EXHIBITION GUIDE
ISABELLA
THE
CATHOLIC
Queen of Two Worlds
(1451-1504)
New York, Instituto Cervantes
10 June 2004 - 11 July 2004
EXHIBITION TITLE
Isabella the Catholic, Queen of Two Worlds (1451-1504)
ORGANIZED BY
Instituto Universitario de Historia «Simancas», Universidad de Valladolid
Director: Julio Valdeón
Academic Secretary: Elena Maza
SPONSORS
Antonino Fernández Rodríguez
Cinia González de Fernández
Represented at the Instituto Universitario de Historia «Simancas» by:
Ernesto Lejeune Valcárcel
Luis Sánchez Carlos
C O L L A B O R AT I N G I N S T I T U T I O N S
Junta de Castilla y León
Instituto Cervantes de Nueva York
Iberia (Spanish Airways)
E X H I B I T I O N C U R AT O R S
Luis Ribot
Ángel Alcalá
G E N E R A L C O O R D I N AT I O N
Olatz Villanueva
C O O R D I N AT I O N I N N E W Y O R K
Susana Atienza
TEXTS
Ángel Alcalá
Javier Burrieza
Luis Ribot
Julio Valdeón
PLACARDS
Javier Burrieza
T R A N S L AT I O N S
Carlos Herrero
LOANING INSTITUTIONS
Archivo General de Simancas
Ayuntamiento de Granada
Biblioteca Nacional
Cabildo de la Capilla Real de Granada
Museo Arqueológico Nacional
Museo Nacional de Escultura
Patrimonio Nacional, Biblioteca de El Escorial
Real Academia de la Historia
Universidad de Valladolid, Biblioteca de Santa Cruz
PROJECT
&
SETTING UP
Cuadrifolio Diseño, S. L.
T R A N S P O RT
&
INSURANCE
SIT Transportes Internacionales
P U B L I C R E L AT I O N S A N D A D V E RT I S I N G
Meredith Pillon Marketing Communications
Spring O’Brian & Co., Inc.
GUIDE PRINTED BY
Gráficas Andrés Martín, S. L.
Depósito Legal: VA. 410.–2004
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
COLLABORATING INSTITUTIONS, ORGANISMS AND COMMERCIAL FIRMS:
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
Ayuntamiento de Granada (Granada)
Biblioteca de El Escorial (Madrid)
Biblioteca de Santa Cruz de la
Universidad de Valladolid
(Valladolid)
Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid)
Capilla Real de Granada (Granada)
Cuadrifolio Diseño, S. L. (Madrid)
Gráficas Andrés Martín, S. L.
(Valladolid)
Instituto Cervantes (New York)
Junta de Castilla y León (Valladolid)
Meredith Pillon Marketing
Communications (New York)
Museo Arqueológico Nacional
(Madrid)
Museo Nacional de Escultura
(Valladolid)
Patrimonio Nacional (Madrid)
Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid)
SIT Transportes Internacionales
(Madrid)
Spring O’Brian & Co., Inc. (New York)
Tourist Office of Spain (New York)
Universidad de Valladolid (Valladolid)
PERSONAL ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:
M.ª Soterraña Aguirre, Departamento de Didáctica de la Expresión Musical, Plástica y Corporal,
Universidad de Valladolid; Martín Almagro Gorbea, Hon. Antiquarian, Real Academia de la Historia;
Begoña Alonso, Instituto Universitario de Historia «Simancas», Universidad de Valladolid; Gonzalo
Anes y Álvarez de Castrillón, Director, Real Academia de la Historia; Manuel Arias, Deputy Director,
Museo Nacional de Escultura; Miguel Castillo, Department of Communications, Biblioteca Nacional; Silvia
Clemente, Minister of Culture and Tourism, Junta de Castilla y León; Carmen Coello, SIT Transportes
Internacionales; María Luisa Cuenca, Department of Communications, Biblioteca Nacional; Jorge
Descalzo, Department of Photography, Patrimonio Nacional; Ignacio Díaz-Agero, Cuadrifolio Diseño,
S. L.; Alicia Donaire, Heritage Office, Ayuntamiento de Granada; Miguel Ángel Elvira, Director, Museo
Arqueológico Nacional; María Rosario Fernández González, Museo Nacional de Escultura; Alvaro
Fernández Villaverde, Duque de San Carlos, President, Patrimonio Nacional; María Luisa Fuente,
Departament of Exhibitions, Patrimonio Nacional; Susana Gallego, Cuadrifolio Diseño, S. L.; José García,
Departament of Exhibitions, Museo Arqueológico Nacional; Juan García Montero, Councilor of Culture and
Heritage, Ayuntamiento de Granada; Antonio Garrido, Former Director, Instituto Cervantes, New York;
Jesús María Gómez, General Director, Fundación Siglo; Alberto Gutiérrez, General Director of Cultural
Advancement & Institutions, Junta de Castilla y León; José María Gutiérrez Noriega, Gráficas Andrés
Martín; Juan Vicente Herrera Campo, Prime Minister, Junta de Castilla y León; Carlos Llorena,
Cuadrifolio Diseño, S. L.; Jorge Maier, Cabinet of Antiques, Real Academia de la Historia; Sonia
Manganell, Restorer, Ayuntamiento de Granada; Miguel Angel Marcos, Curator, Museo Nacional de
Escultura; Juan Carlos de la Mata, Head of Historical & Artistic Intervention, Patrimonio Nacional;
Alfredo Mateos Paramio, Head of Cultural Activities, Instituto Cervantes, New York; Eva Mesas, Cabinet
of Antiques, Real Academia de la Historia; Ana Muñiz, Cuadrifolio Diseño, S. L.; José Miguel Ortega,
Head of Production, Fundación Siglo; Paloma Otero, Cabinet of Numismatics, Museo Arqueológico
Nacional; Luis Racionero, Director, Biblioteca Nacional; Manuel Reyes, Head Chaplain, Capilla Real de
Granada; José Luis Rodríguez de Diego, Director, Archivo General de Simancas; Pilar Rodríguez
Marín, Director, Biblioteca de Santa Cruz, Universidad de Valladolid; Víctor Rosario-Latorre,
Cuadrifolio Diseño, S. L.; Abelardo Santamaría, Archivo General de Simancas; José María Sanz,
Cuadrifolio Diseño, S. L.; Jesús María Sanz Serna, President, Universidad de Valladolid; Mercedes
Sebastián, Instituto Universitario de Historia «Simancas», Universidad de Valladolid; Paco Siles Saiz,
Cuadrifolio Diseño, S. L.; Emilio Suárez de la Torre, Vicepresident for Research, Universidad de Valladolid;
Jesús Urrea, Director, Museo Nacional de Escultura; José Luis del Valle, Director, Biblioteca de El Escorial.
Isabella I of Castile, known as Isabella the Catholic on account of the title
granted her and her husband Ferdinand by Pope Alexander VI in 1496, was a
crucial queen in the history of Spain. The political actions taken by Isabella, and
those taken by Ferdinand (indeed it is not always easy to draw a boundary
between both), succeeded in shaping a strong monarchic power in Castile –and
in Spain– during the Early Modern Period. Those years saw the end of the
Reconquista with the 1492 victory over the kingdom of Granada, the last Muslim
stronghold in the Iberian peninsula, and also the beginning of Spanish
international supremacy with the conquest of the kingdom of Naples. Moreover,
they marked the early contact with the New World as a result of Christopher
Columbus’s first voyage and of his landing in America, also in 1492, largely
through the support which the queen provided for his plans.
