Society for American Archaeology
Power without Bounds? Middle Preclassic Political Developments in the Naco Valley, Honduras
Author(s): Patricia Urban, Edward Schortman, Marne Ausec
Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Jun., 2002), pp. 131-152
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
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POWERWITHOUTBOUNDS?MIDDLEPRECLASSICPOLITICAL
DEVELOPMENTSIN 1HE NACOVALLEY,HONDURAS
PatriciaUrban,EdwardSchortman,and MarneAusec
Recentlycompleted investigations in the Naco Valley,located within the Rio Chamelecondrainage of northwesternHonduras,
suggest that, by 1200 B.C., emergentelites were experiencing variable success in their efforts to construct sociopolitical hierarchies. Thoughable to harness labor in the construction of large platforms, these scions apparentlydid not monopolize crucial economicprocesses nor could theycommandthe exclusiveallegiances of theirsubordinatesoverprotractedperiods. Political
centralization,social heterogeneity,and boundaryformation processes were, therefore,not mutually reinforcingand the polities that resulted were small and ephemeral. Comparisonof Naco's trajectory with contemporarydevelopmentsin neighboring portions of southeastern Mesoamerica hint at the varied developmentalpaths that ultimately laid the foundation for the
emergence of relatively stable, hierarchically organizedpolities in the subsequent Classic period (A.D. 200-900).
Las investigacionesque recientementese concluyeronen el Vallede Naco, que se localiza en la cuenca del Rfo Chameleconen el
noroestede Honduras,indicanque allf habfaundesarrolloprecoz en te'rminospolfticos. Hacia 1200 a. C. sefundan centrosadministrativos,cada uno al menos con una plataformade 3 m de altura, quefungen comofocos polfticos para la poblacion que habitabaen caserfospequenos.Las e'litesemergentesexperimentaronune'xitovariableen la conformaciondejerarqufassociopolfticas,
y aun cuandopudierondirigir los trabajosencaminadosa la construccionde plataformasgrandes, al parecer no monopolizaron
procesos economicos cruciales ni fueron capaces de controlarla devocion exclusiva de sus subordinadosduranteperiodos prolongados. En consecuencia, los procesos de centralizacionpolftica, de heterogeneidadsocial y de formacion de fronteras, no se
reforzaronmutuamentey las unidades sociopolfticas que resultaronfueron pequenas y effmeras.Al compararla trayectoriade
Naco con la de desarrollos contemporaneosen zonas proximas del sureste de Mesoame'rica,se observa que existierondistintas
vfas de desarrollo quefinalmente constituyeronla base para el surgimientode unidadessociopolfticas relativamenteestables y
jerarquicamenteorganizadasduranteel periodo Clasico (200-900 d.C.).
The
MiddlePreclassic(1100-400B.C.)wit- nents may or may not have been relatedin specific
nessedtheinitialdevelopment
of sociopolit- cases.Wemustalso eschewthetemptationto let our
ical complexity in many portions of knowledge of how the story ends determine our
Mesoamerica.
Thoughthereis significant
agreement understandingof its beginning.Thathierarchically
on thispoint,it is oftenunclearwhatthestatement organized, socially heterogenous polities would
means."Complexity"
is a proteanconceptconsist- eventuallybe establishedthroughoutMesoamerica
ingof variables
whoseexpressions
andinterrelationsby theClassicperiod(A.D. 20S900) doesnotimply
arehistoricallycontingent(de Montmollin1989; that their developmentwas inevitable,uniform,or
FeinmanandNeitzel1984;McGuire1983;Nelson free of setbacks.Identifyingfailed effortsto estab1995;Roscoe1993).Understanding
when,how,and lish complexpolities is as importantas recognizing
why people forgedthe novel politicalrelations successfuloutcomes.
The present essay reviews evidence for the
glossedas"complexity"
requires
clarifying
whatwe
meanby thistermandspecifyinghow its compo- appearanceof sociopoliticalcomplexityduringthe
Patricia Urban * Anthropology/SociologyDepartment,KenyonCollege, Gambier,OH, 43022; [email protected]
Edward Schortman * Anthropology/SociologyDepartment,Kenyon College, Gambier,OH, 43022; [email protected]
Marne Ausec * Departmentof Anthropology,Universityof Massachusetts,Amherst,MA 01003; [email protected]
LatinAmericanAntiquity,13(2), 2002, pp. 131-152
CopyrightC)2002 by the Society for AmericanArchaeology
131
132
ANTIQUITY
LATINAMERICAN
MiddlePreclassicAchiotephasein the Naco Valley,
northwestern Honduras, and compares these
processeswith ouremergingunderstandingof comparable developments throughout contemporary
southeastern Mesoamerica (eastern Guatemala,
westernHonduras,andE1Salvador).Threeelements
integralto this processwill be examinedbecauseof
their general importancein modeling complexity
andourabilityto addressaspectsof themusing data
from Naco and southeasternMesoamericagenerally.The factorsin questionarepoliticalcentralization, social heterogeneity,and social boundaries.
Political centralizationrefers to the extent to
which power, defined as the ability to direct the
actionsof others,is differentiallydistributedacross
factionswithin a social unit largerthanthe domestic group (Balandier1970; Roscoe 1993:113-114;
Webster1990).Thisvariableis measuredhereby the
presence,dimensions,andnumbersof monumental
constructions(platformsrising at least 1.5 m) datable to the MiddlePreclassicat Naco sites. Recourse
to this criterionpresupposesthatpoweris oftenused
to mobilizelaborin raisingconstructionsassociated
withrulersandthepolitiestheylead.Themorepower
magnatesaccrue,the largerand more elaborateare
the buildings they commission (Hirth 1993:123;
Starkand Hall 1993).
"Social heterogeneity"is a gloss for the degree
to whichpopulationsaredividedintointerestgroups
by anynumberof factors(McGuire1983:92;Roscoe
1993). Of particularconcernin this case aredistinctions based on wealth and occupation.The latteris
evaluatedusing evidence of varying commitment
amongsiteresidentsto diversecrafts,reflectedin the
differentialdistributionof productiondebris,tools,
and, where appropriate,manufacturingfacilities
(e.g., Costin 1991).Wealthdiscrepanciescanbe discernedby chartingthe prevalenceof valued items
amongsites or portionsof largersettlements(Smith
1987). An object's value is crudelyestimatedhere
based on the time and expertiseneeded to fashion
the artifactand/oracquireit from a distantsource
(Feinman 1980; Hirth 1993:138; Smith 1987:
312-314,318, 320-322; StarkandHall 1993:260).
