TITLE:
How and why did the Myth of the African Savage
Originate and Spread during the Victorian Era?
Name:
Isabelle Smith
House:
Hodgsonites
Supervisor:
Word Count:
1/11
Mr. Gillespie
4,416
Isabelle Smith
05/08/10
How and why did the Myth of the African Savage Originate and Spread in the
Victorian Era?
For the Victorians, the savage represented everything uncultured and uncivilized
in a human being. Characterized by their base animalistic tendencies and
identified in non-Western cultures, most poignantly in the African culture, the
image of the savage evolved and expanded to develop a tangible individualism,
creating, almost, a different race of man. This was enabled by several vectors; be
it books carrying the frighteningly compelling tales of sanguinary African
tribesmen, or the new scientific theories being conjured up by the likes of James
Hunt1 and Arthur de Gobineau2; the imagination of the Victorians was pricked by
the mysterious and terrifying myth of the savage.
The term 'savage' applied, it seemed, to any man who did not belong to the
culture deemed civilized. However, the term 'civilized' presented a problem in
itself. For a person or culture to be civilized, one could argue that there must be a
control: something to be compared against and thus one cannot define civilized
without defining uncivilized. Therefore, outside the sphere of civilization, there
must lay its antithesis. Due to less developed technology, made all the more
apparent post-revolution, the Africans became the obvious target for this
comparison. Their skin-colour was different, their communities tight-knit and,
perhaps most interestingly, communistic in structure, and their religion nonChristian. Indeed they represented everything the Western culture was not, and
so were ideal for providing the crucial comparison that enables cultures to
become 'civilized'. Therefore, the term 'savage' became a coined phrase, lending
Western culture its non-savage identity, and enhancing the myth of its converse.
The myth of the savage could have also served another purpose: validation of the
slave trade. Despite the Slave Trade Act being passed in Britain in 1807, it was
still practised, internally and externally, among the nations of the British Empire
until 1833 with the Slavery Abolition Act. The slave trade was a notoriously
violent and immoral scheme, and transformed the plains of Africa into a lucrative
hunting ground. The custom could have easily been viewed as one of the biggest
crimes against humanity, and although it was abolished before the Victorian era,
perhaps the British sought to justify their action of the past century. An effective
way to achieve this justification could have been to suggest the native they were
so mercilessly capturing and trafficking was no better than an animal and thus
deserved such treatment. Such an idea, though now considered atrocious on
many levels, may have counteracted the knowledge that they and their ancestors
committed such an atrocity. Therefore, the myth of the savage served to soften
the blame from centuries of unjust and immoral Western behaviour.
This was not the only effect the slave trade had upon the attitude towards the
'savage', particularly throughout Africa. Indeed, the other, perhaps equally
detrimental effect came from the abolitionist campaign exhibited during and
James Hunt, Anthropological Society of London, On the Negro’s place in Nature
(Trübner and co., 1863)
2 Arthur de Gobineau ; The Inequality of Human Races (Howard Fertig, Sept.
2009).
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after the abolition movement. Although the aim of the abolitionists was,
unquestionably, to cease the horrors of the slave trade, in attempting this, their
promulgation saw the African native reduced to simplistic, child-like entities.
Whilst successfully depicting them as victims, these representations showed the
African to be backward, uncivilized and ignorant. Many posters portrayed Africa
as a pre-fall Eden, blissfully ignorant of the cruel ways of the world. Though this
helped humanize and pity them, it also rendered them naive, crude beings, as
shown in this depiction (Fig. 1)3 of an African family witnessing the arrival of a
slave-trade ship, bringing with it
the detrimental effects of
Fig.1
civilisation: War, greed and
corruption. As Nancy Stepan
writes in The Idea of Race in
Science: Great Britain 18001960, "A fundamental question
in the history of racism is why it
was that, just as the battle
against slavery was being
won…the war against racism was
being lost…In the British mind
[the Negro] was still mentally,
morally and physically a slave" 4.