Recent historiography has debated over some of the government actions
promoted by the Catholic Monarchs, like the setting up of the Inquisition in
1478, the expulsion of the Jews in 1492 –a critical year in the whole of their
reign– and that of the Muslims in 1502. On the other hand, Isabella’s personality
as an understanding and virtuous woman has also been emphasized, together
with her steady work in support of the Indians and of cultural development.
For all these reasons, and on occasion of the 500th anniversary of her death,
we want to bring this character closer –through a historical, critical and
dispassionate look– to the continent which she so enthusiastically helped to
reach. Such is our only aim in this exhibition about the woman who, indeed,
became the queen of two worlds.
LUIS RIBOT
ÁNGEL ALCALÁ
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1
THE REIGN OF ISABELLA THE CATHOLIC
Queen Isabella I of Castile, better known as Isabella «the Catholic», reigned
between 1474 and 1504. It would be fair to say that hers was one of the most
important reigns in the whole history of Spain. A major step in this regard took
place when she became married to the Aragonese prince Ferdinand, an event held
in the city of Valladolid in October 1469. Ferdinand, who was the heir to the
crown of Aragon, acceded to the throne in 1479, so that their marriage involved
the union of the two most important political entities in medieval Spain. With
this move, as was pointed out by the contemporary chronicler Diego de Valera,
the way was being paved «for the monarchy of all Spanish kingdoms». From
another point of view, Isabella’s reign saw the conquest of the Islamic kingdom
of Granada, which was the last Muslim stronghold in the Iberian peninsula. This
put an end to the so-called Reconquista, a process begun by Christian Spain in the
eighth century. Such a victory gave rise in Castile to an atmosphere of truly
messianic fervor. The most striking event, however, of all those which took place
during that reign happened when the Genoese navigator Christopher Columbus
reached the West Indies, in other words, the then unknown American continent.
Columbus, who had set sail from a port on the coast of Huelva, was able to
complete his voyage thanks to the wholehearted support which he received from
the crown of Castile and, more particulary, from Queen Isabella. In the year 1494
the Treaty of Tordesillas, whereby a dividing line was drawn across the Atlantic
between the Castilian and Portuguese overseas possessions, was jointly signed by
the kingdoms of Castile and Portugal. One should not forget, on the other hand,
the Spanish expansion on Italian soil, as is shown by the conquest of Naples.
It must be pointed out, however, that Isabella’s accession to the throne was
quite problematic. Isabella was the sister of King Henry IV, who had an alleged
daughter called Joan and nicknamed Beltraneja. At first, Henry IV recognized his
sister Isabella as the rightful heir to the throne in the 1468 Accord of Toros de
Guisando. But because Isabella’s marriage to Ferdinand of Aragon failed to
obtain the king’s permission, Henry IV appointed his daughter Joan his heiress
shortly afterwards. This situation led, after the king’s death, to a serious military
confrontation between Isabella and Joan in which the former was supported by
7
Ferdinand and the latter by Afonso V of Portugal. The strife ended with the
victory of Isabella’s party.
Once the issue of succession had been settled, Isabella’s reign was
characterized by a string of successes. To begin with, royal power was
considerably strengthened, as is reflected by the setting up of the so-called Santa
Hermandad, a police force endowed also with legal powers, as well as by the
widespread appointment of corregidores– the main officials of royal authority in
towns. A parallel development was the establishment of a second Audiencia or
tribunal of law whose seat was first in Villa Real and later in Granada. As for the
royal court, the main role there was played by lawyers, the so-called hombres de los
expedientes («the men of the legal records»). How can one forget, on the other
hand, the role played by the monarchy in controlling the military orders? The
cortes held in Toledo in 1480 were of the highest importance, since they called off
several favors granted the nobility by Henry IV, which in turn meant a
remarkable increase in the royal revenue.
Another major problem during Isabella’s reign was the issue of religion. In
compliance with the principle «cuius religio, eius regio», the several kingdoms
identified themselves with the Christian faith. The two most significant
landmarks in this process were the setting up in 1478 of the Inquisition, whose
main purpose was to persecute converts who still practised the Jewish religion,
and the expulsion of the Jews, with the exception of those who embraced the
Christian baptism, as was ruled by a decree issued in March 1942. Although the
decision was taken by the Catholic Monarchs, one must also acknowledge that it
was the outcome of the hostility towards the Jewish population that had bred in
popular circles as well as in the Church itself. Otherwise, the Jews had been
expelled from almost all European countries. A few years later, a similar measure
was taken against the Mudejars (the Moorish population living in Christian
Spain). In this way, what Professor Luis Suárez has termed el máximo religioso («the
utmost attainment of religion») was ultimately reached.
The rule of Queen Isabella was likewise highly significant in the domain of
art and culture. For one thing, the language of Castile became standardized
thanks to the «Grammar» written by the humanist scholar Elio Antonio de
Nebrija. Moreover, those years saw the spread of the printing press: indeed the
firt book ever printed in Spain, the «Synodal Book of Aguilafuente», dates back
to 1472. And what about the role of Humanism? Special mention should be
made of Beatriz Galindo, also known as La Latina, who was very close to the
queen, but also of such Italian-born humanists as Peter Martyr d’Anghiera or
Marineo Siculo. As regards the plastic arts, the reign of Isabella combined both
the legacy of the Gothic style, which can be seen in such works as Toledo’s church
of San Juan de los Reyes, and, on the other hand, Renaissance innovation,
reflected for example in the Colegio de Santa Cruz, built in the city of Valladolid
on the orders of Cardinal Mendoza.
JULIO VALDEÓN
8
WORDS AND IMAGES FROM A REIGN
«This queen– wrote the chronicler Fernando del Pulgar–was of average height and
of handsome proportions; extremely pale and fair-haired; the color of her eyes somewhere between
green and blue. Her gaze was gentle and straightforward, her countenance well-set, her visage
very fine and cheerful. Her manner of speech was quite courteous». No doubt we are in front
of one of the key personalities for the study of Spanish history and of Spain’s role in
a world which was at that time expanding its known limits and territories. Here we
have a woman sitting on a throne –that of Castile– from which those of her sex were
not excluded as long as there was no male heir. However, the reign of Isabella of
Trastámara, the «Catholic Queen», was much more than an anecdote in the line of
succession which allowed her to be seen as the rightful owner of the throne. Indeed
her rule stretches over one third of a century: a period which is essential in that it
anticipates the turn things would take in future times.
We may perhaps begin by taking a look at the queen’s eyes (those eyes described
by Fernando del Pulgar as «somewhere between green and blue») as they appear in a
portrait which survives in the Royal Academy of History in Madrid (Spain). This
painting shows a mature woman in the last part of her life. The straightforward
quality of Isabella’s gaze can account for the character’s true significance: her only
adornment in this portrait is the jewel with the scallop shell and the cross, which
almost become in this way the queen’s own iconography. Isabella’s virtues were not
just praised by her contemporaries, but also handed down to posterity in such a
manner as to make her into a model queen and a model woman. As the abovementioned chronicler put it, Queen Isabella possessed «great excellences». She was a
strong woman, her strength resembling that of biblical female characters. The
qualities attributed to the «Catholic Queen» were those of a virtuous woman: her
courteous speech in conversation, the sound judgement reflected in her facial
expression, the way in which she concealed her own pain, especially that caused by
disease. Her wisdom was based on discretion.
