic Site
during that time were the
small cottage (A) to which
Beasley had to move in June 1813 (situated today within the walls of the Cockpit in Dundurn Park; the summer kitchen
(B) which appears on an 1813 map of Burlington Heights; the powder magazine inside the cellar of Dundurn Castle (C)
and associated gun platform (D) the fur trading establishment that Beasley operated between 1780 and 1812 down by the
former lakeshore, and what is thought to be a council house for native allies and British officers situated on the front lawn
of the castle.
Archaeology when conducted with the aid of historical documents is perhaps the most interesting way to learn about our
past. History is not only in the books it is in the ground waiting to be read. Hamilton is fortunate to have a local chapter of
the Ontario Archaeological Society and a dedicated group of professional and avocational archaeologists.
12
ACT IV
June 6, 1813
ENCOUNTER AT STONEY CREEK
Canada’s Near-Death Experience
Story by James Elliott
Somewhere among the 2,695 disarticulated bones and bone-fragments recovered from the various official excavations of
Smith’s Knoll in Stoney Creek are almost certainly some that belong to a 23-year-old soldier from Western Pennsylvania.
James Crawford, a sergeant in the 22nd US Infantry dies defending the steep embankment that marks the watercourse of
Battlefield Creek. The lead ball that tears a hole in his gut probably comes from a British musket but in the chaos of battle
on a moonless night obscured by gun smoke and ground fog, it’s hard to be certain. Whether it comes from a British
Brown Bess or an American Springfield, matters not: he dies.
The following day, with flies attending their corpses, Crawford and perhaps forty other soldiers from both sides are
unceremoniously gathered and buried in a common grave on the elevated ground now marked by the Lion’s Monument.
The place where Crawford leaves his bones marks the high-water mark for American incursions into the British colony
that would eventually become Ontario. The confused night battle in which he dies represents a crucial turning point in the
War of 1812 where victory by the Americans could well have hived off southwestern Ontario as the 19th state.
It all begins with the spring campaign of 1813 when the Americans, stung by humiliating defeats at Detroit and Queenston
during the first year of a war that was supposed to be over in six weeks, are desperate for some sign of success. In April
they roll over York (now Toronto) leaving much of the colonial capital a smoking ruin; in May an overwhelming force that
includes James Crawford crushes the Niagara River stronghold, Fort George, and drives out the British garrison. An
American artillery officer revels in the triumph of American arms: “We shall do well this campaign whatever they might
say about our former misfortunes. Our cause draws down the blessings of heaven.”
Badly mauled and bereft of baggage, provisions, and ammunition, the small British army, under Brigadier General John
Vincent retreats down the peninsula, halting finally at Burlington Heights, present-day Dundurn Park in Hamilton. The
Americans however, are in anything but hot pursuit and it is the afternoon of the 5th of June before an army of 3,500,
including cavalry and artillery under neophyte Brigadier General John Chandler reaches Stoney Creek and stands poised
to finally complete the task begun nine days earlier at Fort George.
Seven miles away on Burlington Heights, with only half the American numbers, scant ammunition, no support from the
Grand River Warriors and no faith in the militia, Vincent’s options are extremely limited. A conventional stand-up action
means almost certain defeat. Further retreat offers an equally dim prospect.
Enter Lieutenant Colonel John Harvey, Vincent’s second-in-command and arguably the ablest British field grade officer in
North America. After reconnoitering the American camp on the two Gage farms in Stoney Creek, Harvey proposes an
immediate night-attack. The plan is unanimously rejected by a council of field officers, but Harvey warns Vincent that his
reputation, his troops and Upper Canada are all at risk and convinces his commander to approve a night assault.
Harvey hastily assembles a raiding party of about 800 troops, all regulars save for a few dozen militia and a handful of
native warriors. To succeed Harvey is counting on stealth. To ensure no accidental discharge gives them away, all muskets
are unloaded and the attack is made with bayonets only. While the British force advances toward Stoney Creek along a
route roughly traced by today’s King Street, Chandler and his second-in-command are playing cards before retiring for the
night.
Through a combination of ruse and good fortune, Harvey’s band arrives undetected on the outskirts of the American camp
at about 2 a.m. and manages to capture the advance picket, most of whom are asleep in a nearby church. If silence can be
maintained the British are poised to make Harvey’s audacious plan a reality but, as the redcoats rush into a line of
campfires they believe mark the American line, a group of British officers, convinced victory is at hand, begin to cheer.
13
The American troops, however, have been withdrawn 200 metres to the east side of Battlefield Creek and the British,
illuminated by the campfires, find themselves easy targets for the now aroused American troops. Despite their superior
training and experience -- they are after all the best infantry in the world --withering fire rapidly overcomes discipline, unit
control breaks down, troops break and run, and in the confusion and darkness many are lost in the surrounding woods
including Vincent.
The British expedition is on the verge of disaster when
Major Charles Plenderleath, commander of the 49th
Regiment, sees the guns of the American artillery battery
discharge and calls for volunteers to charge the position
before they can reload and fire again. The challenge is
taken up by Sergeant Alexander Fraser of the 49th who
leads about thirty men in a desperate bayonet charge into
the mouths of the guns. At a full gallop they reach the
position before the next round can be discharged.
Stabbing horse and man they crash through the battery
and scatter the infantry supporting it.
The Act. Painting by Peter Rindlisbacher.
Chandler, still dizzy after tumbling from his horse in the
dark, hobbles into the mix sword in hand ,and is
immediately captured by Fraser. Minutes later, the same
fate befalls his second-in-command, Brigadier General
William Winder. In the last of the pre-dawn darkness the
British and their prizes -- two generals and two field guns
-- are able to withdraw before the rest of the American
line realizes what has happened.
Alexander Fraser and his brother Peter are a tandem wrecking crew, leading the charge that breaches the American line
and between them killing or maiming eleven Americans and capturing several more, including the two general officers.
Although the Victoria Cross would not appear for another forty-three years, Alexander Fraser’s conduct surely meets its
criteria of valour in the face of the enemy.
The American force, effectively decapitated, takes
several hours to devolve command to a dragoon
colonel, James Burn, whose first action is to order an
immediate withdrawal to The Forty, present-day
Grimsby. Reinforced there by another regiment and
two more generals with instructions to go on the attack
immediately, the American force is undone by a
chance confluence of events--the appearance of a
Royal Navy squadron off The Forty, the arrival of Six
Nations warriors on the escarpment, and redcoats from
the west on the great road. The American withdrawal
back to Fort George is so hasty that hundreds of tents
and muskets and all their luggage is abandoned on the
field.
In the short term, Stoney Creek costs the Americans
two generals, two guns and all their momentum. In
the long term it almost certainly costs them Upper
The Re-enact. Photo by Barry Gray, courtesy of Hawthorn Ink.
Canada. Had the outcome been different, our great
northern dominion would have become a profoundly different place. The defeat of Vincent’s army at Stoney Creek would
have left all of Upper Canada southwest of Kingston open to the Americans. The small British force at Amherstburg would
be simply starved into submission.
Today the remains of James Crawford rest in a communal sarcophagus that stands as a stark reminder of Upper Canada’s
near-death experience 200 years ago.
14
Dramatis Personae
Brigadier General John Chandler is a blacksmith who rises from poverty and illiteracy to become
one of New England’s most influential politicians. He is one of several general officers appointed in the
first years of the war, who has never held a command of any rank in the regular army. Although fond of
parade and drill, Chandler fails to impress many of his fellow officers. A subordinate once said,
“Chandler has neither sense nor discretion and is without any military knowledge at all.”
By James Elliott
Photo courtesy Maine Historical Society
Lieutenant Colonel John Harvey, in contrast to his superior officer Vincent, arrives in New Brunswick
in 1813 with considerable military experience, being fresh from the Napoleonic Wars. Undaunted by the
winter conditions, he participates in the snowshoe march through wilderness to join the 49th at Niagara.