Therefore, though the
abolitionist movement
succeeded in its primary aim to
undermine and eventually
eradicate the slave trade, it had
a long-lasting detrimental effect
on the image of the African, one
that would come to define the
nation as simplistic savages
playing the part of vulnerable
victims.
Indeed, it seemed that, paradoxically, the abolitionist movement brought with it
the beginnings of empire. Whilst it proffered the idea that slavery was severely
wronging the Africans as a people, it also suggested their incapability to defend
themselves and their vulnerability to the evils of the outside world. This,
perhaps, encouraged the concept of protecting Africa through colonialism. As
other countries continued the slave trade, Britain saw itself as the great
protector, the saviour of the Africans. Allowing the country and the government
to shake off the negative image they gained from being involved with the slave
trade, this new title also gave the British the ideal excuse to expand and enhance
their empire. They had become the redeemers of the Dark Continent, and, with
Fig. 1: James Montgomery, James Grahame and E. Benger, Poems on the
Abolition of the Slave-trade, 1809.
4 Stepan, The idea of Race in Science: Great Britain 1800-1960, pg. 45,46. Archon
(July 1982)
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this ideology in mind, embarked upon saving the African people. One of the first
objectives they had was to establish the light of God within Africa and hence, the
missionaries stepped in.
The role the missionaries played in the development of the myth of the savage is
a complex one. Their primary focus seemed to be to bring the influence of
Christianity to the variants of spiritual beliefs across the continent of Africa.
However, their work also helped open up channels through which the British
could plant the seeds of empire, and created opportunities for colonialism to
spread and develop. It could also be argued that the missionaries would be
tempted to embellish the idea of savagery within the African people as a way to
validate their presence in the country, justify their slow progress and gain
support from the missions at home, thus the myth of the savage could have been
exaggerated by those who supposedly wished to save the people it concerned.
Not all missions were successful, the most poignant failure being the Niger
Expedition. Ending in disaster, with forty-one of the European participants killed
by malaria, this mission only served to enhance the idea of the 'dark continent'
and the negative image of Central Africa. Thomas Foxwell Buxton, publisher of
"The African Slave-trade and its remedy", encouraged this pioneering project into
Niger, in hope of establishing and maintaining positive relationships with the
African leaders in that area. Buxton, though being the leader of the abolitionist
movement after Wilberforce, did not share the earlier ideas of an Edenic Africa
and believed Western intervention was the country's only hope of salvation,
"Bound in chains of the grossest ignorance, [Africa] is prey to the most savage
superstition. Christianity has made but feeble inroads on this kingdom of
darkness"5. Although he was, outwardly, against imperialism in Britain, it is easy
to see how his ideas could be used to promote the empire. For Buxton, the
combination of slavery and savagery presented seemingly presented few other
options, "such atrocious deeds…keep the African population in a state of callous
barbarity…[and] can only be counteracted by Christian civilisation"6. Indeed these
concepts portrayed the African nation as incapable of ruling itself, the pinnacle of
savagery, and thus the myth was cultivated through such expeditions. Despite
the failure of Niger, others still took to Africa in the hope of providing salvation,
and many returned with exciting tales of the unknown. Gradually, a new genre of
literature was created, offering adventure stories of barbaric encounters and
providing a new dimension to the myth of the savage.
Victorian literature began to provide a whole new vector for the myth. Writers
and missionaries merged and the product soon became very popular. Among the
most prominent was David Livingstone, a Scottish medical missionary and
pioneer in his field. His book, Missionary Travels, sold over 70,000 copies, and
"provided the basis for massive imperialist expansion".7 His works featured the
penetration of the African darkness, and raised British interest in the continent.