Her nuptials with Prince Ferdinand of Aragon, held in Valladolid on 18
October 1469, were a crucial piece in the process of uniting, rather than merging,
the two major Spanish kingdoms. This marriage clashed against problems of
consanguinity, but these were duly solved by bringing up a bull that conferred
9
canonical dispensation on the grounds that the future spouses were only related as
second cousins. Suspicions arose at that time as to whether the bull in question had
been forged: «the above-mentioned and most worthy royal persons, Prince Ferdinand, king of
Sicily, and Princess Isabella, the legitimate heiress to these kingdoms of Castile and Leon,
declared unto the aforesaid Pero López that His Holiness Pius II, a pope of beloved memory,
had provided dispensation through his apostolic judge, which he had specially appointed for
this case, so that the above-mentioned Prince Ferdinand, king of Sicily and heir to the
Aragonese kingdoms, might marry the aforementioned princess and consummate that union».
The controversy over the authenticity of the papal document, which had been signed
in 1464 by Pope Pius II instead of by the then ruling pontiff Paul II, was settled by
Sixtus IV in his bull Oblatae nobis. By that time the marriage had indeed been
consummated, as was proven by the birth of their first-born child, Princess Isabella.
We are therefore in a stage which for Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada is characterized
by Isabella’s claims on the Castilian throne. She had proclaimed herself queen in
December 1474 after the death in Madrid of her brother Henry IV. In those days she
was staying in the city of Segovia, where she would later be joined by her husband
Ferdinand. The two of them signed the so called Accord of Segovia, the one in her capacity
as the kingdom’s «legitimate successor and rightful owner», and the other as her
legitimate husband. The agreement contained a ruling drafted by two representatives of
the Church in Castile: Alfonso de Carrillo, a personality from the previous years, and
Pedro González de Mendoza, who somehow stood for the immediate future: «And so to
prevent such uncertainties as are sometimes expressed or may arise in the future regarding the ways
and the order of government and of administration affairs in these kingdoms of Castile and Leon,
both myself, Queen Isabella, the legitimate successor and rightful owner of the aforementioned
kingdoms, and my lord King Ferdinand as my legitimate husband have jointly agreed to entrust
such affairs to the most reverend Cardinal of Spain Pedro González de Mendoza as well as to the
most reverend Alfonso Carrillo, Archbishop of Toledo [...] that they may see and declare and
arrange the ways and order that we should follow in the handling of government and
administration and also as regards homages, incomes and trade revenues, and privileges».
The accord surveyed the several spheres of government, such as, for example, the
administration of justice: «let the administration of justice be conducted thus: if the two
monarchs happen to stay together in the same place, the two of them shall jointly sign all legal
documents; and if they happen to be in different places and in different provinces, let each one
of the two hear the matter and impart justice in whichever province he or she is staying; should
they happen, however, to be in different places within the same province or in several provinces,
whoever is staying with the council of justice that must be constituted will hear matters and
impart justice [...]». The document in question did not involve the merger of two
political entities, but rather provided a key step as far as the dynastic unity and the
joint administration of the kingdoms were concerned. The Accord of Segovia paved the
way for the future succession to the throne, since Castilian succession rights were
accepted, including the possibility that a woman might accede to the throne should
there be no male heir.
This pact on power signed by the two royal spouses contained very clear
specifications concerning for example the entitling of documents, the use of a common
seal and a common coinage for both monarchs and the precedence of names and arms,
together with royal attributions regarding the management of ordinary incomes, official
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appointments and the above-mentioned administration of justice: «Therefore, I confer
powers on my lord the King so that, wherever he goes in the aforementioned kingdoms and seigneurial
domains, he may on his own and in my absence provide, instruct, do and order whatever he should
determine or judge proper or beneficial to his or my interests or to the common good and safeguard of
our kingdoms and royal domains. Furthermore I confer on him the power to command.... in the
cities, towns and villages, and in fortresses, tenancies and jurisdictions in our kindoms and
seigneurial domains; and the power also to grant privileges... and to appoint royal municipal
officials as he should please and think fit.... And so I hereby entrust him with all my powers,
whether high or low, and I confer on him the utmost authority which I possess by right as the heiress
and legitimate successor to the aforesaid kingdoms and seigneurial domains» (28 April 1475).
As the queen of Castile, Isabella convened plenary cortes twice, first in Madrigal in
1476 and then in Toledo in 1480. As it happens, the corresponding Cuadernos and
Ordenamientos– the main written sources containing the ordinances promulgated at such
assemblies– have survived. On both occasions the main purpose was to reshape the
kingdom, and so a call was made for the effectiveness of the crown’s institutional
framework and reforms were introduced in the royal accounts: all of which did not take
place before a harsh civil confrontation, also involving international overtones, had to be
faced. «He who receives more from God will be demanded more too. And just as He made kings
His vicars on earth and granted them a great power over temporal affairs, so these will have to pay
greater services and fulfill heavier duties». In this way, the relations between royal power and
the privileged groups of society were regulated, «since it is within the power of monarchs to
grant mercies to those who deserve them and to pay them good service», as is pointed out in the
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charter of privilege (Privilegio de
Hidalguía) granted some Arias Carrete,
from the town of Lumbillo, and issued in
Medina del Campo on 8 December 1480.
There began to take shape a new
system of relations with the privileged
groups of society within the framework
of jurisdictional powers. Isabella herself
set it down very clearly in her testament:
«for I was informed that some great lords and
knights living in my kingdoms and domains
prevented the people who dwelt in their villages
and territories from appealing unto us and our
chanceries for the redress of their grievances
much against what they should do [...] and
when I heard of these things I resolved not to
consent them and arranged for things to be set
right as was needed, since if I had let them
pass unchecked, it would have been extremely
harmful and detrimental to royal preeminence
and to the crown’s supreme jurisdiction».
6
This was the culmination of a
previous process, one of authoritarianism
for Luis Suárez, whereby three major institutions were strengthened: the cortes, the
council and the royal tribunal– the latter consolidated in Valladolid (royal tribunal
and chancery). At the cortes held in Madrigal three main ordinances were enacted: one
referred to the establishment of a general Hermandad (a kind of police constabulary)
for the whole of the kingdom; the other two saw to the restructuring of the tribunal
or chancery and to the changes brought into the royal accounts. Therefore, effective
measures were adopted so as to combat breaches of public order and the spread of
banditry: a phenomenon which led to the enactment of the above-mentioned
Ordenamiento and, in turn, to the setting up of the general Hermandad (Capítulos y
Ordenanzas de la Junta de Hermandades celebrada en Madrigal, 1476).
The cortes of Toledo were a major step in the political reshaping of the crown of
Castile and involved a corresponding expansion of monarchic power. The aim of the
policies pursued by the Catholic Monarchs was to consolidate and enforce the political
and social order around the central axis of monarchic rule. In both assemblies, Madrigal
and Toledo, the instruments of monarchic power were restored on the basis of alreadyexisting institutions albeit with greater effectiveness, since certain constraints imposed
by the jurisdictions of the nobility, the Church and the towns were considerably
weakened. In the cortes of Toledo, more particularly, the royal council was given a larger
legal and institutional role and the qualifications of its members were specifically
described. It ought to be chaired by a bishop– a member therefore of the Church’s
hierarchy; other members were three noblemen and eight or nine lawyers, so that an
attempt was made to achieve a balanced system of representation for the different
estates of society. This was all reflected in the New Ordinances of the Royal Council, an
institution which thus became the second authority in the crown of Castile.