Varyingproportionsof suchesteemedgoods within
excavatedMiddlePreclassicassemblageswill, therefore, be used to approximatethe ancient material
statusesof theirowners.
Boundedness refers to the degree to which a
polity's limits are clearly circumscribed(Blanton
[Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002
and Peregrine 1997:6-7). This variable concerns
impedimentsto transactionsoccurringamongpeople withdifferentpoliticalallegiances.Boundedness
is a complex phenomenonthat refersboth to who
interactswith whom and what passes among the
interactors. Variation along the first dimension
extendsfromsituationsin whichcontactsaremonopolizedby a particularfactionto thosewhereall social
membersare free to establishextra-polityties. The
second continuum encompasses a wide range of
interpolitytransfersassociatedto varyingdegrees
with different population segments. For our purposes, we distinguishonly two typesof connections:
those throughwhich goods andideaspass.The artificialityof this divisionis immediatelyapparentand
we hastento acknowledgethatthetwo categoriesare
not mutually exclusive. There is some analytical
advantageto the distinctionin the Naco case, however, allowing us to discernthe kinds of cross-border contacts that valley inhabitants might have
maintainedand the developmentalsignificanceof
those ties.
Goodstransfersarerecognizedthroughthe identificationof importsin local assemblages,theiridebeingmanifestby artifactstyles
ologicalcounterparts
of foreigninspiration.Styles,thoseaspectsof human
creationswhose forms and combinationsaredetermined more by choice than functionalor technological necessity, are sufficientlyfree of utilitarian
constraintsto expressconceptsof varyingsorts(Carr
1995;Hegmon 1992; Sackett1982;Wiessner1983,
1984). Stylisticpatterning,therefore,is a crudeestimatorofideaflows,eventhoughwe mayneverknow
whatpreceptswere expressedthroughthe analyzed
motifs.
Tightlyboundedsociopoliticalentitiesarethose
in which cross-bordereconomic and ideological
transfersarerestricted,resultingin highly localized
materialandstylisticpatterning.At theotherextreme
thereis a totalabsenceof suchregionaldistinctions,
styles andgoods being widely dispersedacrossand
within sociopoliticalunits. Arrayedbetween these
poles areconditionsin whichideasandobjectsmove
with variableease amongrepresentativesof distinct
population segments. Estimating the differential
prevalenceof exotic items and motifs across contemporarysites in a region providesa preliminary
meansof decidingwherewithinthatrangespecific
polities fall.
Clearly,the above factors are related.Achieve-
Urban, Schortman, and Ausec]
POWER WITHOUTBOUNDS?
133
mentofpoliticalcentralization
frequently
givessuc- is also likely to depend,at least in part,on such faccessfulfactionsthe chanceto accumulatevalued tors as local topographyand communicationtechitemsthroughexactionsleviedon followers(e.g., nologies. Ruggedterraincoupledwith a relianceon
Earle1991, 1997).Suchtributecanthenbe used, foot travelwill likely conspireto weakenthe capacforexample,tofinanceartisans
whoseproducts
may ity of magnatesto superviseandcontrolthe actions
be employedas symbolsof elite distinctionor as of their subordinates,especially those living on a
"gifts"to subordinateswho, in turn,repaythis realm'smargins.
largessewithadditional
laborandsurpluses(D'AOne route to complexity, therefore, links
troyandEarle1985;Friedman
andRowlands1978; processes of political centralization,social heteroKristiansen
1987).Inthelattercase,tributenotonly geneity,andboundarydefinitionin a mutuallyreinbegetsmoretributethroughthemediumof special- forcingmanner.Alternativepathwaysexist,however,
izedproduction
butcanbe a meansof concentrat- combiningvariabledegreesof power,wealth,occuing power,"aggrandizers"
usingmonopoliesover pationalspecialization,andboundednessin anynumesteemedgoodsto attractandholdclients(Arnold berof historicallycontingentpatterns.Understanding
1995;Hayden1995).Boundaries
areoftencreated, the differentroutes to complexity, and the varied
or at leastreinforced,by elites attempting
to lay ways in which these processes can be decoupled,
exclusiveclaimto theloyaltyandlaborof a partic- requirestreatingeachof the abovefactorsas distinct
ulargroupof supporters
whilesimultaneously
deny- continuaof variation(deMontmollin1989:12-16;
ing competitorsaccess to this power base (de FeinmanandNeitzel 1984:72-73). Doing so allows
Montmollin 1989; Ferguson and Mansbach us to gaugethe formcomplexityassumedin Middle
1996:21-22).Placinglimitson interpolity
transac- PreclassicNaco andto comparethosedevelopments
tionsmayalsobepartof elitemaneuvers
tomonop- with contemporaryprocesses in neighboringporolizelocalaccesstopoliticallysignificant
imported tions of southeasternMesoamerica.
goodsandideas(Ekholm1972;Friedman
andRowSetting
lands1978;Peregrine1991).
Socialcomplexity,therefore,mightwell result TheNacoValleycovers96 km2of floodplainandterfromintrasocietal
powerstrugglesin whichsuc- races located at 10s200m asl. This flat to gently
cessfulfactionssecureprivilegedaccessto valued rollinglandscapeis ringedby thesteep,ruggedslopes
commodities,
bothlocallymadeandimported
items, of the Sierrade Omoaandwateredby theRio Chamusingthiseconomiclevertoobtaintheundivided
loy- elecon. The latterrivercoursessouthwest-to-northaltyof theirfollowers.Theoutcomeof thesecon- east across the valley, dividing Naco into a larger
testswouldbe a clearlyboundedsocietyinternally westernportion,containingroughly80 percentof the
dividedby wealth,power,andoccupation.Com- level terrain,anda smallereasternsegment.
plexityneednot takethis form,however,andthe
PassesconnectNaco with nearbyzones thatsusinterconnections
describedabovearenotinevitable tainedvaryinglevels of sociopoliticaldevelopment
(de Montmollin 1989; Feinman and Neitzel duringthe MiddlePreclassic(Figure1).The Cham1984:77-78;McGuire1983).Localcircumstances elecon cuts a narrowfissurelinkingNaco with the
canupsetthepositedconnections.