After leading the decisive raid at Stoney Creek, Harvey serves with distinction at Crysler’s Farm and
throughout the 1814 campaign. Following the war, he is knighted Sir John Harvey and appointed
colonial administrator in several British colonies: P.E.I., New Brunswick, Newfoundland, and finally
Nova Scotia. He dies in Halifax in 1852. Burlington Heights Park is renamed Harvey Park in his honour
in 1894.
Library and
By John Nixon
Archives Canada
Sergeant Alexander Fraser, 49th Regiment. Fraser and his younger brother, Corporal Peter Fraser,
are the sharp end of the stick that skewered the American line at Stoney Creek, overrunning the artillery
and sowing confusion in the ranks. Alexander personally captured both the American generals, one of
whom actually surrendered his sword to the towering sergeant. Promoted from the ranks to an ensigncy
for his gallantry, he settles in Upper Canada after the war and serves during the Rebellion of 1837. When
he dies in 1872, the Perth Courier declares him ‘a soldier every inch’.
By James Elliott
Illustration by Keith Milne and colourist Gord Coulthart, Special to QMI Agency
Major Charles Plenderleath, 49th Regiment. The key figure in the Battle of Stoney Creek, without
whom the British cause would assuredly been lost, Plenderleath is awarded the Order of Bath for his
decisive charge. Five months after Stoney Creek he distinguishes himself again at Crysler’s Farm
against some of the same American troops.
By James Elliott
Photograph : anonymous source: mccord-museum.qc.ca
Brigadier General John Vincent arrives in Canada in 1802 as a Lieutenant-Colonel with the 49th
Regiment. At the beginning of the war Vincent has thirty-one years of experience in the army, but
comparatively little in combat. His career is harmed when he is unable to explain his absence during the
engagement at Stoney Creek, and he departs for England on sick leave the next year. He is later appointed
Lieutenant-Governor of Dunbarton Castle in Scotland, and remains in the army well into his seventies.
Vincent dies in 1848.
By John Nixon
15
Entr’acte
ROUT AT THE FORTY Story by Bill Manson
June 8, 1813
The American invasion force under the command of General Lewis is
regrouping at Forty Mile Creek after its defeat at Stoney Creek. Following
the Battle of Sackets Harbor, the British squadron carrying desperately
needed supplies and reinforcements arrives off FortyMile Creek on the
morning of June 8th. Commodore Yeo's bombardment and the continual
harassment from British and First Nations land forces convince Lewis to
withdraw to the safety of Fort George. In panic the Americans abandon
everything, bringing a very abrupt end to their Niagara offensive.
Sketch by Robert Williamson
SURRENDER AT BEAVER DAMS
Story by Bill Manson
June 24, 1813
British Lieutenant James FitzGibbon with a relatively small force, later nicknamed “the Bloody Boys”, is sent into
Niagara to harass the American forces stationed at Fort George. The American commander, General John Boyd, dispatches
Lieutenant Colonel Charles Boerstler with a much larger force of about five hundred and fifty men to deal with
FitzGibbon.
When they arrive at Queenston, Boerstler posts guards around the
village, and stays at the home of James and Laura Secord. The Secords
overhear Boerstler discussing his plan to engage the British force the
next morning. Laura slips away to warn FitzGibbon who is camped at
Beaver Dams near Thorold. On the way, she encounters a group of
Native warriors, mostly Caugnhnawaga Mohawks from Quebec.
When the American force sets out from Queenston on June 24th, they
are ambushed and surrounded by the Mohawks. Pushed back by heavy
musket fire, the Americans incur heavy casualties including several
officers. Boerstler himself is wounded twice in the thigh, as
FitzGibbon’s troops arrive to join the battle.
A British Officer on horseback approaches Boerstler offering him
protection from the Mohawk warriors if the Americans surrender. The
Americans fearing the Natives more than the prospect of being taken
captive agree to surrender, not realizing that they still vastly outnumber
the British force and Native warriors. This is the same ruse used by
Brock so successfully at Detroit the previous year.
After the war, FitzGibbon becomes a hero in Upper Canada and lives
there for many years He acknowledges the major role played by the
Mohawks in the battle in taking advantage of the American fear of the
‘scalping knives’. Later, he also acknowledges the role played by Laura
Secord in warning him of the American's impending attack.
Drawing c.1910 by Henry Sandham.
From Wikipedia (in the public domain)
For his part, the American commander in the Niagara frontier, General Henry Dearborn is recalled from Fort Niagara for
"health reasons" on July 6th. Niagara remains quiet for the next five months, with the British troops outside Fort George
blockading the Americans for most of the rest of the summer.
16
Dramatis Personae
James Fitzgibbon, born 1780 in Ireland, joins an Irish regiment in 1798 from which he is recruited
into the British 49th Regiment, serving under Lieutenant Colonel Brock in Holland and at the Battle of
Copenhagen. He comes to Canada in 1802. At the time, officers are most often men from wealthy
families who buy their commissions, but Brock promotes FitzGibbon because he is intelligent and hardworking – from Sergeant Major, to Ensign and Adjutant, and to Lieutenant in 1809.
Chosen for his leadership and ingenuity, FitzGibbon is placed in charge of a company at the Battle of
Stoney Creek, his biographer asserting that he reconnoiters enemy positions there while disguised as a
farmer selling butter to the American troops. Some historians also believe that in keeping with his
unorthodox disposition, he conceives the idea to use a night attack to catch the enemy by surprise.
After his success at Beaver Dams, FitzGibbon is promoted to Captain, and transfers to the Glengarry Light Infantry
Fencibles. In the meantime, as part of the 49th Regiment he is moved to Kingston to counter the American thrust against
Montreal. Consequently, he is with the 49th at the Battle of Crysler's Farm, but makes no report of his participation in that
important defence of Canada.
At the conclusion of the war, the Glengarry Fencibles are disbanded and FitzGibbon becomes a colonel in the militia,
playing a major role in putting down the Rebellion of 1837. He works in the public service of the colony in various posts
until he returns to England in 1847 where he becomes a knight at Windsor Castle, an honorary position with a pension.
Fitzgibbon dies in 1863 at the age of 83, having served Canada as an officer of great distinction considering his humble
origins.
By Robert Williamson
Laura Secord is recognized as a national hero for the part she plays in the Battle of Beaver Dams.
However, there is another heroine associated with that event.
Sarah Ryan is a 12-year old girl, living with her family on a farm, near Beaver Dams, who
watches the battle on June 24, 1813. After the battle, FitzGibbon writes his report, to be sent in
dispatches to the other British commanders in Niagara. He asks Sarah's father for Sarah’s help to
deliver dispatches through American lines and past their sentries. Permission is given and Sarah
is recruited to become a ‘spy’ to deliver the reports. She hides the dispatches in her dress, and
rides on her horse past the American sentries to successfully accomplish her mission as if she is
on a pleasure trip.
Sarah later marries John Winer, and they have a son and three daughters. The family moves to
Hamilton where Winer opens a drug store, and becomes a wealthy and a prominent person in the
community. Sarah's grandson, William Winer Cooke, fights in the American Civil War and dies
with General George Custer at the Battle of the Little Big Horn in 1876. Grandmother and
grandson are both buried in Hamilton Cemetery.
By Robin McKee
Photo by William Farmer
c. 1890
17
Augu# 8, 1813
ACT V
SINKING of the
USS Hamilton and USS Scourge
Story by Michael McAllister
USS Scourge
Formerly named Diana and Lord Nelson, Hamilton and Scourge are
British merchant schooners captured and pressed into service by the
United States Navy, short days before the American declaration of war
on June 18, 1812. The reliance on merchant schooners means that the
American fleet sails very unevenly. Compared to purpose designed
warships which are much trimmer, these smaller vessels are slow and
particularly difficult to sail, especially once they are overloaded with
guns and troops on their top decks -- the idea being to produce
maximum fire-power at the lowest cost in the shortest time.