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The truth is that some sense of unity already underlay the territories which
Isabella and Ferdinand brought together under the umbrella of dynastic unity,
and that what they did was to transform into a political fact a former historical
awareness. There already existed the feeling of a shared homeland: a feeling which
Isabella competently channeled into a number of cultural and artistic
undertakings supported by the current humanist ideal. Take for example her work
on behalf of institutions like the Colegio de Santa Cruz, a college founded by
Cardinal Pedro González de Mendoza. In the charter of privilege granted the
college by the Catholic Monarchs (Seville, 20 december 1484), the institution’s
founder, the above-mentioned Cardinal Mendoza, secured a series of royal favors
so that the Colegio, initially meant for students lacking economic resources but
later devoted to the training of elites in the civil and ecclesiastic administration,
could properly fulfill its mission: «For it is a reasonable thing for kings and princes to
grant favors and mercies to their subjects, especially to those who serve them with loyalty
and affection [...] And so we consent and grant that the aforementioned collegiates at the
College of the Holy Cross in the city of Valladolid, both now and forever in the future,
should be free amd exempt from paying taxes. And that they should not be requested to pay
the aforementioned alcabala [a sales tax] or any other duty or levy on goods sold by them
or by anybody else on their behalf; nor shall they be taxed on such incomes or revenues as
they were provided with by way of gifts or instruction by our cousin the Cardinal of Spain
in order that they could make a living». A document, then, which exemplifies the
monarchy’s cultural endeavors.
The «summit» of Isabella’s reign was near at hand, although some of her
contemporaries would have hardly agreed to call it so: the end of Muslim political
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rule in the Iberian peninsula; the attempts made and the measures taken to attain
the religious unity that was needed for the creation of a modern state; the signing
of a settlement with the Genoese navigator Christopher Columbus, the man who
sought an alternative route to the Indies and ended by discovering the new
territories.
The need for the whole of the body politic to share the same religious creed,
regardless of place of birth, was a common belief shared by both Isabella and
Ferdinand. The time was ripe to end with such as had been «suffered and put up with»
for the sake of constructing the political entity which the monarchs ruled. In fact, the
war of Granada– after many years of seemingly peaceful co-existence–constituted an
important gesture of agression displayed by Isabella and Ferdinand against Muslim
power in the Mediterranean. It was on 2 January 1492 when Emir Muhammad XI,
better known as Boabdil, surrendered the city of Granada and the Alpujarras, as well
as the castles and territories under his rule. On that day, and on top of the tower called
Torre de la Vela, the royal banner was hoisted. It seemed at that time as though measures
of integration would ensue, as was pointed out in the Capitulaciones: «It is therefore agreed
upon that the aforementioned King Muley Boabdil, as well as the judges of the city of Granada
and of Albaicín, and of their surrounding districts, and those of the Alpujarras region and
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elsewhere included in this settlement, shall be
honored and fairly treated by Your Highnesses; and that their usages and customs shall
be respected; and judges and lawyers shall be
paid their rights and franchises and such
other revenues, and in such a manner, as they
presently and justly receive».
A harder policy, however, was
enacted as of 1499, when the position
advocated by Friar Francisco Ximénez
de Cisneros displaced that of Friar
Hernando de Talavera, Granada’s main
prelate. Pastoral schemes became more
aggressive. In 1501 Granada’s Moorish
population at large revolted for the first
time and the former Capitulaciones were
abolished. The Muslims were confronted
with two choices: either they received
baptism orelse they had to leave the
country. Indeed many headed for North
Africa and ended up by becoming
25
pirates. By 1502 identical measures
were being applied on all Muslims
living in Castilian territory, although they were not practically enforced in the crown
of Aragon. Thus, the Pragmática or «Decree Ordaining the Expulsion of Moorish Men
and Women Aged Over Fourteen», issued on 12 February 1502, was based on
considerations regarding «the great scandal that exists about both the newly converted Moors
and the rest of the Moorish subjects living in our kingdoms and seigneurial domains [...]; for
there is indeed a great danger in that those Moorish subjects living in our kingdoms should
communicate themselves with the new converts, who may thus be drawn and induced to give up
our faith and return to their original errors». The Muslim presence in Spain would still
have further landmarks until the 1609 expulsion of the moriscos, which is the name
used to designate the baptized Muslims who stayed in Spain once the Reconquista
process was over.
During the fifteenth century, a remarkable decrease in the number of Jews
living in Castile took place, since many members of the Jewish community were
baptized in the Christian faith. The Jewish population was particularly
concentrated around the Duero basin, since Jews had practically disappeared from
the Andalusian cities. Following the policy of their predecessors, Isabella and
Ferdinand were protective towards these subjects. During the reign of Isabella’s
father John II (and under the inspiration of the king’s favorite Álvaro de Luna), an
assembly of representatives from the governing bodies of the Jewish communities
(aljamas) was held during a meeting of the cortes and new ordinances were drawn.
Under the patronage of the royal council, the Jewish communities were provided
with a whole system of regulations. In the future, these aljamas would assemble
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every time the cortes were convened. The re-establishment of Jewish communities ran
up against an important opposition. This explains the royal charter of safeguard
(Seguro) issued on behalf of the Seville aljama: «I hereby take under my safeguard and royal
protection the Jews living in the city of Seville, and their wives and children, and their servants
and their properties [...]; and each one of them shall declare unto you– the aforementioned
justices– what it is that they fear and suspect, thus to avoid being harmed or killed or injured
or arrested, and also to prevent anyone from having them harmed or killed or injured or arrested
or from being ill-treated in their bodies and in their property against right and reason [...] I
therefore command you to honor this safeguard and to have it honored by others, and also to
arrange for these things to be proclaimed in the streets and in the market squares». Indeed the
aljama was a system of legal regulations that organized the Jewish community, a
parallel government for the Jews. It was ruled by a council of elders and by judges.
In 1477 Isabella took upon herself the protection of Castilian Jews and assumed
full jurisdiction over them. There was, however, considerable popular pressure against
the Jewish population and this led in 1480, following the requests made by the
representatives in the cortes, to a decree whereby there dwelling-places should be
19
confined to restricted areas. Even so, the
Catholic Monarchs tried to defend them
against abuses. What was initially a
spirit of collaboration began to change as
Ferdinand started to see the Jews as a
political (as well as religious) element
that clashed against the construction of a
modern state. Before the major decree
ruling the general expulsion of the Jews
was enacted, other partial expulsions
took place in the Andalusian bishoprics
or in the Basque town of Balmaseda,
where the second most important Jewry
in that region was located. Popular
pressure was growing; the Jews, who had
already been expelled from England,
France and several parts of the Germanic
Empire, were presented as the murderers
of Christ on the cross. A great emphasis
was laid, however, on preventing the
proximity and co-existence of those who
31
were Jewish by religion, on the one
hand, and, on the other, the newlybaptized or converts.