Patrick Brantlinger, author of Victorians and Africans: The Geneology of the Myth
J. Gallagher , Foxwell Buxton and the New African Policy 1838-1842 (Cambridge
Historical Journal 1950). Pg. 56
6 Ibid. Pg. 57.
7 Jeal, Livingstone (New York, 1973) pg. 22
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of the Dark Continent, maintains that, "For Livingstone The African was a creature
to be pitied, to be saved from slavery, and also to be saved from his own darkness,
his savagery"8. The man was practically deified and represented everything the
British could achieve in Africa if they were allowed to fully intervene. Henry
Morton Stanley, arguably Livingstone's best-known successor, wrote the epic
"Through the Dark Continent", and yet again amalgamated the idea of savagery
with the indigenous African people. These works objectified and generalized the
African as savage, leaving little room for counterarguments. Although Stanley's
works were largely fictional, his visits to Africa used primarily as inspirations
rather than content, his stories were soon taken at face value. This effect was
widespread, with real-life accounts merging with fictional tales, until it was
difficult to tell fact from fantasy. Joseph Thomson, author of To the Central
African Lakes and Back, published another, seemingly adult book entitled: Ulu: An
African romance. In it, his protagonist, Gilmour, having escaped the corruptions
of civilisation, explores the concept of civilizing a fourteen-year-old African girl
called Ulu, who he has taken as his fiancé in the Kenyan Highlands. This
Pygmalion-like story had the potential for a direct attack on Victorian
stereotypes, but soon collapses as Gilmour falls, instead, for the daughter of a
missionary and Ulu is rendered incapable of civilisation. Although this tale does
conform to the concept of the savage, it also suggests, provocatively so, that the
Western influence on Africa not only failed to civilize the natives, but also had a
detrimental effect on them as a people, as the end of the book sees Ulu sacrifice
herself for Gilmour and his new, European love. Therefore, on both a personal,
and a political level, some writers began to question the effect Western influence
was having upon the Africans. Though this did not curb the myth of the savage, it
did query the effect of colonialism upon the 'dark continent', perhaps
counteracting some of the missionaries' enhancement of the myth.
It was not just explorers and missionaries who took advantage of the new
avenue that had opened up in the literary world. Many novelists chose to pursue
action-adventure stories set in the wilds of Africa in the hope of inspiring the
same excitement and fame received by those early pioneering travellers. The
central themes of these novels were quest romances focusing on the penetration
of the Dark Continent, with gothic overtones, again exaggerating the savage as a
two-dimensional, generalized figure of malevolence. In Somerset Maugham's
novel, Explorer, the protagonist Alec Mackenzie becomes an entity in himself,
struggling against the effects of the internal slave trade and native savagery in
Africa, whilst becoming a prominent vessel for imperialism. Many more novelists
emerged, such as H. Rider Haggard, who explored the idea of Africa as an
ultimate teething ground for ethical progress and ethical decline, whilst writers
like Edward FitzGerald and Edwin Arnold, authors, respectively, of Rubáiyát of
Omar Khayyám and Light of Asia, provided inspiration from far-off places also
exhibiting native savagery. An interesting text is R. M. Ballantyne's Black Ivory: A
Tale of Adventure among the Slavers of East Africa (1873), in which he seeks to
expose the anti-Negro stereotypes nurtured by the Westerners. He succeeds to a
Brantlinger, F. Victorians and Africans: The Geneology of the Myth of the Dark
Continent. Critical Enquiry Vol. 12 No. 1 (University of Chicago Press, 1985). Pg.
176
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certain extent, introducing his character, Chief Kambira, as exhibiting "nothing of
our nursery savagery"9 suggesting there is room for civilisation and indeed
evidence of just that in African society. However, his attempts begin to run dry as
his African antagonists are reduced to either histrionic victims or pitifully
childish fools, and so the image of the savage remained untarnished. Another
exposé came from Sir Harry Johnston, author of History of a Slave, in which he
attempted to disseminate the atrocities of the slave trade. Despite placing much
focus upon the destructive effect the Western slave trade, Johnston also
maintains that his protagonist's life prior to his capture was equally, if not more
bloody and illogical. Indeed the character even states, "The first thing I remember
was playing with [a] skull"10. Johnston effectively links savagery and slavery back
to the African, not only transferring the blame from the whites to the blacks, but
also entailing the abolishment of slavery and tribal savagery. The solution to
both these issues was a simple one: British imperialism. Therefore, although
several authors writing about the savage did experiment with different views
and ideas, the ideology remained the same: the savage was unable to progress, at
best childish and simplistic and at worst aggressive and bloodthirsty.