Long Gun on-board Scourge used to bombard the
garrison of York Photo by ASI Group courtesy
City of Hamilton
Both Hamilton and Scourge are involved in actions at York in April of
1813 and at Fort George in late May as part of joint operations between
the navy and the army, where they serve as troop transports and as
shipboard artillery in support of the army’s amphibious landings and
ground assault. On August 8, while waiting to engage the British off
Niagara a sudden squall sends them both to the bottom.
According to the account of Scourge crewman Ned Myers who survives the sinking, the two fleets are becalmed and lie
close together awaiting fresh breezes as night comes on. After splicing the main brace (repairing one of the cables that
supports the main mast by splicing two cables together; also a euphemism for drinking a ration of alcohol), and eating
supper, the ship’s company beds down under clear skies.
It is not clear how many men sleep by the guns as ordered by the captain, but it is likely that a skeleton crew of eleven, the
number that survived, sleep at their guns, while the rest go below decks.
Shortly after midnight, Myers is awakened by large raindrops falling on his face. Suddenly a violent crash of thunder and
high winds threaten to capsize the vessel forcing it to heel over on its port side. Ned loosens the top-sail and jib sheets in
an attempt to keep the sails from filling. This should right the vessel, but for the fact that the mainsail remains set. Scourge
continues to heel over and in Myers’ words, “the water [is] now up to my breast, and I [know] the schooner must go over.”
He hears the shrieks of trapped crewmen below decks amidst the roar of
the wind and rain as water pours through the open hatches. Unsure of
what to do next, he makes his way toward the stern where he sees
Scourge’s captain, Mr. Osgood, struggling to get out with his head and
part of his shoulders protruding through one of the cabin windows.
Unable to help the captain, and fearing that he will be dragged beneath
the waves by the suction of the schooner’s sinking, Myers leaps into the
water just as Scourge disappears below the surface to make her final
journey to the bottom as a coffin.
Not a swimmer, Myers does his best to stay afloat. His flailing arms
brush against the side of the ship’s boat. Someone must have untied it.
What luck! He struggles on-board and commences aiding the other
swimming sailors. Over the noise of the wind and rain, he hears the voice
of crew-mate Tom Goldsmith saying, “Ned, I’m here, close by you…Davy
Lord Nelson, Scourge's figurehead.
Photo by ASI Group courtesy City of
Hamilton
18
has made a good haul, and he gave us a close shave; but he didn’t get you
and me” (a reference to “Davy Jones” and his "locker" where drowned
sailors end up).
With Scourge's ship’s boa full to overflowing with rescued mates, they
board the American schooner Julia, where a short time later Myers learns
that the Hamilton has gone down and her crew has suffered the same fate
as that of Scourge.
Diana goddess of the hunt, Hamilton's figurehead.
Photo by Emory Kristof courtesy City of Hamilton
OUR SUNKEN TREASURES
Estimates of the loss due to the sinking of the two schooners vary
depending upon the source. One newspaper reports the loss of 100
crewmen. Commodore Isaac Chauncey, Commander of the U.S. Navy
forces on the Great Lakes, mentions that 16 sailors survive. The actual
numbers based on the schooners’ muster rolls indicate that a total of 41
men are present aboard Hamilton and 32 aboard Scourge. Fifty-three men
are listed as discharged dead from both schooners – 32 from Hamilton and
21 from Scourge -- in what is the largest loss of life for the United States
Navy in a single event on Lake Ontario during the War of 1812.
Commentary by Robert Williamson
Two of Canada's greatest archaeological treasures lie at the bottom of Lake Ontario near the approach channel to the
Welland Canal. They are 1813 American naval vessels frozen eternally in a state of readiness for action during the War
of 1812. Unlike most sunken vessels, they are in near perfect condition, preserved by the cold darkness of the deep
water. The discovery of these vessels is a remarkable story.
It begins at first light on Sunday August 8, 1813, when the British naval squadron on Lake Ontario sights the American
squadron assembled offshore near Twelve Mile Creek. As the British ships turn to close and engage the Americans, the
Squadron navigator on the British flagship, HMS Wolfe, makes the following entry in his Log:
40 Mile Creek bore south-southwest, distance about 8 miles. Enemy squadron bearing east and by south
about 13 nautical miles.
Little does the navigator realize the significance that his
routine log entry will have. The Americans are not
preparing for battle. They are in fact conducting a "search
and rescue operation" for the crews of the USS Hamilton
and USS Scourge, both ships having capsized and sunk
only a few hours earlier when a violent line squall swept
across Lake Ontario. As a result, the Americans are in no
mood for a confrontation and, as the British squadron
closes in on them, they retire to the Niagara River under
the safety of the guns of Fort Niagara.
Map by Robert Williamson.
One hundred and fifty years later, amateur archaeologist
Dr. Dan Nelson of St. Catharines begins his search for the
sunken ships. His first task is to narrow the search area.
He expects to find the necessary clues for his search in the
records of the American squadron stored in the United
States Naval Archives of Washington, DC.
What he discovers is a complete surprise: the lost Log of the British flagship, HMS Wolfe, in which he reads the
British navigator's entry, almost pinpointing the location of the sunken ships. These ships are two of Canada's greatest
archaeological treasures, certainly something to shout about during the Bicentennial.
19
THE NAVAL MEMORIAL AT CONFEDERATION PARK
The Naval Memorial, located
inside Confederation Park
Hamilton, commemorates the loss
of the 53 American sailors, who
gave their lives during the sinking
of Hamilton and Scourge. This
was the largest loss of life suffered
by the United States Navy in one
engagement during the War of
1812 on Lake Ontario.
Photographs courtesy Christine Lei
Entr’acte
AMERICANS CONTROL LAKE ERIE
Story by Bill Manson
September 10, 1813
On Lake Erie, the Americans aim to recapture Fort Detroit, and Major General William Henry Harrison is dispatched to
undertake this goal. During the spring and summer of 1813, the Americans also build a squadron of ships to challenge the
British control of Lake Erie.
By September 1813, the British on the Detroit frontier, under the command of General Henry Patrick Procter, are in
difficulty as their supplies are curtailed due to the American occupation of Niagara. The British garrison at Detroit, under
the command of Procter, along with their Native allies led by Tecumseh face a critical shortage of food and other supplies.
To ensure that their supply lines remain open, the British must retain control of Lake Erie.
The American fleet, under Commander Oliver Perry,
consists of thirty-nine cannonades, and a complement of
532 sailors, many of them combat veterans. On the other
hand, the British Lake Erie squadron, under Lieutenant
Robert Heriot Barclay, consists of six vessels with a
complement of only 440 seamen, many of them new
recruits. It lacks relative fire power, with a total of 35
guns and 28 carronades. Moreover, the guns fired by
means of a flintlock, are so decrepit that the gun captains
must trigger them by firing a pistol at the vent, thus
reducing the rate of fire.
On September 9, Barclay's squadron sails from
The Battle of Lake Erie by Peter Rindlisbacher
Amherstburg in search of the Americans who are anchored
at Put-in-Bay. The next morning, Barclay opens the attack. After a fierce battle, his squadron is totally defeated and Perry
wins a decisive victory by capturing all six British vessels. Barclay tenders his sword to Perry who refuses it, telling the
British officers to keep their weapons as a sign of their gallant fight. Perry's report of the battle to Harrison contains the
famous line: "We have met the enemy and they are ours." This American victory gives them complete control of Lake
Erie, which they retain for the rest of the war.
20
Dramatis Personae
Robert Heriot Barclay joins the Royal Navy as a midshipman at age 11, and is posted to Vice
Admiral Horatio Nelson's ship, Victory. He fights at Trafalgar where he loses an arm, receives a
commendation, and gets a promotion.