Established in 1478, the Inquisition was not an instrument to combat such a
co-existence, since this tribunal could not judge non-Christians. However, the
inquisitors were entitled to investigate converts who still abided in secret by Jewish
practices. General Inquisitor Torquemada advocated the need to end with the
problem of co-existence: one could not persecute crypto-Jews if the Jews were
allowed to practise their religion with total freedom. «We had been informed that in our
kingdoms there were some bad Christians who still Judaized and apostatized from our holy
Catholic faith»: thus began the Decree of 31 March 1492.
We normally refer to this decree as the one which ordained the expulsion and
departure of the Jews, although more strictly speaking it rather banned Jewish worship
and Jewish teaching, since baptized Jews could not be expelled. Those who did not
want to be baptized were given four months to sell their personal and real estate
properties with the restriction that they were not allowed to take out of the Spanish
kingdoms any gold, silver, minted coins, weapons or horses. If a Jew was expelled and
later wished to return to be baptized via Portugal, as was the case with many, he would
be allowed to recover such items of his property as had been sold by paying the same
price as was paid in the sale. A whole campaign was launched so that as many Jews as
possible received baptism and were thus spared from having to leave Spain.
It seems, therefore, that we ought to discard one of the alleged causes of the
expulsion of the Jews from Spain. The Monarchs never attempted to seize their
property, among other reasons because the wealthier members of the Jewish
community had already converted to the Christian faith. The expulsion of the Jews has
also been characterized in terms of class struggle: the Jews themselves would equal the
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32
bourgeois class in opposition to a high nobility set on defending the privileges of the
traditional estates. This is however untrue, since among the Jews many were poor,
apart from the fact that it was precisely the privileged members of the Castilian
nobility who first protected them. Indeed the most «reasonable» cause of the expulsion
was the above-mentioned communication between Jews and converts, as was already
explained by Friar Miguel de Morillos, one of the earliest inquisitors. In other words,
it was «religious zeal», according to Professor Joseph Pérez, that best characterized the
Monarchs’ attitude in this affair. The expulsion must be set against the background of
the atmosphere of messianic enthusiasm that followed the victory over the Muslims in
Granada.
Which is not to ignore, of course, that the measure turned out to be highly
traumatic: «We hereby decree that the present charter should be enforced, whereby all Jewish men
and Jewish women of whatever age who live and dwell in our kingdoms and domains [...] shall
by the end of this year’s forthcoming month of July leave the aforementioned kingdoms and
domains with their sons and daughters, women- and menservants and Jewish relatives, both
young and old and of whatever age; and that they shall not dare return or stay in whichever part
of these territories, nor in any household thereof, not even on their way elsewhere or for any other
reason; and if they do not obey this order, they shall face the death penalty and the confiscation of
all their property [...] Moreover, we grant permission to the aforementioned Jewish men and
women so that they may take away from these kingdoms and seigneurial domains, by land or by
sea, all their goods and property as long as they do not take away with them either gold or silver
or minted coins or goods that are prohibited by the laws of our kingdoms; these restrictions do no
21
apply in the case of such goods as are not subject to any prohibition or are the product of
exchanges». Historians like Benzion Netanyahu have insisted on King Ferdinand’s main
responsibility for the expulsion scheme as well as on Isabella’s attempts to prevent the
whole business. In any case, the measure was enforced on seventy- to eighty-thousand
Jews, of whom fifty- to sixty-thousand came from Castile.
This policy rested on the principle «cuius regio, eius religio» (the ruler’s religious
faith shall be shared by his subjects), a belief that would become deeply-rooted in
Europe throughout the sixteenth century. Once the subjects holding a different creed
had left the kingdom, action was taken against those who had feigned their
conversion. In order to tackle potential deviations and heterodox behaviors,
Ferdinand and Isabella did not rely on ordinary justice, but rather on a special
tribunal entrusted with safeguarding the Christian faith. In comparative terms, this
meant less stringent retaliations. The Church should be empowered to combat
deviations from the straight faith, although in this particular case the Monarchs
persuaded Pope Sixtus IV to grant them permission to appoint the ecclesiastical
judges making up the tribunal on condition that the crown should provide the
necessary material means for the court to be operational. The Catholic Monarchs did
not invent themselves the inquisitorial proceedings, but rather enforced an already
existing tool so as to make it effective enough. Such was the new Inquisition, an
element that was closely connected with the shaping of the modern state and one
which King Ferdinand was particularly committed to.
In order to understand, on the other hand, the Catholic Monarchs’ involvement
in the discovery of America, one can turn not only to the letters which Christopher
Columbus addressed to the royal notary Luis de Santángel (see his letter of 15th
February 1493 in which he informed the latter of his first voyage to the Indies) or to
the treasurer of the crown of Aragon Gabriel Sánchez, but also to others sent by
Columbus to the Catholic Monarchs themselves. To Santángel he wrote: «Be informed
that after thirty-three days I reached the Indies with the ships given me by Their Highnesses
the King and Queen and that there I found many islands inhabited by countless people which
I took possession of on behalf of Their Highnesses; and that I made a proclamation thereof and
hoisted the royal banner without running into any opposition». Upon which, and by way of
a description of his landing in the new territories, he added: «the first island which I
came across I named San Salvador in memory of Our Savior, Who has bountifully provided all
these wonders; the Indians call it Guanahaní. The second island I named Santa María de
Concepción; the third Fernandina; the fourth Isabela; the fifth island I called Juana; and so
to each island I gave a new name». Columbus ended this letter by trying to sell his
discovery to the monarchs: «for that was the only purpose of this voyage, which has been
promptly completed, so that Their Highnesses may now see that I shall give them as much gold
as they want by just providing a little help, and as much mastic as they wish to be supplied
with, which is a substance that has never been found save in the Greek island of Chios».
«God»– concluded Columbus–» grants those who follow His path victory in schemes which
appear to be impossible».
King Ferdinand had reacted to Columbus’s proposal with skepticism, but
Isabella saw the navigator’s plans with confidence and hope and anticipated greater
benefits from the spiritual progress involved in the whole scheme than from the
economic results. In general terms– and in compliance with what royal protocol
22
demanded– Columbus used to address
his letters to both monarchs, although
occasionally he would write directly to
Queen Isabella (thus in his letter to the
queen «on matters pertaining the Indies as
well as his personal interests»): «I am the
servant of Your Highness, whom I gave the
key to my will in Barcelona». He
moreover noted that the queen’s
ailments and sicknesses were
detrimental to the success of his
voyages: «I find the whole scheme of the
Indies grand indeed. The many other affairs
which Your Highness has to see to, as well
as her malady, hamper the perfect
management of this one [...] I beg Your
Highness to hold me in this and any other
regard as none other than her servant, for I
am wholeheartedly devoted to her relief and
contentment and to the increase of her
power».
33
The termination of the kingdom of
Granada meant the opening up of new
directions in the Catholic Monarchs’ foreign policy, an area more directy controlled
by Ferdinand, who nevertheless had the full power of Castile behind him. The latter
kingdom had in fact started to regulate, together with Portugal, the process of
Atlantic expansion through a number of diplomatic treaties which channeled an
interest that was first focused on the Canary Islands. The kind of agreement that was
sought became critical when it came down to the expansion across the newly-found
Indies, as was materialized in the Treaty of Tordesillas. Already in February 1495,
Pope Alexander VI granted the Catholic Monarchs power over the African
kingdoms, the so-called «investiture»: «and that there you may bring and propagate the
name of our Savior Jesus Christ [...] we bestow upon you the investiture of Africa and of all
kingdoms, lands and dominions thereof so that you hold it and pass it on to your heirs and
successors by the power given us as the Vicar of Our Lord Jesus Christ».