Furthermore, these ideas were not confined to a single genre in literature. In fact,
they were embraced by one of the most influential and notable authors of the
time, Charles Dickens. Dickens openly attacked the aims of the philanthropic
missionaries, seeing their work at futile and wasteful. In his work, The Niger
Expedition, he condemns Africa as a continent unfit for any form of civilization,
declaring,
"between the civilized European and the barbarous African there is a great gulf set. To
change the customs of…ignorant and savage races is a work which…requires a stretch of
years that dazzles in the looking at.11"
He also criticized the practice indirectly through his books. In Bleak House,
Dickens satirizes the "telescopic philanthropist", one who can only see the
opportunity for charity far away whilst failing to see the urgent need all around
them, in the character of Mrs. Jellyby, obsessed as she is with an obscure African
tribe, rather than the troubles surrounding her at home. Indeed Dickens'
assertion that the savage is beyond salvation and that the missionary could do
little to redeem them could simply be an extension of his fixation on the pitiable
living conditions of the working classes. Coming as he did from a working class
family, Dickens' was concerned with improving the lives of his fellow classmates.
Perhaps it was the frustration of seeing resources being poured into Africa to
little avail whilst many at home were still suffering under the weight of poverty
that led him to openly criticize the work of missionaries and denounce the
African as irretrievable savages. Nevertheless, his opinions did affect the way the
Victorians saw the African and, to some extent, shape the myth of the savage.
R. M. Ballantyne, Black Ivory: A Tale of Adventure among the Slavers of East
Africa (Chicago 1960) pg. iv, iii, 169.
10 Sir Harry H. Johnston, The History of a Slave (London 1889) pg. 6
11 Charles Dickens, “The Noble Savage” in Household Words 20 Vols. (Frederick A.
Brady, Nassau Street, New York, 1859) pg. 145
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One behavioural feature of the savage that aided the sensationalism of the
literature for these novelists and explorers was the idea of cannibalism within
the tribes. The concept of ritualistic cannibalism was not a key theme in
Victorian Literature until the mid-Century, at the height of empire. From that
point, works such as Winwood Reade's Savage Africa and Thomas Henry
Huxley's Man's Place in Nature began to exhibit what was considered genuine
evidence of this grisly custom. In the latter, a whole chapter is devoted to 'African
cannibalism in the Sixteenth Century', which includes a gruesome image on
woodcut of the so-called "human butcher shop" (Fig. 2.)12 Certainly, the very idea
of one human eating another seemed to be the
very pinnacle of savagery, and so the authors
Fig. 2
approached the topic with gusto, Reade even
inventing a new form of cannibalism that
appeared to be entirely an act of gluttony, with
no sense of ritual. "The cannibal is not
necessarily ferocious. He eats his fellow
creatures, not because he hates them, but
because he likes them."13 With the idea of
cannibalism came a new opportunity to expand
and ameliorate the myth of the savage to a new
level, and the very idea of the cannibalistic
savage instilled a frightening thrill within the
minds of the Victorian public. It only made the
trials and tribulations undergone by the
missionaries in Africa all the more admirable
and impressive, perhaps justifying some of their
more unsuccessful ventures with the natives,
such as the Niger Expedition.
The myth offered a prime opportunity to the
Victorians. New ideas were emerging during
this crucial period. The industrial revolution
transformed production with modern
machinery, displacing millions of working class citizens. Discontentment and
unrest was growing among them, contributing to the birth of institutionalized
socialism, Chartism and Trade Unionism in England. Economists, such as Henry
Phelps Brown, were beginning to question why such marked difference in social
situation occurred between different occupations, and gradually a new lustre
was given to the old ideas of socialism, spear-headed by the left-wing Fabian
Society. Britain was to witness, also, members of the Upper classes sympathizing
with the cause, such as Henry S. Salt, a prominent socialist and former master at
Eton, who surmised that "Eton masters…were but cannibals in a cap and
gown…indirectly cannibals, as living by the sweat and toil of the classes who do the
“The human butcher shop”, Thomas Henry Huxley, Man’s place in Nature, (Ann
Arbor. Michigan. 1959) pg. 70.