Socialleaders,for vastSulaPlain,ca.15 kmto thenortheast.Thenature
example,mightwield the powerto createpublic of MiddlePreclassicdevelopmentshereis suggested
monuments
butbe unable,or unwilling,to convert by thediverseburialsrecoveredfromthesiteof Playa
community
laborandsurplusesintoprivatewealth de los Muertos(Gordon1898;Kennedy1981;Pope(Feinmanet al. 2000; Peregrine2001; Renfrew noe 1934; Strong et al. 1938) and data emerging
1974:74-78).Similarly,somedegreeof socialhet- from ongoing researchat PuertoEscondido(Joyce
erogeneitycanbe achievedthroughindividualini- and Henderson 2001). Lake Yojoa and the
tiativebutmaynotbe enshrined
withinpermanent Comayaguavalley, ca. 47 km and 100 km to the
hierarchies.
So-calledBig Mansocieties,forexam- southeast,respectively,witnessed the founding of
ple,arerivenby competitions
overwealthandpres- majorcenters(Los NaranjosandYarumela[LP-1])
tigethatproduce
volatile,butnotinheritable,
political that were capitals of sizable polities (Baudez and
andmaterialdistinctions(Keesing1983;Strathern Becquelin 1973; Canby 1949; Dixon 1989, 1992;
1971).Thedegreetowhichboundaries
canbesealed Dixon et al. 1994; Joesink-Mandeville 1987).
134
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
[Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002
Figure 1. Southeastern Mesoamerica showing sites and areas mentioned in the text.
Approximately 60 km southwest along the Rio
Chamelecon,investigationsin the La VentaandLa
Floridavalleys yielded evidence of scatteredMiddle Preclassicsettlements(Nakamuraet al. 1991).
The Copanvalley, ca. 115 km southwestof Naco,
supportedmore complex sociopolitical relations,
hintedatby variationsinburialtreatment(Fash1985,
1991). More distantstill is the majorpoliticaUcerev
monialcenterof Chalchuapa,roughly200 km south
of Naco (Sharered. 1978). Passage from Naco to
Lake Yojoa, Comayagua,Chalchuapa,and Copan
requirestraversingdifferentphysiographiczonesthat
may havebeen homes to distinct,independentMiddle Preclassicpolitiesbutfor whichrelevantarchaeological data is currently lacking. Naco was,
therefore,potentiallylinked by unknownnumbers
of intermediariesto a diversearrayof sociopolitical
formations.
As with so many portions of southeastern
Mesoamerica,systematicarchaeologicalinvestigations in Naco were late in starting.Cursoryreconnaissanceand test-excavationscarriedout in 1936
(Strong et al. 1938) were not succeeded by addi-
tional work until John Hendersonof CornellUniversitybegan the Naco ValleyArchaeologicalProject in 1975. Hendersondirectedfield researchhere
through1977(Hendersonet al.1979), thetwo senior
authorscontinuinginvestigationsforeightmoreseasons (between 1978 and 1996 [the 1979 seasonwas
conducted with A. Wonderley]; Schortman and
Urban1994;SchortmanandUrbaneds.1994;Urban
1986a,1986b;Wonderley1981).A totalgroundsurvey of thevalleyandits immediateenvironsrecorded
463 prehistoricsites of which 65 have been excavated.Analysis of roughly 845,000 artifactsforms
the basis for definingan occupationsequence that
spansthe MiddlePreclassicthroughto the Spanish
Conquestin the sixteenthcentury.
Componentsof 23 Naco sites areassignedto the
Achiotephase (Figure2). Identificationof deposits
and constructionspertainingto this earliestknown
period of valley settlementis based largely on the
recoveryof ceramicsdiagnosticof the intervalfrom
excavatedcontexts.Achiote phase materialsrarely
appearin the sparsesurfacecollectionssecuredfrom
Naco sites, probablybecause relevantdeposits are
Urban,Schortman, and Ausecl
POWER WITHOUTBOUNDS?
135
Figure 2. Naco Valley sites with evidence of Middle Preclassic occupation; one such settlement, Site 338, is located ofTthe
map, 5 km northeast of Site 262.
136
LATINAMERICAN
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[Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002
Table 1. Carbon-14Assessments Relevantto Naco's Middle Preclassic.
Lot
123FF/53
Date
2040 + 50 B.P. conventionalradiocarbonage
487B/30
3000 + 50 B.P. conventionalradiocarbonage
414D/64
2530 + 50 B.P. conventionalradiocarbonage
414D/07
2370 + 40 B.P. conventionalradiocarbonage
99H/06
2590 + l lO B.P. conventionalradiocarbonage
123AD/35
2500 + 40 B.P. conventionalradiocarbonage
Provenience
From a rock-filledpit, dug .44 m into the summitof Site
123'sAchiote phase earthenterrace.
From charcoalfound with a posthole associated with the
penultimatesummitfloor of Structure487-1.
From a middenpredatingthe final constructionphase of
Structure414-8.
From a middenpredatingthe final constructionphase of
Str.414-8.
From a middenpredatingvisible Late Classic architecture
at Site 99.
From the earthenfill of Site 123'sAchiote phase terrace,
overlying (within .4m of) the cobble platformsof the
second constructionstage.
Note: All dates are given in their uncalibratedform followed by a one sigma spread(Beta- Analytic Laboratories).Lots are collection units from which samples were taken;the numericalprefix of each lot indicates the site where the materialwas excavated.
deeplyburied.Exacerbatingthe identificationproblem is the enduringNaco fervorto recycle earlier
debrisinto lateredifices, therebydestroyingbuildings andmixingdeposits.AchiotephaseNaco habitations were, therefore, almost certainly more
numerousthanthe currentsampleindicates.
ExcavatedAchiote phase materialsderive from
three contexts: middens, terminaldebris (objects
associatedwith a site's or structure'sfinal occupation),andconstructionfill.Thelastcategoryincludes
the hearting of Achiote phase platforms, where
admixturesfrom other periods are nonexistentto
minimal,and those of more recent edifices where
Achiote phase items are outnumberedby diagnostics of laterintervals.Inthelattercase,Achiotephase
objectscan only be used to identifythe formerexistence of a settlementpertainingto this span somewhere close by, leaving the size and natureof that
occupationin doubt.Suchvariationsin recoverycontexts pose interpretiveproblemsas does the lack of
in situcontextswhereinassociationsamongobjects
resultingfrom use and/orstoragepatternsare preserved. Small sample sizes deny us the luxury of
excludingobjectsfoundin behaviorallyquestionable
contexts,such as fill, from analysis.Consequently,
we draw cautiouslyon all the studiedmaterialsto
inferconditionsalongthethreecontinuaof sociopolitical complexityoutlinedabove.