All of which, as Luis Suárez has pointed out, brought the political
commonwealth together around the central pillar of faith. The royal rulers were
shaping a new state, but at the same time their policies closely followed the
guidelines of the Church, which bestowed on their actions a highly moral character.
In the above-mentioned cortes of Toledo, for example, they ruled against the
dissipation of some ecclesiastics: «it was indeed honorable and decent to prevent churchmen
and members of the religious orders as well as married laymen from having the opportunity to
find women willing to be their public mistresses [...]; we have been informed that many clerics
have been bold enough to publicly keep mistresses and that the latter have also dared to proclaim
themselves those clerics’ wives, and all because they no longer fear being punished by the
aforementioned law [...] We therefore ordain that this law should be enacted and enforced
against the mistresses of both clerics and friars and monks the first time they are caught while
23
committing the crime; and that the second time they shall be banished for a full year from the
town or city or village where they have been discovered and moreover pay the aforementioned
mark of silver; and that the third time they shall be given a hundred lashes in public as well
as paying the mark of silver [...]; and that this self-same penalty shall be inflicted on the
mistresses of married men who live with them publicly».
The Catholic Monarchs would also become key elements in the reformation of
the Spanish Church. After a tense start of their relations with the new pope
Alexander VI, who had been born in the town of Játiva in Valencia, the arrival in
Rome of the crown’s ambassador Diego López de Haro meant the beginning of a
period of mutual collaboration which Miguel Batllori has described as the policy of
«do ut des». On behalf of the Spanish Church, the ambassador was expected to request
a number of papal privileges (see the «instructions» given López de Haro «regarding
the Church’s right of patronage and reformation», 20 January 1846) so as to facilitate the
solution to a number of problems. Such instructions repeat the same arguments
already conveyed by the monarchs to former diplomatic representatives (the bishop
of Tuy and the Count of Tendilla). They expressed views that were well understood
and received by the Borgia pope, as can be clearly seen in several pontifical
documents issued at that time.
The reformation of the Church supported by the Monarchs was another major
pillar in the making of the modern state, since observant churchmen were needed in
government jobs together with lawyers trained at universities (see the «Letter of
Fraternity» written by the head of the Dominican Order to Queen Isabella on 10
October 1477). The hierarchy of the Church was expected to join forces with the
crown. More and more, bishops would be appointed by the monarchs. While in
Castile great care had always been taken over the election of prelates, in Aragon there
had been notorious cases of preferment of relatives for important positions within the
Church. As of 1486, the crown was entitled to appoint candidates to the vacant
posts, while the pope retained the right to accept or turn down a given candidate.
Royal control was far greater in the new episcopal sees created in the recentlyconquered territories which were administered by the royal treasury, like for example
Granada and the Canary Islands. Bishoprics were under the patronage of the
monarchs and these had the power of appointing their bishops (Ius Patronatos Eclesiae
Granatensis, 1488-1502). The same system was transferred to America where it
succeeded until in the eighteenth century patronage became the universal form of
appointment for such positions. A primary outcome of it all was, however, the
careful selection of the American high clergy.
The Monarchs were presented as the guardians of the Church and the preservers
of the Christian faith. For this reason they seemed to particularly deserve the title of
Reyes Católicos or «Catholic Monarchs» bestowed on them by Pope Alexander VI: a
title which they would pass on to their successors on the throne as stipulated in the
bull whereby this distinction was granted (Bula de concesión del título de Reyes Católicos).
It was in December 1496 when the pope conferred this honor, which would be
inherited in succession by the rest of Spanish monarchs, on Isabella and Ferdinand. In
the above-mentioned bull, the pope explained the reasons for this title: «Instead of
yielding to a life of leisure and enjoyment, and of contentment with the glory achieved by your
elders, you engaged with no less courage than strength in a most faithful war over the Baetica;
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34
and in this you were not moved by ambition or greed, but rather by the glory of God’s name and
by the desire to propagate the Christian faith». The pope went on to praise the monarchs’
care of the Christian religion and their efforts in preserving and increasing religious
faith in their kingdoms, as well as their achievement of religious unity and their
defense– also in territorial terms– of the papacy in Italy. For all these reasons, the
pontiff saw it fair to make a recognition of such merits, all the more so in order that
«the other Christian princes may be moved by your example [...] and also in the hope that, in
the fight against the Africans and the other faithless nations, Your Serene Highnesses will make
an ever more fruitful contribution to the Christian commonwealth [...]; and so we decree, by our
special prerrogative and privilege, that you shall be henceforward called «Catholic», and that
with this special title your names shall be honored and distinguished in all our documents and
inscriptions regarding your royal persons [...] For this title becomes you better than anyone else,
since Your Majesties are the guardians of the Catholic faith and constantly strive to protect and
propagate it by the sword and at the cost of blood if it was needed».
In those days spiritual concerns went far beyond liturgical issues and
comprehended many aspects in people’s lives. Private devotions, for example,
played an important part in this regard. In this exhibition we shall be able to
contemplate the Breviarium secundum usum Fratum Praedicatorum (today preserved in
the library of El Escorial’s monastery) and also the so-called Breviary of Isabella the
Catholic, which is held in Madrid’s National Library. Private spirituality, in the case
of the privileged members of society, was visually translated into a number of
pictorial representations which in the domestic sphere lost the public dimension
which they had in altarpieces and churches. In devotional painting, as Juan Luis
González García pointed out, «the official subjects were privatized». Prayer books also
provided a medium for such images to proliferate and evolve, again in the context
of an internalized kind of spirituality which manifested itself in meditation. On the
pages of these books images became visual signs which facilitated spiritual
evocation and made it easier for the subject of meditation to be memorized. At that
time, there began to proliferate a special genre of treatise which encouraged readers
to compose in their minds the scenes from the Bible that were being used for the
purposes of meditation and which they thus witnessed thanks to their imagination.
This was a simple method in which pictorial images became a quick vehicle for
devotional purposes. Biblical scenes and stories about saints were often recounted
in this way as a means of promoting a mode of methodical prayer that lay halfway
between the evangelical narrative and the litany. Among the lay members of the
privileged groups it was the custom since medieval times to keep the so-called
illuminated books of hours, which included a collection of divine services and
prayers for private devotional use in an intimate environment that lay outside the
reach of the official Church. To these books of hours one should add the handbooks
of prayer, which derived from the very structure of sermons.