In 1810, Barclay is sent to Canada where he serves on various ships before being appointed full
naval lieutenant in 1813. He is given command of the Canadian Provincial Marine Squadron on
Lake Erie based in Amherstburg. However, Barclay is not Commander James Yeo's first choice
for the post, as Yeo first offers the command to Captain William Mulcaster. A politically astute
commander, Mulcaster knows that the British high command consider Lake Erie expendable and
are reserving most resources for the Lake Ontario fleet. So Mulcaster declines the offer, and
Barclay accepts. He and Amherstburg's army commander, Henry Procter, are bluntly told any ordnance and supplies they
will need to secure Lake Erie will have to be captured from the Americans. Despite his severely limited resources, Barclay
manages to strengthen his fleet, although it is clearly no match for that of the Americans. Given no choice, Barclay is
ordered to engage the American squadron under the command of Oliver Hazard Perry. For the first time in maritime
history, an entire British fleet is defeated and captured. Barclay is badly wounded and court-martialed. Although he is
ultimately absolved of all blame for the crushing defeat on Lake Erie, he still waits ten years to be promoted to the rank of
full naval captain.
By Bill Manson
Photo: Captain Robert Barclay by C.W. Jeffreys Library and Archives Canada.
Master Commandant Oliver Hazard Perry, USN receives one of the twenty-seven
Congressional Medals of Honor the United States presents to its heroes in the War of 1812. He is
well remembered for two phrases: “Don’t Give Up the Ship,” flying on the banner of his flagship
USS Lawrence; and for his report to superiors after the Battle of Lake Erie: “We have met the
enemy and they are ours.” No stranger to controversy, after the War he is challenged to at least
two duels, one by Captain Jesse Elliot his second-in-command on Lake Erie. Perry remains in the
US Navy until, in 1819, he dies on ship near Trinidad from yellow fever carried by infected
mosquitoes.
By John Nixon
Photo: after a painting(1839) by John Wesley Jarvis. Public Domain.
21
ACT VI
“BURLINGTON RACES”
September 28, 1813
Commentary by Robert Williamson
The Burlington Races occurred just eighteen days after Commodore Perry's stunning American victory on Lake Erie. Many
historians, however, have failed to realize that Perry's success was meaningless without the necessary sequel on Lake Ontario,
the key to the Great Lakes. The senior officer of the United States Navy on the Lakes, Commodore Isaac Chauncey, having
been overshadowed by his subordinate's victory, was under pressure to bring about an end to hostilities in Upper Canada by
seizing control of Lake Ontario. This would allow the safe transfer of the American army on the Niagara Peninsula to the St.
Lawrence River where an attack on Montreal was planned. However, an unchecked Royal Navy under the command of
Commodore Sir James Yeo, roaming freely on Lake Ontario, could spell disaster to this American offensive. Therefore, the
event that was to be called the Burlington Races would prove to be a crucial naval engagement and indeed, a turning point in
the war.
On paper, the American squadron had the advantage in numbers, and in firepower. In reality, the combatants were more equal
than these figures imply. Six ships of the American squadron were converted merchant schooners, not fighting ships. They were
more useful as gunboats for bombardment than naval battles. Top heavy and unwieldy in bad weather, their sailing
characteristics were so divergent that Chauncey had great difficulty in keeping his ships in formation, so much so that in this
action, three of the schooners were tied to mother ships in a towing formation. While these vessels added to the weight of
Chauncey's firepower, they seriously hampered his speed and manoeuvrability. On the other hand, the British ships were faster,
held their formation well and could, therefore, better concentrate their effort.
The Wolfe prepares to engage the enemy by Peter Rindlisbacher.
Epilogue
Changing military history can be a daunting task especially when the event is recorded in books, magazines, and even on
a historical plaque. With the Bicentennial of the War of 1812, it is timely that I reveal the truth about the naval battle
called The “Burlington Races.”
During the War of 1812, the Duke of Wellington, foremost British military intellect of the War, declares, "any offensive
operation against Canada must be preceded by the establishment of naval superiority on the Lakes." To win the War, the
British must maintain naval control of Lake Ontario. The naval battle known as, "The Burlington Races," fought at the
western end of Lake Ontario on September 28, 1813 is momentous, because it determines whether the British or
Americans control Upper Canada. Incidentally, the term "Races" is a facetious title created by armchair historians who,
not grasping how germane the spectacle is to the outcome of the war and Canada's future, liken it to a yacht race.
22
The complete story of this naval battle remains a mystery for almost two hundred years, because the logbook of
Commodore Yeo's British flagship Wolfe disappears in 1814. Subsequently, historians use conjecture to explain what
happened, and the theory that the British squadron avoids defeat on Lake Ontario by escaping into Burlington Bay
(Hamilton Harbour) becomes a popular myth. It first appears in Canadian Collier's Weekly magazine in 1913. Everyone
embraces the exciting tale, even though the author warns, "the dry bones of record are clothed with the flesh of fancy."
The story is so dramatic and so full of daring adventure that everyone ignores the fact that the depth of the Burlington Bay
mouth opening is too shallow to allow the squadron entrance into the bay and fancy becomes fact.
Then, the Wolfe's log is discovered by accident in 1971 in the United States National Archives in Washington D.C. during
a research project to locate the sunken 1812 American warships, USS Hamilton and USS Scourge.
Here are the facts. The Wolfe, suffering sail damage during her earlier encounter with the enemy, is unable to manoeuvre. I
use this entry in the Wolfe's logbook for September 28th, 1813 to interpret the event: At 4.30 arrived with the squadron
and came to an anchor off Burlington Bay, close in shore with springs on the cables.
The interpretation follows: Commodore Yeo, a superb seaman, orders the British squadron to maintain a strong defensive
position close in shore so that the enemy cannot envelop them. With a following wind, the ships anchor by the stern,
hauling their anchor cables to the rear using rope spring hawsers. By releasing those ropes holding the anchor during an
ensuing battle, the ships can swing in the wind and present a fresh bank of guns to the enemy when necessary.
Thus damaged HMS Wolfe leads the British squadron close inshore near Burlington to form a strong defensive battery.
As a result, it is the Americans who decline battle and take refuge in the mouth of the Niagara River to repair their
damaged ships, and the British squadron, left unmolested, maintains control of Lake Ontario for most of the rest of the
war, ensuring ultimate victory. The Burlington Races facts prove to be even fancier than fiction.
Entr’acte
TECUMSEH SLAIN
Story by Bill Manson
October 5, 1813
News quickly spreads that the Americans have defeated the British squadron on Lake Erie, and that the British have
subsequently abandoned the entire Detroit frontier. British commander General Henry Proctor apparently is losing control
of his small army, and spends most of his time with his family leaving the day-to-day command to Lieutenant Colonel
Augustus Warburton.
The American army is in hot pursuit and catches up in a large open
swampy area of the Thames valley. The American cavalry is
approaching, and Tecumseh, along with his friend William Caldwell,
who commands the Caldwell's Rangers, determine to take action by
attacking the American lead patrol. They hold their ground until the main
American force arrives and then retreat into the woods.
Battle of the Thames by William Emmons.
Courtesy W.H. Coverdale Collection of Canadiana,
Library and Archives Canada
The next morning, October 5, the British regulars prepare for battle.
Initially, Proctor attempts to rally his troops but soon flees, leaving
Warburton in charge. The American cavalry advances and takes the
British line. Meanwhile, Tecumseh rallying his warriors is shot, and
William Caldwell sees Tecumseh with a fatal chest wound. Proctor
escapes, later arriving at Burlington Heights.
After this battle, many of Tecumseh’s allies return to their homes to make peace with the Americans, while others set off
to rejoin the British on the Niagara frontier. The American victory at the Battle of the Thames is decisive, and they remain
in control of the Detroit frontier for the rest of the war. Nothing now lies between the forces of American General Harrison
and the Niagara Peninsula. However, the lateness of the season and over-extended supply lines force him to turn back to
Detroit.