Chronology
Temporalplacementof theAchiotephasewithinthe
MiddlePreclassicis basedon comparisonsof recoveredartifacts(primarilyceramics)withfindingspublished from nearbyareas, the resultingestimation
testedandrefinedthrough14Cassays of six organic
samples (Table 1). Type-variety-modeanalyses of
roughly19,000Naco sherdsformthebasisfordefining the Manchagualacomplexof theAchiotephase
andspecifyingits chronologicalposition.Particular
attentionwasdevotedin thesestudiesto surfacetreatmentanddecorativevariables,stylisticelementssensitive to temporalshifts (see Urban1993;Willey et
al. 1967 describesthe relevanttaxa).
TheManchagualacomplexis dominatedby variations on two ceramic themes: highly burnished,
unslippedblackto palebrownvessels (theChaguites
group and its component types/varieties) and
smoothedto lightly burnished,reddish-browncontainers (Penonas, Campo Alegre, Las Yayas, and
Sajarialcategories;Figures3-7). Decorationin both
casesconsistsof red-paintedstripesanda red-orange
wash appliedover vessel exteriorsand, for bowls,
interiors;striations;brushing;patternedburnishing;
incised geometricdesigns;and modeledappliques.
Pastesaregenerallymediumto coarse,hard,andfrequentlypreservea firingcore. Flaringand verticalneckedandnecklessjars(tecomates)arefoundalong
Findings
with cylinders, open-mouthed bowls, and a few
The following discussion is organizedaroundthe plates.
The Manchaguala complex fits comfortably
centralissues of chronology,politicalcentralization,
withintherangeof variationexhibitedby MiddlePresocial heterogeneity,andpoliticalboundaries.
a
Urban,Schortman, and Ausec]
137
POWER WITHOUTBOUNDS?
-
-
-
29cm
23cm
t
_
b
-
-
t
1 9cm 1
1 4cm ]
_
//
d
//
Pattern
burnish
w
[
/i
e
l
0
l
l
l
l
l
5cm
Figures 3. Forms and decorative modes associated with Achiote phase Chagtuites vessels.
classic ceramics found in surrounding areas.
Chaguitescontainers,in particular,are nearlyidentical to El Congo group potteryfrom the Tok and
Colos (1200-900 B.C.,900 650B.C.) complexesat
Chalchuapa(Sharer1978a:13-15) andtheLateXox
and Max ceramiccomplexes from the SalamaValley in thenorthernGuatemalanhighlands(1000-800
B.C., 800-500 B.C.; Sharer and Sedat 1987:
279-280). MoguetePoli, a minoritytypefromJaralphaseLos Naranjos(800400 B.C.), is comparable
to Chaguites(BaudezandBecquelin1973:15S158)
as may be the "polishedblack and gray" vessels
reportedfrom Puerto Escondido's Chotepe Phase
(1100-900 B.C.; Joyce and Henderson2001:10).
Naco'sCampoAlegreRed-Washedgenerallyresembles the numerousred-decoratedtaxafromPlayade
los Muertos (600-200 B.C.; Kennedy 1981:
221-229), PuertoEscondido(JoyceandHenderson
2001), materialfound in the La Ventaand Florida
valleys (900400 B.C.; GroupII, Sato 1993), and
sherdsdatingto Lo de VacaI (700-300 B.C.) in the
Comayagua Valley (Baudez 1966). Red-slipped
and/orwashedvessels aremorerarelyattestedto at
Jaralphase Los Naranjos(Baudez and Becquelin
1973:151-152). CoquimaRed from Chalchuapa's
Colos complexmaybe a distantanalogueto Campo
Alegre (Sharer 1978a:20). Pattern-burnishing
appearsfrequentlyinYarumelaII depositsatthe site
of thesamenamein theComayaguaValley(80s300
B.C.;Canby1951:80-81; Dixon et al.1994) andhas
a long historyatPuertoEscondidowhereit stretches
backto at leastthe OcotilloPhase(1400-1100 B.C.)
andcontinuesto characterizethe MiddlePreclassic
Chotepe and Playa de los Muertos assemblages
(1100-700 B.C.; Joyce andHenderson2001).
In contrast,the Naco collectionyieldedlittleevidencefor white-slippingandzoneddecoration,procedures known from contemporaryLos Naranjos
andthe Comayaguavalley,norarethereclearsigns
of thedifferentialfiringreportedfromChotepe-phase
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
138
[Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002
c/7
^
>=
W)
\
28cm1
'
1 2cm l
b
a
14cm 1
v
o
X
O
'
o
//
e
I
14cm 1
'et,),
3Incision
o
5cm
Figure 4. Forms and decorative modes associated with Achiote phase Chaguites vessels.
PuertoEscondido(Joyce andHenderson2001:10). fashionedfromlocallyavailableperlite(96 percent),
On the otherhand,brushingand striationappearto chert(2 percent),anda varietyof poorlyrepresented
havebeenrarelypracticedoutsideNaco at thistime. othermaterialssuchas quartz,tuff,andbasalt(1 perOverall,the Manchagualacomplex is characterized cent in all). Only 83 examplesof importedobsidian,
by distinctiveattributes(suchas pattern-burnishing) 44 in blade form, were identifiedin good Achiote
and coherentassociationsamong stylistic features phase contexts. A percussion-flake industry is
(representedby Chaguitestaxa)thatlink Naco with reported for Copan's Uir phase (900-400 B.C.;
MiddlePreclassicphasesin bothnearbyanddistant Sweeny 1983), and this form of tool productionis
areas.
apparentlywidespreadthroughoutlargeportionsof
The vast majorityof the 9,845 analyzedAchiote MiddlePreclassicsouthernMesoamerica(e.g.,Clark
phase lithics are simple tools and debrisgenerated andLee 1984).Chalchuapa's
MiddlePreclassiclithic
within a percussion-flakeindustry(studied by N. assemblage,however,is based on blades fashioned
Ross, 1997). Most of these casual implementsare from imported obsidian cores (Sheets 1978:74).
139
POWER WITHOUTBOUNDS?
Urban, Schortman, and Ausec]
28cm 1
22cml
\
1
I
//
a
22m
,
\\
d
/
_
l l
A
A
/
A
I
A
\
B
J
II f
B
B
l l l l l l
o
g
\
\
9
Incision
5cm
Figure 5. Achiote phase Penonas vessels decorated with pattern burnishing.