The Catholic Monarchs’ international policy, on the other hand, aimed at
France’s isolation and resorted to the arrangement of their children’s marriages so as
to consolidate their alliances with foreign powers. Thus, the respective marriages of
Prince John and Princess Joan were meant to strengthen ties with the Holy Roman
Empire, while those of Princesses Isabella and Maria served the ends of Iberian
unity and friendship with Portugal; Princess Catherine’s nuptials, in the third
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37
36
place, helped consolidate relations with England. The key document in
culminating this policy of blood alliances were the so-called Capitulaciones
matrimoniales: a marriage contract which in the case of the Catholic Monarchs’ direct
descendants stipulated the double union of a prince and a princess of Castile,
respectively, with two siblings from the Habsburg family, also a prince and a
princess: Philip and Margaret, the son and daughter of Emperor Maximilian I. The
document, which was written in Latin, was signed on 20 January 1495. On behalf
of the Castilian princes acted the ambassador Francisco de Rojas: «We eventually
reached an agreement and thereby determined, once all possible doubts had been dismissed, to
bring those marriage contracts to full effect and to hold the nuptials in due course...». The
marriage of the Castilian and Aragonese heir to Princess Margaret was held in
Burgos cathedral on 14 April 1495, while the nuptials of Philip and Joan, also a
lavish event, took place in Lièrre on 20 October 1496 once the bride had
disembarked in Antwerp. As for the Monarchs’ other daughter, Catherine of
Aragon, she married Arthur, the Prince of Wales and the son of King Henry VII of
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38
England. This marriage, however, was never consummated because of Arthur’s
premature death. In order to fulfill the marriage settlement, Catherine married
Arthur’s brother Henry, now the heir to the crown of England an later to become
King Henry VIII (Capitulaciones para el matrimonio entre el futuro Enrique VIII y
Catalina de Aragón, 3 March 1504). The new marriage ended in a divorce as the
English king became determined to marry Anne Boleyn, thereby provoking the
schism which led to the establishment of the Church of England.
This framework of marriage alliances was ultimately meant to find a suitable
heir for what was about to become a huge collection of European kingdoms. In the
event, it was the son of Joan and Philip, the future Charles V, who became such an
heir and indeed the ruler of states bequeathed him by his paternal and maternal
grandparents. Thus expressed King Ferdinand his desire that a child may be
conceived by Prince John’s wife, «who, in the end, died for love» leaving no heir:
«they have consummated their marriage and they are very much in love with each other: may
Our Lord grant them children, so that our happiness is complete. We have received letters from
the Archduchess [Joan] saying how, praise be to God, she is in good health and pregnant».
A string of family misfortunes began to affect Queen Isabella’s health, although
she was still relatively young (however ripe) in years. In 1497 her son and heir, Prince
John, died, while the following year saw the death of her daughter Isabella, the
Princess of Portugal who had become the new heiress; in 1500 young Prince Michael,
the Catholic Monarchs’ grandson as well as the son of the above-mentioned princess
29
39
40
and the heir to the crowns of Portugal, Castile and Aragon, also passed away. To this
one should add the latent incapacity of the new heiress Princess Joan (archduchess by
marriage) who had been sworn allegiance as such, together with her husband Philip
of Habsburg, in 1502. Queen Isabella’s infirmities coincided with a strengthening of
Ferdinand’s political protagonism in Castile, which in turn favored the stability of the
Castilian crown at the death of the queen in 1504. All of which, by the way, cannot
overshadow Isabella’s competence as a ruler: a competence which she exercised until
the end of her days, as is proven by the drawing up of her testament.
Isabella’s political size, and that of her reign, must be analyzed bearing in mind
that she lay the solid foundations of what we may call modern Spain. Thus, her reign
saw the completion of Castile’s territorial integrity through the conquest of the
kingdom of Granada and of the Canary Islands. This was a political process which
unfolded in the atmosphere of a crusade, the ultimate goal being to recapture the
city of Jerusalem and to achieve the conversion of all Muslims. The same kind of
underlying imaginary conceptions stood beneath the crown’s support of Columbus’s
plans to open up new routes across the Atlantic, which in turn involved the discovery
of a new world. The queen still lived to see the first stages of this process, including
the arrival of the first settlers and the early debates on the indigenous population,
especially after the establishment in 1503 of the Casa de Contratación, responsible for
the regulation of Spanish trade with the new colonies.
30
As we are reminded of by José Luis Rodríguez de Diego, the Director of the
Simancas General Archive, King Alfonso X (also called «the Wise») demanded in his
Partidas that those who wrote their testament should act with «good sense when they do
it». One’s testament became a final assessment of the whole of one’s life, something to
be performed in as solemn a way as possible and including the testator’s last will, «thus
imitating Hezekiah, that just king, and leaving my house affairs in order, as if I had to depart
thereof». On the basis of the Catholic Queen’s testament, many historians have defined
her personality as that of «a human being of the highest qualities», to quote the words
of Luis Suárez. This scholar points out that in her last moments Queen Isabella gave
abundant proof of her greatness by facing her own death with supreme dignity. The
testament contains a great number of references (some of them tinged with a
somewhat overwhelming intensity) to Isabella’s lifelong endeavor– to help defend and
preserve the Catholic faith: «I therefore beg and request my daughter the princess and her
husband the prince to honor their title of Catholic Princes and be extremely watchful of matters
pertaining to the glory of God and His holy faith by zealously securing their preservation and
praise, since this faith we are bound to serve with our own persons and entire lives [...] Let them
be extremely obedient to the commandments of the Holy Church and become Her guardians and
protectors as they are bound to; and let them persevere in the conquest of Africa and in the fight
against the infidels for the sake of our faith».
Isabella’s testament also contained a whole review of her government actions,
including such measures as had been taken in the spheres of public administration,
fiscal policy, justice, religious unity and the consolidation of monarchic power,
without forgetting the issues of succession that would be brought up at her death.
The queen was particularly concerned with preventing her territories from being
ruled without due respect for local usages and customs, and for this reason she
banned foreigners from holding office, thus leaving the exercise of power exclusively
in the hands of «the kingdom’s native persons»: «we hereby ordain that the tenure of
positions of authority in cities and towns and villages, as well as the holding of office involving
jurisdiction of any kind, or of jobs in the exchequer or in the royal household or in the royal
court, or of the major positions in the realm, or of whatever public office in the cities and towns
and villages thereof, shall not be given to foreigners, since these would not know how to rule
such places according to the laws and charters of privilege and the traditions and customs which
prevail in my territories». A similar ban was enforced regarding the tenure of
ecclesiastical office.
Should the incapacity of Isabella’s daughter and legitimate heiress become more
and more evident, provisions were made in the queen’s testament so that her
husband Ferdinand could take over the administration of the kingdoms. The king,
moreover, was granted half the revenues from the American territories: «for my
kingdoms are indebted and bound in obeisance to His Highness and must pay him the incomes
and favors that he is due.»
In the codicil appended to the testament, the queen expressed her concern over
the condition of her subjects in the newly-conquered territories: «let them not suffer
the Indians and inhabitants of the aforementioned Indies and the mainland, both in the
conquered territories and in such as may be conquered in the future, to receive any offense in
their persons or in their properties; but rather ensure that they are properly and justly treated».
She moreover insisted on the evangelizing mission that should be conducted in the
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benefit of the natives: «our main intention was, and so we pleaded for Pope Alexander’s
permission, to try and persuade those peoples to be converted to our holy Catholic faith; and to
be allowed to send over to the islands and to the mainland prelates and members of the religious
orders and other learned, God-fearing people who could train the inhabitants of these territories
in the Catholic faith, and teach them proper customs and thus devote their lives to this
mission». Such preoccupations would be later expressed by King Ferdinand in the
preface to the laws enacted in Burgos in 1512 regarding the affairs of the Indies
(Leyes de Burgos, Leyes de Indias), where he referred to his strong desire, shared by the
late queen– «my dearest and beloved wife, God rest her soul»–, that the «chiefs and Indians
living in the island of San Juan should become acquainted with our holy Catholic faith». The
king went on to refer to the well-being of the Indians, advocating «their fair treatment
and improvement».