23
CONFRONTATION AT CRYSLER’S FARM
Story by John Nixon
November 11, 1813
On November 3, 1813, American Major General James Wilkinson camps with his army of nearly 5000 on Grenadier
Island at the eastern end of Lake Ontario. After months of indecision, Wilkinson selects his target -- the commercial
centre of Montreal to the east and not the naval base at Kingston to the west. A two-pronged attack is planned. While
Wilkinson proceeds down the St. Lawrence River one hundred fifty miles through five sets of rapids, Major General Wade
Hampton with a force of at least 3000 proceeds up the Chateauguay River south of Montreal. What Wilkinson does not
know is that Lieutenant Colonel Charles de Salaberry, an experienced British officer from Lower Canada with a force of
350 French-Canadian voltigeurs and native warriors, stops Hampton’s army at Chateauguay. Despite only 40 Americans
being killed, discouraged by the enemy’s tenacity, Hampton retreats to his winter quarters in New York.
Wilkinson, seriously ill and only in command because the War Office refuses to accept his request for re-assignment,
doses himself with laudanum -- a mixture of opium and alcohol. With winter setting in, his poorly supplied soldiers; many
incapacitated by illness themselves, set off down the St. Lawrence. A British-Canadian force of 800 led by LieutenantColonel Joseph Morrison chases them, sniping at the rear of their column whenever they are on land.
On November 11, the Americans decide
they’ve had enough. They turn to engage
their enemy on the field of John Crysler’s
farm on the edge of the river. A fierce
American charge that includes some
cavalry is repulsed. On November 13,
Wilkinson abandons the campaign and
retreats to the desolate hamlet of French
Mills in New York State where they
winter. Disease flourishes in the poor
conditions and the number of American
invalids increases from 1400 to 2000
within weeks, while many officers return
to the comfort of their own homes.
Painting by G.A. Embleton, courtesy Parks Canada
Thus in 1813, yet another invasion into Canada ends unsuccessfully for the United States.
Dramatis Personae
Lieutenant Colonel Charles de Salaberry Born at Beauport Québec on November 19
1778, de Salaberry enlists at age 14 as a volunteer in the 44th Foot, later to become an ensign in
the 60th Foot. He distinguishes himself during service overseas in Santo Domingo, Guadeloupe
and Martinique before his posting to Lower Canada, where in 1799 he is again promoted. In
July 1811, de Salaberry becomes a brevet major and, as war with the US seems imminent, he
proposes raising a provincial corps called the Canadian Voltigeurs. In the autumn of 1812, the
Voltigeurs move to the frontier of Lower Canada where de Salaberry takes charge of the border
defences. After his decisive victory at Chateauguay, de Salaberry is upset by the lack of
recognition he receives, and tenders his resignation. However, he is persuaded to stay in the
army, where he sees no further action during the war. His health ruined by his military service,
de Salaberry relinquishes command of the Voltigeurs, and leaves the army in 1815 to become a
successful landowner and businessman in Lower Canada. He dies in 1829 at the age of 50.
Portrait (by Anson Dickinson 1825 Museum of Château Ramezay Montréal ) courtesy Parks Canada
By Bill Manson
24
ACT VII
TORCHING OF NEWARK
December 1813
Story by John Nixon
Treason, treachery, tragedy, and retaliation, is the story of the burning of Newark, the town now known as Niagara-onthe-Lake.
In 1813 not everyone living in Upper Canada is hoping that the British will repel the American invasion. The Canadian
Volunteers, a band of republican sympathizers, led by Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Willcocks, is fighting with the
American army to help them secure victory. Willcocks, an Irish-born, elected member of Upper Canada’s Legislative
Assembly for the region of Niagara from 1807 to 1812, is well known for his anti-government sentiments; he voices
them in parliament and in the Niagara newspapers he owns, the Upper Canada Guardian and the Freeman’s Journal. He
is not openly pro-American at the beginning of the war, but by June 1813 Willcocks abandons all pretense, and sides
with the Americans, becoming a traitor.
Throughout the summer his Canadian Volunteers, easily identified by their green hat band with its white cockade, use
Fort George as a base to forage and police the area. Willcocks uses his position to settle old scores with those who
oppose him and his views.
By December 1813, the garrison at Fort George is greatly diminished. The American regular army soldiers leave Niagara
to join General Wilkinson’s failed campaign to take Montreal. Following their defeat at Crysler’s Farm they do not
return.
New York Militia Brigadier General George McClure becomes increasingly worried about his ability to hold Fort
George. One third of the militia under his command inform the General that their agreed-upon term of enlistment is
expired and they intend to go home. So, McClure decides to abandon Upper Canada, cross the Niagara River and settle
into Fort Niagara for the winter. Rather than burning Fort George so that the British could not re-occupy it, Willcocks
persuades McClure to burn the entire town of Newark instead.
December 10 is a frigid day. Winds are gusting and
snow is calf deep. Only women, children, the sick,
and the elderly remain in Newark. The men are
absent, serving with their Upper Canadian militia
units. Willcocks and his Canadian Volunteers appear
and give the four hundred townspeople four hours
(another report says twelve hours) to leave their
homes with whatever they can carry. They proceed to
torch the entire town and no mercy is shown.
Charlotte Dickson, sick and elderly, is carried in her
bed into the roadway and left there. Within thirty
minutes, Newark is completely ablaze: ninety-eight
buildings in all, including houses, barns, stables,
churches, stores, court house and jail. Inhabitants
Public domain. Courtesy War of 1812 website
watch their homes, possessions, and winter food
supplies go up in flames, before seeking sanctuary, some at neighbours’ farms miles away. By December 11, nothing
remains of Newark except stone chimneys standing over charred ruins. Some people return to live in their root cellars,
while others succumb to the weather.
The American government disavows the action, but this is not acceptable to Lieutenant- eneral Gordon Drummond.
Infuriated, he orders swift retribution. On December 19 British soldiers cross the river and secure Fort Niagara. Over the
next twelve days, the British proceed to burn every American village on the U.S. side of the Niagara River: Lewiston,
Youngstown, Manchester (now Niagara Falls, New York), Black Rock, Buffalo and a Tuscarora settlement -- a total of
333 buildings. Inevitably as war proceeds, one unspeakable act against civilians follows another.
25
Dramatis Personae
In 1800 an ambitious Joseph Willcocks arrives from Ireland. By 1807 he is a member of the
Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada, the elected representative for the Niagara Region. Outspoken
in his anti-government views, he is jailed for contempt, but still expresses his republican sentiments in
his newspaper, the Upper Canada Guardian. By 1813, while officially still a member of the Legislative
Assembly and anticipating an American victory, he offers his services to the United States. Offered a
commission in the United States Army, Willcocks raises a group of one hundred fifty men known as
the "Canadian Volunteers". In 1814, Willcocks is charged with treason but never captured. On
September 14, 1814 he is killed in a skirmish during the siege of Fort Erie. Joseph Willcocks remains
one of Canada’s most infamous traitors.
Entr’acte
FORT NIAGARA IS CAPTURED
Story by Bill Manson
December 19, 1813
In the week following the burning of Newark, the newly
appointed commander of Upper Canada, Lieutenant
General Sir Gordon Drummond, directs Colonel John
Murray to take Fort Niagara. Murray decides upon a night
assault, and while his force of 500 men take up positions
along the shores of the Niagara River, boats are hauled
overland from Burlington Heights. To ensure the element
of surprise, the troops are instructed to be as quiet as
possible and to use only their bayonets.
On the night of December 18, they cross the river and,
with scaling ladders in hand, make their way to the fort.
The American sentries are quickly and quietly silenced by
Fort Niagara in Winter by Peter Rindlisbacher
a small advance party which includes a young grenadier
named Allan MacNab. The fort is easily captured. Only six of Murray's force of 500 are killed and eleven wounded.
American losses are much more significant with 422 men and officers killed, wounded or made prisoner. Stores, cannons,
and armaments are seized.