Chotepephasedepositsat nearbyPuertoEscondido
also yielded blades made on obsidianderivedfrom
thedistantIxtepequeandE1Chayalflows (Joyceand
Henderson 2001:12). Achiote phase casual flake
tools, therefore,conform to productionstrategies
seen elsewhere in Middle Preclassic southeastern
Mesoamericaandcontrastwith the obsidianbladedominatedindustriesthatcharacterizeNacothroughout the Classic and Postclassic periods (A.D.
20() 1500; Ross 1997).
Dates obtainedfrom 14Cassessmentsof organic
samples derivedfrom Sites 99, 123, 414, and 487
generallyfall withinthe rangepredictedby artifact
comparisons(Table1).Theoldestsample,487B/30,
comes fromcharredmaterialassociatedwitha posttoppingthe
hole thatwas partof the superstructure
penultimateversionof a massive earthenplatform.
This date is somewhatearlierthan expected. Still,
themostrecentendofthe sample'srange,1045B.C.,
is not an unreasonableplacementfor the earlyportion of the Achiote phase.The two Site 414 collections fall near the end of the expected range.This
findingtentativelyconfirmsfield-basedestimatesof
Site 414's late placementwithinthe Achiote phase
basedon theprevalenceof ceramicattributes,including form shifts. Samples 123AD/35 and 99H/06
occupya middlepositionvis-a-vis the Sites 487 and
414 collections, a findingin keeping with analyses
of potteryfromthose settlements.Sample123FF/53
wasrecoveredfroma .44 m deep,rock-filledpit sunk
into the top of the principalAchiotephaseconstruction at Site 123. Pottery recovered from the
9
No. 2, 2002
13,
[Vol.
ANTIQUITY
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LATIN
140
%
-
22cm 1
27cm 1
-
a
\\
/
20cm 1
-
1&m 1
-
/
//
d
/
t\
//
t
23cm1
6cm 1
HRed
paint
e
-
E<3fResist
t
Incision
H
Applique
\\
l l
o
l
l
l
l
5cm
6. Forms and decorative modes
Figure
associated with Achiote phase
after the
pointed to its excavationlong
concavity
abandoned.This
Achiotephase buildinghad been
ante quem
assay,therefore,providesa terminus
14C
occupation.
datefor Site 123'sAchiote phase
confirmchronotherefore,
Radiocarbonassays,
basedon artiphase
Achiote
the
logicalplacementof
alsoremindus that
factanalysesandcross-ties.They
are likely to have
notall Achiote phase settlements
a suppositionthatis
beenoccupiedsimultaneously,
changesin ceramic
secondedby the aforementioned
temporalplaceassessments,
14C
Lacking
attributes.
Middle Preclassic
mentof componentswithin the
samplesfrom relceramic
large
requiresanalyzing
settlementsdid not
evant deposits. As most Naco
or materialsuityield collections of sufficientsize,
be assigneda genablefor 14Ctesting,theycan only
eralAchiote phase date.
Penonas vessels.
Political Centralization
phasesites contains
Thesmallcollectionof Achiote
Eighteenweremodasurprisingamountof variation.
architecture.
estresidentialloci withoutpreserved
however,
margin,
valley
southwest
Site459 on the
slabinto the level
consistsentirelyof a ca. 1 m2tuff
depressionswere
surfaceof which 15 cup-shaped
m in diameter
carved.The latterrangefrom .03-.2
extendsdown at
andare .02-.16 m deep. The stone
surfaceand seems
least 1 m below currentground
othersigns of occuto be partof local bedrock.No
area. The
pationwere identifiedin the immediate phase
the Achiote
slab's modificationis dated to
"cupulated"stones
to
similarity
basedon its general
Preclassictransition
assignedto the Middleto Late
and Sedat 1987:
in the Salama valley (Sharer
a
141
POWER WITHOUTBOUNDS?
Urban, Schortman, and Ausec]
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1 5cm l
5
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Figure 7. Forms associated with Achiote phase Penonas vessels.
371-373) and to the MiddlePreclassicin Veracruz,
Mexico (Cobean1996). The locally uniqueappearanceof thestone,coupledwiththeabsenceof domestic debris,impliesthatSite459 was a special-purpose
settlement.
Foursites aredistinguishedby monumentalconstructions.Sites 104 and487 areeach dominatedby
a single, conical earthenstructure.These buildings
ascendca. 3 m abovecurrentgroundsurfaceandhave
diametersof 41.5 m and49 m (Structures104-1 and
487-1, respectively).Excavating123 m2of Achiote
phasedepositsaltogetheron these edifices revealed
that the platformswere each the productof seven
buildingphases(Figures8 and9). Bothconstructions
began on a small scale, consisting of platforms
cappedby earthfloors at least some of which were
purposefullyburntto enhancetheirhardness.With
exposures of the earliest levels restrictedto 1 m2
probes,all thatcould be discernedwas thatthe first
five phasesin Structure487-1 andthreein Structure
104-1addeda totalof .2-1.2 m to theheightsof their
predecessors.
This sequence of incrementalgrowth was succeededby a significantupsurgein constructionactiv-
ity duringwhich roughly2 m and 1 m of earthfill
were addedto the heights of Structures104-1 and
487-1, respectively.Clearing3 m2 on the former's
summitrevealedthatthe expansionwas cappedby
a .1 m thick earthenfloorthathad been intensively
firedovermost(probablyall)of itsextent.Themajority of Structure487-1's 90.5 m2summitwasexposed,
revealinga heavilyburntearthflooraveraging.11 m
thick.Six postholes,.25-.45 m in diameter,werepreservedin this surface.Fourof these entitiesdefinea
quadrilateral
measuringroughly1.15 m x 1.45 m on
the summit's southeastmargin.A .24 m high, Ushapedcobbleconstruction,encompassing1.1 x 1.3
m and open to the southeast,partiallyoverlapsone
of these postholesand is one of the few stone constructionsrecordedon eitherbuilding.Earthenterraces may have ascendedStructure487-l's flanks,
elusive remnantsof the uppermostelements being
recognized.32 m and.6 m belowthesummit'snortheast and southwestmargins.
Considerableeffortwas investedin raisingStructures 104-1 and 487-1 to their height of 2.2 m, as
well as in fashioningtheirextensiveearthensummit
floors. The superstructuresthat rose above those
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LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
142
2o0
4
ffi
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60
[Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002
SITE 487
Detail of Sddle Preclassic Fbor Sce
M
=.