JAVIER BURRIEZA
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LIST OF WORKS DISPLAYED
1. SCEPTER AND CROWN OF ISABELLA THE
CATHOLIC
Nineteenth-century reproduction
Ayuntamiento de Granada
2. MARRIAGE CERTIFICATE OF THE CATHOLIC
MONARCHS
Valladolid, 18 October 1469
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
3. ACCORD OF SEGOVIA
Segovia, 15 January 1475
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
4. CHAPTERS AND ORDINANCES OF THE
ASSEMBLY OF HERMANDADES HELD IN
MADRIGAL
1476
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
5. AUTOGRAPH LETTER WRITTEN BY KING
FERDINAND TO HIS WIFE ISABELLA ON
THE OCCASION OF HIS VISIT TO THE
BASQUE PROVINCES
Burgos (?), June 1476
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
6. STATEMENTS FROM THE CORTES HELD IN
TOLEDO
[Toledo, 1480]
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
7. NEW ORDINANCES OF THE ROYAL
COUNCIL
[1490]
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
8. ORDINANCES CONCERNING THE GUARD
OF CASTILE
Segovia, 26 September 1503
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
9. CHARTER OF PRIVILEGE ON BEHALF OF
ARIAS CARRETE, FROM THE TOWN OF
LUMBILLO
Medina del Campo, 20 December 1480
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
10. CHARTER OF PRIVILEGE ON BEHALF OF
GONZALO HIDALGO, FROM THE CITY OF
LEÓN
Medina del Campo, 8 December 1480
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
11. CHARTER OF PRIVILEGE GRANTED BY THE
CATHOLIC MONARCHS TO THE COLEGIO
DE SANTA CRUZ IN VALLADOLID
Seville, 20 December 1484
Universidad de Valladolid, Biblioteca de
Santa Cruz
12. ROYAL SAFEGUARD (SEGURO) GRANTED
TO SEVILLE’S ALJAMA
Cordova, 8 December 1478
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
33
13. DECREE CONCERNING THE EXPULSION OF
THE JEWS
Granada, 31 March 1492
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
21. EXCELENTE (CASTILIAN DOBLA) FROM THE
REIGN OF THE CATHOLIC MONARCHS,
MINTED IN SEVILLE
1475 Ordinance of Toledo. Gold
Museo Arqueológico Nacional (Madrid)
14. AUTOGRAPH LETTER WHICH QUEEN
ISABELLA WROTE TO HER HUSBAND ON
THE OCCASION OF THE KING’S DEPARTURE
ON A CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE MOORS
Cordova, 30 May [1486]
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
22. TWENTY EXCELENTES FROM THE REIGN
OF THE CATHOLIC MONARCHS, MINTED IN
SEVILLE
1497 Decree of Medina del Campo. Gold
Museo Arqueológico Nacional (Madrid)
15. CAPITULATION CONTAINING THE SURRENDER OF GRANADA
Andarax, 8 July 1493
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
16. DECREE ORDAINING THE EXPULSION OF
MOORISH MEN OVER FOURTEEN AND OF
MOORISH WOMEN OVER TWELVE YEARS
OF AGE
Seville, 12 February 1502
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
17. LETTER OF FRATERNITY WRITTEN BY THE
HEAD OF THE DOMINICAN ORDER TO
QUEEN ISABELLA
Rome, 10 October 1477
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
18. INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN BY THE CATHOLIC
MONARCHS TO DIEGO LÓPEZ DE HARO
REGARDING THE RIGHT OF PATRONAGE
AND THE ECCLESIASTICAL REFORMATION
Barcelona, 3 May 1493
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
19. IUS PATRONATUS ECCLESIAE GRANATENSIS
1488-1502
Archivo General de Simancas (Valladolid)
20. BREVIARIUM SECUNDUM USUM FRATUM
PRAEDICATORUM
Fifteenth century
Patrimonio Nacional, Biblioteca del
Real Monasterio de El Escorial
34
23. TEN EXCELENTES FROM THE REIGN OF THE
CATHOLIC MONARCHS, MINTED IN SEVILLE
1497 Decree of Medina del Campo. Gold
Museo Arqueológico Nacional (Madrid)
24. CARLINO FROM THE REIGN OF THE
CATHOLIC MONARCHS, MINTED IN
NAPLES
1503-1504. Silver
Museo Arqueológico Nacional (Madrid)
25. BREVIARY OF ISABELLA THE CATHOLIC
Fifteenth century
Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid)
26. AUTHENTICATION OF RELICS FROM HOLY
LAND
Rome, 23 August 1490
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
27. CONFESSIONAL BOOK GRANTING THE FREE
CHOICE OF CONFESSOR TO THE CATHOLIC
MONARCHS
[before 1484]
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
28. CONFESSIONAL BOOK GRANTING PARDONS
AND INDULGENCES TO THE CATHOLIC
MONARCHS
Rome, 5 August 1486
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
29. BULL ISSUED BY ALEXANDER VI ON
BEHALF OF THE CATHOLIC MONARCHS IN
WHICH HE GRANTS THEM THE TERRITORIES CONQUERED IN AFRICA
Saint Peter, Rome, 13 February 1495
Archivo General de Simancas (Valladolid)
30. BULL GRANTING THE TITLE OF CATHOLIC
MONARCHS
Rome, 19 December 1496
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
31. LETTER WRITTEN BY CHRISTOPHER
COLUMBUS TO LUIS DE SANTÁNGEL,
INCLUDING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS FIRST
VOYAGE TO THE INDIES
Canary Islands, 15 February 1493
Archivo General de Simancas (Valladolid)
32. LETTER WRITTEN BY CHRISTOPHER
COLUMBUS
[1501]
Archivo General de Simancas (Valladolid)
33. LEYES DE INDIAS (LAWS REGARDING
AFFAIRS OF THE INDIES)
Burgos, 27 December 1512
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
THE
34. PORTRAIT OF ISABELLA THE CATHOLIC
Oil on canvas, anonymous copy from the
nineteenth century
Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid)
35. PORTRAIT OF JOAN I OF CASTILE
Painted on panel by the Master of The Life
of Saint Joseph, early sixteenth century
Museo Nacional de Escultura (Valladolid)
36. MARRIAGE SETTLEMENT BETWEEN
MAXIMILIAN AND THE CATHOLIC
MONARCHS CONCERNING THE UNION OF
THEIR RESPECTIVE SONS AND DAUGHTERS
Antwerp, 20 January 1495
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
37. MARRIAGE SETTLEMENT CONCERNING
THE UNION OF THE FUTURE HENRY VIII
AND CATHERINE OF ARAGON
[Westminster], 3 March 1503
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
38. TESTAMENT OF ISABELLA THE CATHOLIC
Medina del Campo, 12 October 1504
Archivo General de Simancas
(Valladolid)
39. PORTRAIT OF ISABELLA THE CATHOLIC
Oil, anonymous copy from the
seventeenth century, inspired by a
former work, donated by the Royal
Chaplain José de Mena y Medrano
Cabildo de la Capilla Real de Granada
40. PORTRAIT OF FERDINAND THE CATHOLIC
Oil, anonymous copy from the
seventeenth century, inspired by a
former work, donated by the Royal
Chaplain José de Mena y Medrano
Cabildo de la Capilla Real de Granada
35