The capture of Fort Niagara is an outstanding achievement. All the American successes of April and May are wiped out and
their armed forces clearly on the defensive. The mouth of the Niagara River is now a British port capable of re-supplying the
British army on the Niagara Frontier, and the British hold Fort Niagara until the end of the war.
And thus ends the second year of the War of 1812...
26
EPILOGUE TO 1813
Commentary by John Nixon
In 1812 when the war begins the people of the Canadas and the British Maritime Colonies are filled with
apprehension. What will an American invasion mean for them? Loyalists fear that their property will be
confiscated and they will be banished from their homes just as they were after the American Revolution. In his
Proclamation General Hull promises no mercy for those who fight alongside the Indians, and all men between
the ages of sixteen and sixty are required to serve in the militia and potentially fight next to these British allies.
There is a sense of foreboding. How can Britain stop an American conquest? Many settlers and the First
Nations tribes in Upper Canada fear reprisals and prefer not to get involved. Then the actions of Major-General
Isaac Brock bring hope. Brockʼs order to secure Michilimackinac, his bloodless capture of Detroit, and the
victory at Queenston Heights make people believe that resisting the Americans might actually be possible.
By 1813 people are determined to defend their homes. But the second year of the war
begins badly for the British/Canadian/Native coalition. The enemy captures York in April.
Government buildings are burnt, and despite official disapproval there is considerable
looting. In May, Fort George is taken and the Americans pursue an outnumbered British
army toward Burlington Heights. The engagement at Stoney Creek in June halts the
enemy advance and stops their momentum. The failure of the American navy to gain
ascendancy on the Great Lakes revives hope until western defences collapse. Perryʼs
victory on Lake Erie in August forces Proctor to abandon Amherstberg in September. He is
pursued to Moraviantown and defeated. Tecumseh is killed; the western confederacy of
tribes is broken. Another catastrophe.
Dispirited and discouraged the British army and the people of the Canadas long for
winter and the secession of fighting when in November the American army finally
launches its two pronged attack on the commercial centre of Montreal, the source of the
supply line to Upper Canada. Prospects seem bleak. Then unexpectedly, Charles de
Salaberry and his French-Canadians stop the Americans at Chateauguay, and Joseph
Morrisonʼs force makes a heroic stand at Cryslerʼs Farm. Another year ends with
American armies retreating from Upper Canada. Breathing space has been gained. The
feeling of resilience is growing. So too is animosity toward the invaders and their
treasonous supporters. The constant foraging and plundering of farms and villages by
hungry enemy soldiers, and the burning of Newark stoke this anger.
What will 1814 bring?
The British desperately need to finish off Napoleon so that battle-hardened troops can be
freed up and sent to the conflict in North America. American commanders like Winfield
Scott, Jacob Brown and Andrew Jackson work hard to prepare better trained, more
disciplined soldiers for the next incursion into Upper Canada and British forays into the
United States. Which side will achieve its objective? Will reinforcements arrive in time
from Europe before more effective American armies press their advantage?
The people of Upper Canada wonder...
27
PRODUCTION NOTES: THE 1813 PLAYBILL
WARFARE IN 1813
Commentary by John Nixon
Why do British and American soldiers wear brightly coloured
uniforms rather than disguising camouflage like modern day soldiers?
The flint-lock smooth bore muskets used by the soldiers are very
inaccurate. It doesn’t matter if the enemy can see you; if you are standing
more than sixty yards away (half a football field) it is unlikely the enemy
could hit you. In fact, soldiers want to show how brave they are by
standing in plain view and daring the enemy to attack them. This is still the
age of duels. Also loading a musket is a time-consuming process. An
experienced British redcoat in battle can load and fire every twenty
seconds, but less experienced American bluecoats often take thirty seconds.
There are not as many life-threatening shots as in modern battles unless the
enemy is very close or the battle goes on for a very long time. In contrast,
today a Glock pistol can empty its pre-packaged clip of eighteen bullets in
five seconds.
Why does it take so long to load and fire a musket?
Each cartridge contains a ball and powder. The soldier has to remove
a cartridge from the pouch on his belt, tear the paper cartridge open
with his teeth, place some of the powder in the pan of the firing
mechanism, cover the pan, move the hammer of the firing
mechanism to half-cock, place the butt of the musket on the ground,
place the remainder of the cartridge in the barrel, remove the ramrod
attached to the outside of the barrel, ram the cartridge to the bottom
of the barrel, replace the ramrod, move the hammer to full cock, raise
the musket butt to the shoulder, point in the general direction of the
enemy, and pull the trigger. Then while smelly thick smoke from the
gunpowder swirls around, start over. Twenty seconds.
Does a musket always fire?
No. If the piece of flint held by the lock/hammer doesn't spark and ignite the powder in the pan and transfer the charge
down into the barrel, there would be no greater explosion of gunpowder to propel the ball out. The old expression, “flash
in the pan” refers to something that looks good at the start but doesn’t really accomplish anything. If the piece of flint is
removed, the musket can't be fired. At Stoney Creek the British officers tell soldiers to remove flints, so that no musket
firing would alert the Americans and destroy the sneak attack.
Aren’t rifles more accurate? Are there none available?
Rifles are more accurate. The grooves or rifling inside the barrel of the gun put a spin on the musket ball that make ball
shot straighter. Throwing a football with a spiral motion achieves the same effect. In comparison the smooth bore musket
simply pushes the ball out. Without a spin it can go anywhere. Rifles are being manufactured in the early 1800s, but they
are expensive and take longer to load. The inside of the rifle barrel has to be cleaned out after each shot to remove the
gunpowder residue from the grooves, and it takes almost a minute to load and fire. And besides, bayonets cannot be easily
attached to rifles, and bayonets are necessary for close fighting. At Queenston Heights,
Major General Brock was probably shot by a rifleman.
How quickly can a cannon be fired?
Cannons can be fired by an experienced gun crew about once a minute. This is a timeconsuming task, much like firing a rifle. Cannon barrels must be swabbed out with water
after each firing so that embers don’t ignite the gunpowder while the crew is reloading.
Cannons fire both canisters filled with musket balls and iron balls sometimes heated to
cause fires.
28
Why are regimental flags and drummers so important in battles?
Musket firing makes so much noise that officers' commands cannot often be heard. Different drum
beats convey different orders. Muskets also create so much smoke that visibility is reduced. A
brightly coloured flag is easier to see if soldiers need to regroup. Each British regiment is known by
its colours. The 41st Regiment’s colour is yellow, the 49th 's is green, and the King’s Regiment, the
8th is blue. The collar and cuffs on soldiers’ red tunics match the flag. Drummer boys wear the
reverse colour. For example, in the 41st, the drummer boy’s coat would be yellow with red cuffs.
You had to be twelve years old to join the army as a drummer. No girls allowed!
In battle why do the soldiers stand in lines spreading
from left to right before firing at one another?
Because the musket is so inaccurate, the only way to be sure
you hit something is to have groups of soldiers fire in the
same direction at the same time, so that much like an
exploding shotgun shell many balls go into a small area
simultaneously. In Canada, the British use double lines, one
behind the other, so that one line could be loading while the
other fires. The Americans use either double or triple lines
depending on the situation.
How are British and American soldiers’ uniforms
different?
American “regular” soldiers wear blue coats and white
cotton pants. Some units switch to grey jackets in 1814
when the army runs out of blue dye. American militiamen
are poorly supplied; they might not have uniforms or
boots at all. British redcoats are supposed to have two pair
of pants: grey wool for winter and white cotton for
summer. Usually they only have grey. How hot is that?
Officers might be able to afford more than one pair.
What caps do the soldiers wear?
Both sides wear a black felt or leather stovepipe cap called a shako with a shiny metal badge on the front. The number of
the regiment would be stamped on the badge. This replaces the tri-corn (three cornered cap worn during the American
Revolution). In 1812 officers on both sides, especially the Americans, wear a bi-corn (two cornered cap) instead of a
shako. In darkness the silhouette of a British soldier and an American one look the same.