4
'
b
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8#
Figure 8. Construction sequence revealed within Structure 487-1.
surfaces were fashioned primarily of perishable
materials,probablybajareque(wattleanddaub).An
additionalca. 1.1 m of earthfill was added,overthe
courseof severalbuildingphases,to the tops of both
edifices.Due to theirproximityto currentgroundsurface,mostfeaturesassociatedwiththelatestversions
are lost to erosion.
Excavationof ca. 60 m2of Achiotephasedeposits
at Site 123 revealeda somewhatdifferentconstructionhistory(Figure10). Locateda scant325 m west
of Site487, thissettlementwas a majorTerminalPreclassic (A.D. 1-200) administrativecenter.Raising
the 24 monumentalplatformsthatdominatetheTerminalPreclassicsite may well havedamagedand/or
destroyedearlieredifices.Evidenceof Achiotephase
constructionis currentlyknownfromonly the southwest cornerof Site 123 wheredeep tests unearthed
a complex occupation and constructionsequence
divisibleinto threephases(Clarket al. 1991;Urban
1986a). Use of the investigated area begins with
accumulationof a .2-.5 m thickmiddendirectlyatop
culturally sterile, river-deposited,coarse, yellow
sands.A mass of cobbles covering 10.5 m by 16 m
includethe remainsof whatappearto be two stonefacedplatformsbuiltoverthemidden.Theseedifices
arepreservedto .5 m highandeachmeasuresatleast
6 x 6 m. A 1 m-long block of oxidized mud is the
only sign of a bajarequeconstructionraised atop
ancient ground surface adjacentto the platforms.
I*hreeburnt,rectangularmudbricks(each measuring .05 x .15 m) recordedin section immediately
abovethe platformsarethe only suchblocks identified for any time periodin Naco.
Approximately2 m of earthfill buriesthe aforementionedcomplex.Thoughthe resultingconstruction'sformis difficultto reconstruct,
thisfinalversion
is apparentlya massiveearthenterracebuiltintoa naturalsouth-to-north
ascentawayfromthe nearbyRio
Manchaguala.Thereis no sign of a hiatusinterrupting depositionof the terracefill, suggestingthatthe
edifice was raised to its final height in one major
buildingeffort.Faintoutlinesof at leastone pit with
taperingsides, sunk minimally1.25 m into the terrace's summit, were discernedin excavations.Pit
contentsdifferedlittlefrommaterialsrecoveredin the
surroundingfill, suggesting that the excavationin
Urban,Schortman, and Ausec]
POWER WITHOUTBOUNDS?
143
SITE 1t}4
Sub-ratens
E&H
W"t F
SCALE
I
O
I
1
1.
;,
I
lOOcm
Figure 9. Construction sequence revealed within Structure lW-l.
questiondid not long postdateterraceconstruction.
Site 414 differsfrom the Achiote phase componentsof Sites 104, 123, and487 in thatno one constructiondominatesthis settlementon the southwest
valley margins (Figure 11). Instead, five sizeable
platformsaredispersedover 32,100 m2here.Three
of these edifices are loosely aggregatedarounda
patioopen to the southeast(Structures414-7,8, and
10). Site 414 buildings are extensive, covering
250-880 m2,butrise only .45-1.66 m abovecurrent
groundlevel.
Approximately54 m2of Achiote phase deposits
were excavatedoverall in three Site 414 buildings
(Structures414-6 through8). Structures414-7 and
8 are earthenplatformsfaced with walls fashioned
of unmodifiedrivercobblesandangularstones.The
formeris a reconstructed1.9 m tall while the latter
rose no more than .85 m. Superstructuresin both
cases were made of perishablematerialset, at least
on Structure414-7, atop stone foundations.Structure414-6 was apparentlynot a purposefullyconstructedplatformbuta ca. 1.4-m-thicktrashdeposit.
ConstructionsequencesatStructures104-1,4871, andthe Site 123 terracesharecertainfeatures.In
each case, relativelydiminutivebuildingsare succeeded by a single constructioneffortthatradically
transformedthe edifice throughthe additionof 1-2
m of earthenfill. Subsequentconstructioncontinued
to enhancethe dimensionsof Structures104-1 and
487-1, thoughon a moremodestscalethanthatcharacteristicof the previousbuildingeffort.Thereis no
evidencethatthe Site 123 terracewas expandedfollowing the thirdbuildingphase.The resultin each
case was the creationof a single, massive earthen
constructionthatdominatedits respectivesite. Site
414's buildersdivergedfrom this pattern.Here,the
singleplatformrisingin splendidisolationis replaced
by at least five edifices, none of which approaches
ANTIQUITY
LATINAMERICAN
144
[Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002
SITE 123
Sub-Operation AB
North Face
64° E of N mag
,
=15rEofNmas
X2^
Q
West Face
South Face
East Face
l
1QOcm
s
251e E of N mag
C)
Cobble
XRoot
°
Gravel
t
343° E of N mag
Bajareque
Figure 10. Construction sequence revealed within Site 123's Achiote phase monumental terrace.
theaforementionedbuildingsin size. Surroundedby
otherconstructions,even a relativelylargeplatform
such as Str. 414-7 does not have the same visual
impactas Structures104-1, 487-1, and the Site 123
terrace.Site 414's Achiote phasebuildingsare also
faced with stone retainingwalls, a patternnot replicatedat Sites 104 and487.
Overall,the pace and magnitudeof construction
at Sites 104,123, and487 pointto limitedperiodsof
intensebuildingactivity,tentativelyimplyingequally
restrictedspansduringwhichsignificantcontrolover
laborwas exercisedby those supervisingthe work.
Dispersalof productiveeffortsamongmorenumerous, smalleredificesat Site 414 mayhintat less centralizedcontroloverlaborortheprovisionof distinct
physicalfacilitiesfor activitiesaggregatedon a single, largerplatformat the otherthreesettlements.
Deciding among these alternatives,as well as
investigatingthe extentto which would-beaggrandizers commanded labor to meet their own, as
opposedto community,needs, requiresidentifying
the activities pursuedon each excavatedbuilding.
This effortis complicatedby the absenceof objects
recoveredfromuse-relatedcontextsassociatedwith
all butthe finalversionsof investigatededifices and
the significantdisruptionscaused by reuse of the
platformsfromthe MiddlePreclassicto the present
day. An extensive, maximally .7 m thick, midden
located off the northeastface of the summitof Str.