13 Winwood Reade, Savage Africa; Being the narrative of a Tour of Equatorial,
Southwestern and Northwestern Africa, (New York, 1864) pg. 136.
12
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hard work of the world".14 Certainly, this new attitude was beginning to establish
itself, and the conservative government who were monopolizing British rule at
the time could not afford it to firmly take hold. Conveniently, a distraction did
present itself: Colonialism. The spectacle of a 'superior' race dominating an
'inferior' race partially counteracted the emergence of socialism in Britain. The
Upper classes were placated, their authority and supremacy over those
considered lower than them now focusing on, perhaps, an easier target (that is,
one less able to object). The working class were given a benchmark, a
comparison upon which they could rank higher than other. Used to dwelling near
the bottom of the social pyramid, with colonialism came the chance for them to
rise up a rung on the societal ladder of Western culture. Thus, the indigenous
savages of Africa became the antithesis of the civilized man, and these countries
became an example of what could happen if a society lacked social hierarchy.
Prominent writers and explorers, such as Sir Richard Francis Burton, author of
Lake Regions of Central Africa and Samuel White Baker, author of Albert Nyanza,
took this idea a step further. To them, the African represented the natural
working class. Burton even went as far as to state:
I unhesitatingly assert… that the world still wants the black hand. Enormous tropical
regions yet await the clearing and draining operations by lower races, which will fit
them to become the dwelling-places of civilized man.15
Baker describes the members of a tribe he comes across to be "Like all other
tribes in the White Nile", with "no idea of a deity, nor even vestige of superstition."
He goes on to ay that they are "mere brutes, whose only idea of earthly happiness
is an unlimited supply of wives, cattle and a kind of beer"16 This description could
almost be applied to the stereotyped working class Briton, a sign that perhaps
the two groups were merging in the minds of the upper classes. Both Baker and
Burton were from wealthy, upper-middle class families, and their ideology was
reminiscent of the clearly defined social hierarchy in Britain that had been
blurred by the events of the previous century. With trade unionism and the
emergence of the labour and liberal parties came a new confidence in the lower
classes. They became defiant of the old system, and it became progressively
harder for the upper classes to oppress them into submission, as they discovered
the strength that accompanied unity. The obvious solution therefore was to
identify another group of humans unable to defend themselves in such a way.
The Africans represented just that. Widely diverse in culture, religion and social
behaviour, it would have been near impossible for the Africans to present a
united front as the working class had begun to exhibit at home. They were
therefore the ideal targets for a new social order to be carved out, with them
Henry S. Salt, Seventy Years Among Savages (London: Allen & Unwin, 1921). Pg.
89
15 Burton, Two trips to Gorilla Land and the Cataracts of the Congo, 2 vols. (1876;
New York, 1967) vol. 2, pg. 311.
16 Samuel White Baker, Accounts of the Discovery of the Second Great Lake of the
Nile, Albert Nyanza, (Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London,
Blackwell Publishing, 1866; Vol. 36; pg. 7)
14
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providing the fodder. This concept was often repeated in fiction, perhaps most
literally by Henry Merriman, author of With Edged Tools, describes how the
African porters "hired themselves out like animals, and as beasts of the field they
did their work- patiently, without intelligence…Such is the African".17Most
interestingly, these ideas were not purely a matter of opinion. Many were
supported by recognised and respected scientific theories emerging at the time.