In Upper and Lower Canada all males between the ages of fifteen and sixty
are required to join the militia. Do militiamen wear redcoats too?
Basically there are three types of Canadian militia: fencibles, flank companies,
and sedentary militia. Fencible units are men trained and equipped like regular
British soldiers. They are recruited to serve in Canada for the duration of the
war. The two best known are the Glengarry Light Infantry from eastern Upper
Canada (Ontario) and the Voltigeur Canadiens from Lower Canada (Quebec).
The Glengarries wear green uniforms while the Voltigeurs wear grey. Flank
companies are better trained fighters who serve for short durations while still
looking after their farms, especially during planting and harvesting seasons.
Men from the area now known as Hamilton serve in the Second York and Fifth
Lincoln Militias. Flank companies might have regular army uniform items, or
just wore ordinary clothes. Sedentary Militia include everyone else. These men are called out for specific purposes at
specific times, perhaps to dig embankments or graves, to help move supplies or to guard prisoners. They also wear
ordinary clothes. Militiamen play important roles in many battles, but Stoney Creek isn’t one of them.
Does the American Army include Militiamen as well?
Yes. In fact, the United States relies heavily upon State Militias -- citizen soldiers who volunteer to serve in the conflict for
short periods of time. Often citizen soldiers are poorly trained, poorly equipped, poorly clothed, poorly fed, and led by
finely dressed officers with little or no military experience. Having both professional soldiers and volunteers is a problem
for the United States. Militia officers and regular army officers frequently quarrel. At the Battle of Queenston Heights
New York militiamen feel they are not required to serve outside their state and many refuse to cross the Niagara River.
29
What do the Mohawks wear in battle?
By 1812 many tribes mix European style clothing with traditional attire. Mohawk War
chief, John Norton, adds very colourful items of apparel. In battle many warriors wear
traditional buckskin clothing and war paint. Of course, Mohawks are known for their
distinctive hairstyle. The battle cries of the natives are so terrifying that they often become
a weapon in themselves.
Are women involved during battles?
In the British army, in every company of one hundred men, a maximum of six to twelve
soldiers are permitted to take wives. During battles it is common for these wives to serve
as nurses. The wives of local militiamen frequently volunteer to be nurses as well.
Are there war horses in 1812?
Very few ordinary soldiers have horses.
They are expensive for the army to buy
and to feed. Usually only high ranking
British officers can afford a horse.
American officers who live nearby
often bring their own horses to Upper
Canada. The wooded terrain in Canada
makes cavalry charges difficult, and
typically, horses are used by messengers, while teams of horses pull cannons.
Miniatures from the collection of John Nixon. Photographs by Christopher Redford.
When James
Fitzgibbon dons the
British armyʼs
redcoat, little does
he know that he will
be sent to
backwoods, Upper
Canada just prior to
a war that will shape
the North American
continent.
REDCOAT 1812 by John Nixon
is available at
www.friesenpress.com
and from local bookstores.
30
A SOLDIER’S WORST ENEMIES
Commentary by John Nixon
Dying on a battlefield is not a soldier’s greatest
worry during the War of 1812. A soldier is just as
likely to die from infection after receiving medical
treatment and much more likely to succumb to
disease. Casualty reports prepared immediately
after War of 1812 battles typically show two
soldiers wounded for one who dies. But does this
tell the whole story? What happens to the
wounded after the count is taken?
In the British army each regiment includes at least
one surgeon who is responsible for treating the
wounded. Treatment usually involves surgery
which is performed quickly in unsanitary barns
and barracks, using unsterile instruments.
Knowledge of germs and bacteria is eighty years
away. Limb amputations are the most common
Miniature from the collection of John Nixon.
surgeries. The limb is sawed off and a leftover flap
of skin is sewn over the bloody stump. This surgery takes ten excruciating minutes.
The use of anaesthetics is more than thirty years away. Officers may find some relief with rum or whiskey, but the
ordinary soldier is encouraged to “bite the bullet,” to keep from biting through his tongue should the pain become too
great. Amputation increases a soldier’s chances of escaping gangrene. A soldier with a musket ball in a limb has an eighty
per cent chance of surviving if the wound is cleaned and the limb amputated quickly. Those with deep abdomen, chest or
head wounds have no hope. Bayonet wounds, deep and triangular in shape, are extremely difficult to treat. Often patients
recuperate in open tents with little or no protection from flies. Antibiotics are unknown.
Then there is disease. Soldiers move in close quarters. Conditions are harsh and often unsanitary. Frequently men lack
proper clothing for protection from cold, have inadequate diets, and sleep under the stars because there are not enough
tents. Rain can soak them. Resistance to contagious diseases is very low. Medical treatment, especially for fevers is
rudimentary and might include the opening of veins for copious bleeding, laxatives to correct imbalances in bodily fluids,
and large doses of opium and alcohol. The variety of drugs available is limited; they might use natural substances like
“Jesuit’s bark,” arsenic solutions, or calomel, a poisonous mercury compound.
Both sides suffer, but the Americans suffer more. They are the invaders with supply line problems. Their army is less
experienced and has problems associated with troop movement. In October of 1812, the American army at Lewiston has
many hundreds of soldiers too sick to participate in the Battle of Queenston Heights. American cooks and bakers are
reported to be collecting water from the Niagara River not far from where the latrines from the American encampment
empty into the river. In the winter of 1812 General Smyth winters his army at Buffalo and Black Rock after refusing to
involve them in the Queenston invasion. His soldiers are in summer uniforms and sleep on the ground in tents without
wooden floors. Sanitation is poor and they are malnourished. Disease is rampant. Fifteen hundred are ill with dysentery
(intestinal inflammation), diarrhea ( called “the flux”), measles, pneumonia and colds. Typhoid fever, known as “lake
fever” frequently finishes them off. Men are dying so fast that the coffin makers and gravediggers can’t keep up.
In the summer of 1813 following the victory at Stoney Creek, the British encamp nearer Fort George beside a mosquitoinfested swamp, and are decimated by malaria, known by its symptoms of ague and fever. Malaria is known to be caught
near swamps, but no one knows it is transmitted by mosquitoes. The prevailing theory is that it is caused by night air
around marshes. In November of 1813, U.S. General Wilkinson finally launches his march toward Montreal down the St.
Lawrence River from Grenadier Island on the eastern end of Lake Ontario. Many American soldiers are unable to continue
so that every home and barn in Morrisville, Ogdensburg and Red Mills on the American side of the river, is crammed with
the sick suffering from influenza, fever and pneumonia. The U.S. Army leaves them without instructions or attendants.
Eighty per cent of soldiers are said to be suffering from some ailment. One officer attributes this catastrophe to “poisonous
provisions,” and says that the invading army resembles a “moving hospital.” General Wilkinson himself is incapacitated
with dysentery and with its opium treatment, sometimes fails to be lucid. He issues orders to his army at Crysler’s Farm
from his sickbed on his boat in the St. Lawrence.
31
In December of 1813, following the American victory at Moraviantown, General Harrison winters his army at Detroit.
Two thirds of his garrison is ill with cholera and dysentery. Within a few months 600 die, more than are killed in
Harrison’s entire 1813 campaign. The survivors can’t keep up with coffin-making and resort to mass graves. Even
American prisoners-of-war in the British prison ships at Quebec and on Melville Island off Halifax fare better. Only 20 per
cent are ill, mostly from typhus spread in the overcrowded conditions by infected lice.
Final tallies reveal that in the War of 1812 most lives did not end with a glorious death on the battlefield. James Laxer in
his book: Brock and Tecumseh (2012), provides the following statistics:
About 1,600 British soldiers were killed in action, nearly 3,700 were wounded, and about 3,300 died from disease.
These figures do not include casualties among the Canadian militia or native allies. The Americans lost 2,260
men, and about 4,500 were wounded. While there is no reliable figure for the number of American soldiers dead of
disease, it is generally reckoned that about 15,000 Americans perished from all causes during the War of 1812.