487- l 's finalversionsuggeststhe performanceof at
least some quotidianactivitieson this platform.To
whatextentthispatterncanbe generalizedtoAchiote
atSites 123and104
phasemonumentalconstructions
is not clear.The Site 414 buildingsmay representa
move towardthe creationof separatefacilities for
specificbehaviors,a patternthatcharacterizesmonNaco settlementsfrom
umentalandnonmonumental
this point onward.Site 414's occupationnear the
end of the Achiote phase makes an argumentfor
changes in activitypatterningplausible.Excavated
materialsassociatedwith Site 414 structures,however,do not indicateif andhow behaviorswerevariably distributedacrossthe center.
Availableevidence,therefore,indicatesthe existence of a two-tiersettlementhierarchyduringthe
Achiote phase, settlementsat differentlevels distinguishedby the amountof laborinvestedin their
componentbuildings. Early in this span, pinnacle
settlementscontainedone massive platform.Later
on, constructionefforts at the apical center were
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POWER WITHOUTBOUNDS?
Urban, Schortman, and Ausecl
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Figure 11. Site 414. Note that the cluster of buildings associated with Structure 1-4 seems to date to the Late Classic (A.D.
60s950); the temporal placement of Structures 1214 is unknown.
divided among several more diminutive, though
still substantial,edifices.As impressiveas some of
the buildings were, labor control may have been
slow in developing and ephemeral.Site 104, 123,
and487 constructionhistoriesall documentan initial, probably protracted,interval during which
modest edifices were erected, none of which
requiredconsiderableexertionfromlargenumbers
of people to fashion. Subsequentdramaticmetamorphoses of the dominant structurebespeak a
locally unprecedentedchange in labor mobilization regimes as many hands were needed to excavate, transport,and deposit large quantitiesof fill.
Site 123'sterracewas notmodifiedthereafter.Additions made to Structures104-1 and 487-1 pale in
comparisonto earlierexertions.Whateverfaction
commissionedthese edifices, therefore,apparently
had trouble maintainingtheir hold over labor. In
addition,thereis some evidence thatpolitical centers shiftedduringtheAchiote phase.Radiocarbon
assays tentatively suggest that initiation of substantialconstructionat Site 123 postdates similar
activitiesat Site 487. Thistemporaldisjunctionmay
accountfor thephysicalpropinquityof the two cen-
ters.WehavealreadynotedthatSite 414 is themost
recent of the four apical sites. While Site 104's
chronologicalposition vis-a-vis the other centers
cannotbe establishedby technicalmeans,basedon
artifactanalysis, it seems likely thatno more than
two politicalnodesexistedsimultaneouslyin Naco.
manifestthroughlaborconPoliticalcentralization,
trol, was, therefore,relatively evanescent, power
theinterval.
changinghandsseveraltimesthroughout
Wehypothesize,therefore,thattherelativelydispersedAchiote phase populationswere dividedby
theiraccessto power.A minoritycouldorganizeand
directthe productiveeffortsof the majorityin raising large-scaleedificesthatwere probablynodes of
sociopoliticalintegration,as well as residencesof the
themselves.Suchpoliticalpreeminence
aggrandizers
was not long-lasting, however, and labor control
shiftedamong the residentsof varioussettlements
throughoutthislong span.The apparentreorganizaactivitiesimplied
tion of administrative/integrative
mayhave
by Site414's novelstructuralarrangement
been partof an effortto fashionmoredurablepower
relations.It is difficultto ascertainhow successful
this strategywas. Thatall subsequentNaco political
146
LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY
[Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002
centerspossess cores where activitieswere distrib- economically.Importsarerare,most
artifactsbeing
utedamongmultiple,large-scaleconstructionssug- fashionedfromraw materialsfound
withinthe valgests thatthe organizationalschemeinitiatedby Site ley's confines.
414's buildershad an enduringappeal.
Turningto the dimensionof idea flows, as manif
est
in thedistribution
of ceramicstyles,Nacois anySocial Heterogeneity
thing but a well-delimited unit. As noted in the
Datain handindicatethatoccupantsof eachAchiote discussionof chronology,Achiote
phasepopulations
phase site were more-or-less economically freely participatedin networks
throughwhich an
autonomous. Even allowing for the existence of extensiverangeof ceramicmotifs were
distributed.
undiscoveredsettlements,populationseems to have In the case of Chaguites vessels, Naco
residents
been dispersedacrossfertile,well-wateredportions adopteda coherentsuite of related
attributestying
of the valley.Organicremainsunearthedin Achiote them to people living over broad
areasof southern
phase excavations also tentativelypoint to wide- Mesoamerica.Specific decorative
treatments,travspreadinvolvementin the same subsistenceregime. eling independentlyof any "design
package,"also
All Naco residentsat this time apparentlyrelied on linkNaco with a wide rangeof
variablydistantsocianeconomythatcombinedagriculturewith hunting eties. Patternburnishing,
red-washing,and the use
andexploitationof riparianspecies.Thereis littleevi- of simple, incised geometricdesigns
are examples
dencefor occupationalspecialization,each domes- of these attributes.If Achiote phase
ceramic protic unit probablyfurnishingmost, if not all, of the ductionwas as decentralizedas we
suspect, then
basicgoods neededto ensurephysicalsurvivaland motifsacquiredfrom afarmusthave
been available
socialreproduction.Raw materialsandskills essen- foremulationby a largesegmentof
the total poputialto fabricatingessentialitems could be acquired lation.This surmisecorrespondsto
the observation
readilyby all Naco inhabitants.
madeearlierthatno one factionenjoyedprivileged
Wealthdifferencesarealso minimallyexpressed. accessto externalcontacts.
No clear statusmarkers,importedor locally made,
Transactionsconducted across social borders
wererecoveredfrom excavatedcollections at any were seemingly unobstructedand
open, if not to
site. Instead, assemblages everywhere consist of everyone,then at least to a significant
proportionof
essentiallythe same repertoireof utilitarianceram- Naco'sresidents.Insofaras boundariesare
cultural
ics,chipped,and a few ground,stone implements. creationsdesigned,in part,to
circumscribezones of
Burials,often key sourcesof informationon wealth control,the vagueness of Achiote
phase frontiers
distinctions,were rarely encounteredand did not impliesrelatively weak political
centralizationin
clearlyindicatestatusdistinctions.