There were numerous prominent social scientists emerging throughout the
Victorian era, each with their own take on races and the biological and social
differences between them. Darwin, a man best known for his groundbreaking
Theory of Evolution, which is still championed today, provided scientific status
to the concept that there was a hierarchy of races, higher and lower, progressive
and non-progressive, and that, much like the pattern seen in the natural world,
the lower classes must be managed, even displaced by the higher, more
progressive civilizations, such as the British. Others gave a more direct line of
thought, such as John Lubbock, who, in The Origin of Civilization, argued that the
savages, rather than being the preliminary species who would later become the
civilized Europeans, were in fact below this in the chain of species, because
unlike those who began the European evolutionary tract, they did not contain the
seeds of progress necessary for civilization to take root within their societies. In
essence, the African represented a class lower than the lowest, a stagnant, nonprogressive savage. James Hunt, of the Hunt Anthropological Society, believed
that the Negro represented an entirely distinct species of man altogether,
arguing in his On the Negro's Place in Nature,
That there is as good reason for classifying the Negro as a distinct species from the
European as…an ass [is from] the zebra; and if we take intelligence in
consideration…there is far greater difference between the Negro and Anglo-Saxon than
between gorilla and chimpanzee.18
Therefore, the savage gradually became more and more distant and distinct from
the European, perhaps allowing the less humane treatment of the race in Africa,
and justifying the overwhelming amount of authority the British were now
imposing upon the continent.
Other scientists went further still with this concept. Some were progressively
beginning to assimilate this justification for imperialism with justification for
genocide. Benjamin Kidd's Social Evolution argues that, no matter how much a
civilization such as the British, try to be humane, they would inevitably decimate
the weaker classes in the "struggle for existence".19 Karl Pearson concurred with
Kidd, when in National Life from the Standpoint of Science, he argued that "an
inferior race doing menial work for a superior race can give no stable community".
His solution was the eradication of the inferior races, as in the case of South
Africa where he maintains; "We shall never have a healthy social state…until the
Henry S. Merriman, With Edged Tools, (Blackwell Publishing, 1909). Pg. 38
James Hunt, On the Negro’s place in Nature, (Journal of the Anthropological
Society of London,) Vol. 2 (xvi) (Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain
and Ireland ). Pg. xvi.
19 Benjamin Kidd, Social Evolution, (New York 1892) pg. 44
17
18
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white man replaces the dark in the fields and mines". 20 Thus the transformation
from mere social observance to the justification of genocide was made
dangerously smoothly, proving the extent to which mankind can validate their
actions if they believe they have scientific grounding. The savage therefore
became not just a generalized name for the image of an African, but an entity
within itself, in some cases considered a different species and in a few,
disposable.
It can be said, therefore, that the myth of the savage was a multi-faceted, complex
one that originated from many different areas. It was, perhaps, the amalgamation
of the scientific theories, the sensationalist literature and the experience of
encountering places and people totally unknown to them that made the
Victorians conjure up such a solid, immovable image of the savage as a wild,
untameable, and to some, inhuman entity. Certainly, the myth provided many
opportunities to the Victorians. The gradual shift of the blame from the atrocity
that was the slave trade from the European during the abolitionist movement to
the corrupt African post-abolitionism was aided by the reassurance that one
could expect little else from those who ate their own kind, lacked a religious
focus and had no comprehension of literature or art. The myth also helped shift
attention away from the increasing unrest between classes back in England,
whilst solidifying the notion of a strict class hierarchy, the African taking the
place of the working class Briton. Furthermore, it justified the genocide of a
technically unconquered people and the pillaging of natural resources, of which
the British argued the Africans knew little about or had the capacity to
appreciate. Finally, it provided a new genre of entertainment; an exciting,
thrilling new dimension to Victorian literature that made many authors
incredibly wealthy. Certainly, the myth has faded over time, with many seeing its
ludicrously abundant flaws and outright lies. And yet, there is still some lingering
image of the savage when one thinks of the wilderness of Africa, and this image
is likely to be a stain on Africa's racial history for the foreseeable future.
Karl Pearson, National Life from the Standpoint of Science, (London 1907), pg.
47-48.
20
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Brantlinger, P. "Victorians and African: The Geneology of the Myth of the Dark
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Comaroff, J. & Comaroff, J. "Christianity and Colonialism in South Africa" in
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