Infection and disease are truly a soldier’s worst enemies.
Dramatis Personae
Dr. William Case Following the Battle of Stoney Creek, a local citizen is recruited to assist with
surgery. In 1813, Dr. William Case owns a farm near what today would be the corner of King and
Lottridge Streets in Hamilton. Although trained as a physician in the United States, since coming to
Upper Canada with his family, he farms land near the present-day “Delta.” He offers medical
treatment to his neighbours in exchange for produce or services. Overwhelmed with wounded, army
surgeons send both British and American casualties to Case, and his home remains a hospital until
1815. There are no official reports about what happens to the wounded, but there are estimates that
during the war perhaps half of all the wounded succumb to their injuries and infection.
Dr. Caseʼs house, used as a field hospital after the Battle of Stoney Creek.
Photograph circa 1890 courtesy McMaster University History of Health Care.
32
AN ARMY MARCHES ON ITS STOMACH
Commentary by John Nixon
Armies consume massive amounts of food, and supplying soldiers with their daily rations often poses problems. This is
certainly the case for the British and the Americans in the War of 1812. Both sides seek solutions to this problem, and their
choices have a profound effect upon the people of Upper Canada.
How much food is being consumed? In 1812 at Fort Amherstberg on the Detroit River Colonel Henry Proctor tells MajorGeneral Isaac Brock that he requires 14 cattle and 7,000 pounds of flour a day to feed his redcoats and Tecumseh’s
coalition of tribes settled nearby. In Niagara at the height of the war, British soldiers there are consuming 149 tons of flour
and 960 cattle per month. The allied tribes require 12,000 barrels of flour per month. The oxen and horses that pull guns
and supply wagons consume 168 tons of oats and hay per month.
The British army has experienced commissary officers who work diligently to get what is needed from nearby farms.
Unfortunately, Upper Canada is still very much a pioneer society. People work long and hard just to meet their own needs
and have little excess to sell. The army in Upper Canada often pays for its purchases with paper notes promising future
payment; these promissory notes will be worthless if the British lose the war, and some farmers are reluctant to accept the
paper.
Fortunately, smuggling from anti-war New England states eases the situation.There are reports that Boston merchants
secretly sell 30,000 barrels of flour to Canada in November of 1813. The Madison Administration sees the smuggling of
cattle grow to scandalous proportions but is unable to stop this lucrative trade. Sir George Prevost, the LieutenanGovernor of the Canadas, reports to London: “two-thirds of the army in Canada are at this moment eating beef provided
by American contractors.”
Although the British army is largely successful in feeding its soldiers and its allies, the same cannot be said of the
Americans. The American armies invading Canada are a long way from home. The supply lines are long, and the
fledgling army has no experienced commissariat capable of handling this major endeavour. The Madison Administration
relies upon private contractors to supply soldiers’ rations, often selecting the lowest bids. Inexperienced contractors
underestimate the difficulty and expense of transporting food through wilderness to the armies fighting in Canada. It costs
seventy-five cents to move a barrel of flour one hundred miles by boat, but if there
are no direct river routes or the British control the waterway, the cost of
transportation overland jumps to five dollars for the same task. The expense of
feeding draft animals pulling the wagons on dirt roads can exceed the value of the
provisions they carry. In spring and fall rain makes the roads impassable. The
availability of food varies with the seasons. Prices fluctuate. Some contractors walk
away and default on their commitments. The unscrupulous ones provide rancid beef
and rotten flour. The easiest thing to purchase is whiskey, and that is plentiful. There
are accusations of war profiteering. The government’s reluctance to raise taxes to pay
for the war complicates matters. Malnutrition makes the armies vulnerable to
sickness. In the eyes of the soldiers, there is only one logical solution to the problem:
foraging or plundering.
War of 1812 U.S Army re-enactor
American forces take food from local farmers to supplement their diet. Beginning
with General Hull’s invasion in July of 1812 the inhabitants of Upper Canada see
their flour, livestock, fruit and winter food supplies stolen. They see their wooden
fences turned into firewood for cooking. Sometimes out of spite the enemy burns
their homes and barns. As the plundering increases so too does the animosity the
people of Upper Canada feel for the “liberators” who, according to Hull are there to
free them from “British tyranny.”
Following the capture of Fort George in May of 1813, foraging accelerates on the Niagara Peninsula. The local population
is constantly harassed by American soldiers searching for food. After the American defeat at Stoney Creek, Colonel John
Harvey selects Lieutenant James FitzGibbon for a special mission. He is to take fifty soldiers from the 49th Regiment,
proceed to DeCew House, near modern-day Thorold, and begin a campaign to stop the foraging by soldiers from
American-occupied Fort George. Using guerilla style tactics FitzGibbon ambushes small, searching parties. He also
prevents plundering by civilians taking advantage of the American occupation of the area. The most notorious group is
from Buffalo, and led by Dr. Cyrenius Chapin they are known by locals as “The Forty Thieves.” The people recognize
33
FitzGibbon’s band as protectors, and refer to them as “The Bloody Boys” because of the damage they are able to inflict on
the enemy raiding parties.
When the War of 1812 begins, approximately 30% of the population of Upper Canada is Loyalist. They remember their
expulsion from the United States and the confiscation of their property, so they hate the Americans. Another 10% of the
population is British although some of the Irish immigrants are not fond of the Crown. The majority of the population,
approximately 60%, has come from the United States taking advantage of the free land grants in the 1790s. These rugged
pioneers have little contact with government, and initially many are indifferent to who governs them. As the war
progresses, as American soldiers continue to steal their food, destroy their property and damage their livelihood, it
becomes evident that there will be no reparations paid if the Americans win. As the British army continues to pay for the
food it confiscates with promissory notes that will be worthless if the British lose, and as casualties among the neighbours
serving in the militia increase, the sentiment in Upper Canada changes.
The conflict is no longer the King’s war. It is now their war as well.
HAMILTON HERITAGE ARTS INC.
Dr. Mary Anderson, writer,
lecturer
New Book -Tragedy & Triumph:
Ruby & Thomas B. McQuesten
www.whithern.ca
34
old news for young minds!
by CAROLYN MCCANN
History is usually told from the view of adults but it affects children and
teenagers as well. These younger people also experienced the Battle of
Stoney Creek. Match the items in each column to tell the story. In some
cases,
these are actual comments made by the person. In others, these are
imagined comments based on the true event.
PERSON
COMMENT ABOUT AN EVENT
TIME AND PLACE
Elizabeth Gage
1. “Look at what I’ve found while I was ploughing the a) June 5, 1813, evening
field. I think they are the bones and uniforms of At the mountain brow.
soldiers.”
Probable comment made many years after the battle.
Billy Green
2. “Why are so many British soldiers camping on our b) June 7, 1813
land and taking our provisions for themselves?
After visiting the Gage
Probably asked when British Army arrived in this Farm battefield
area.
Allan Smith
3. “my brother John and myself went and viewed the c) June 6, 1813
battlefield: and were horrified at seeing the dead Gage Farmhouse,
strewed over every part of the ground”
Written in autobiography.
Peter Jones
4. “When we heard them (the enemy) coming through the village of Stoney Creek, we all went out on the
brow of the hill to see them. Some of them espied us
and fired on us.”
Told to a grandson many years after the battle.
d) 1899
Smith’s Knoll,
King Street,
Stoney Creek
Catherine
and 5. “When the firing commenced, my mother looked e) June 2, 1813
Heziah Beasley
around for some place to put us children out of harm’s Burlington Heights home
way ….Every little while a bullet would hit the house, but they did not go through the logs, and we were
safe.” Told many years after the battle.
ANSWERS:
Elizabeth Gage, Comment 5, Time c)
Billy Green Comment 4, Time a)
Allan Smith, Comment 1, Time d)
Peter Jones, Comment 3, Time b
Catherine and Heziah Beasely Comment 2 Time e)
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