Naco(FergusonandMansbach1996:21-22). MainThoughthe resultsare far from definitive,there tenanceof externalcontactsaffords
optionsto reloispresentlyno evidence to suggest thatthose who cateif andwhendemandsof social
leadersarejudged
soughtpowerexercisedprivilegedcontroloverbasic excessive.This opportunity,realizedor
not, would
localresources, imported goods, and the skills
havebeen an effective brake on the overweening
needed
to fashionitemsvaluedby all Naco residents. ambitions
of aggrandizers.
Without
suchmonopolies,powerseekerswouldhave
beenhard-pressedto ensnarepeople in dependency
Comparisons and Surmises
relations,thereby convertingequals into indebted
clients
(e.g.,Arnold1995;Earle1991;Hayden1995; Comparlsons
Paynter
1989). Leaders,therefore,lacked the ecoThisbrief review of publishedmaterialon Middle
nomicleverswithwhichto pryloyaltyandlaborout
Preclassic
developmentsin southeasternMesoamerofsubordinates.This perennialdifficultymay well
icafocuses on processesof politicalcentralization,
havecontributedto the shifting power relations
socialheterogeneity,andboundedness(see Figure1
hinted
at in constructionsequences.
forthe locationof relevantsites). Significantpower
andwealth concentrations are attested to at
Boundedness
Chalchuapa,
Los Naranjos,andYarumela(Baudez
Given
the pointspresentedabove,theAchiotephase
and
Becquelin1973;Canby1949,1951;Dixon 1989,
Naco
Valley seems to have been relativelyisolated
1992;Dixon et al. 1994; Sharered. 1978). Impres.
Urban,Schortman, and Ausec]
POWER WITHOUTBOUNDS?
sive constructionsareraisedat all threecentersduring this span. StructureE3-1-2nd at Chalchuapa,a
22-m-highstone-facedearthencone, dominatesthat
center.Large-scalebuildingeffortsat Los Naranjos
include the raising of two sizeable platforms,3 m
and6 mhigh, as well as diggingamassiveditch1,300
m long, 15-20 m wide, and 6.5 m deep. Egalitarian
relations in the Early Preclassic at Yarumela(ca.
1000 B.C.) gave way to a hierarchicalstructureby
the end of the MiddlePreclassic(1000-400 B.C.).
This shift is strongly suggested by recovery at
Yarumelaof five plaster-coatedplatforms2-20 m
high, an elite domesticcomplex,andthe unearthing
of imported,high-valuecommoditiessuch as jade
beadsandmarblevessels. Eliteburialsassignableto
Chalchuapa'sMiddlePreclassicwerenotfound,but
a richintermentwas uncoveredwithinthe fill of one
of Los Naranjos's monumental platforms (T.8,
Sepulture2). Includedas offerings here are large
stone ornamentsas well as a necklace and belt of
jadeitebeads (Baudezand Becquelin 1973).
The contemporaryCopanand Sula valleys yield
evidenceof some wealthdifferencesassociatedwith
modestsigns of laborcontrol.ThoughCopan'sUir
phase settlementgenerally consists of small, dispersedhamlets,deepprobesdugbeneathGroup9N8 in the valley bottom revealed 32 interments
enclosed within the fill of two substantialcobblefaced platforms (Fash 1985:138; Viel and Cheek
1983:563,566,569,57>575,588). Mostoftheburials are secondaryintermentswith few to no associatedgoods. BurialVIII-27,however,containedlarge
quantitiesof stonebeads and engravers,jade effigy
teeth, and four ceramic vessels. This individual's
youthmay imply thatthe deferencereflectedin the
offeringswas ascribed.At the very least, the prestigeof parentswas seeminglyimpartedto theiryoung
childrento some degree (Hayden 1995). The sizes
of the platformsthemselves,one is over 20 m long,
suggesta moderateamountof laborcontrol,perhaps
exercisedby the factionburiedwith such pomp.
BurialNo. 8 at Playa de los Muertosin the Sula
Plainis distinguishedfromotherMiddlePreclassic
intermentsat the site by the richnessof its associatedofferings(Gordon1898;Kennedy1981;Popenoe 1934;Stronget al.1938; see Healy 1984).These
includenecklacesandbeltsof jadeiteandshellbeads
along with four elaboratelydecoratedpotteryvessels and two ceramic figurines (Popenoe
1934:73-74). Once again,the individualso honored
147
was quite young, hinting at means for acquiring
wealthnotdependenton individualachievementover
a long life. Thatthe veryyoung areso distinguished
in deathneed not imply inheritanceof exalted status.Thepatterndoes suggest,however,thatanimportantcomponentof an individual'scharismaderived
from their familial associations. The diversity of
dressandornamentationon contemporaryPlayade
los Muertosclay figurinesalso supportstheexistence
of social distinctions (Agurcia 1978; Healy
1984:125).Differentialburialtreatmentmaybe paralleled by architecturalvariation.Humble wattleand-daubbuildingsraiseddirectlyon groundsurface
characterize Playa de los Muertos (Kennedy
1981:51-52).At PuertoEscondidoin the SulaPlain,
however,a "large,stepped earthenplatform"was
builtduringthe transitionfromthe Chotepeto Playa
phases(ca.900 B.C.;JoyceandHenderson2001:10).
Associated with this locally unprecedentedconstructionis atleastone depositofjadeornamentsand
"twohumanburialswith tracesof pigment"(Joyce
and Henderson2001:10). These constructionsand
associated offerings contrast with the edifices
unearthedat Playade los Muertosandmay pointto
an emergingpoliticalhierarchy.As of this writing,
however,the magnitudeof this distinctiondoes not
appear to be on the order of that witnessed at
Chalchuapa,Los Naranjos,orYarumela.
MiddlePreclassicoccupationin theLaVentaand
La Florida valleys consists of small hamlets dispersed near reliable water sources (Nakamura
1991:251-252). Power and wealth differentialsdo
not seem to have been marked,thoughan unexcavatedsite withtwo earthenplatformsstanding1.5 m
highmighthavebeenanadministrative
center(Nakamura1991:251).
Mindfulof thepatchynatureof theavailabledata,
severalhypothesesconcerningsociopoliticaldevelopments in Middle Preclassic southeastern
Mesoamericacanbe offered.Politicalcentralization
and wealth differentiationwere variablyadvanced
throughoutthe zone. Social leadersat Chalchuapa,
Los Naranjos,andYarumelahad apparentlyhit on
successful labor control strategies,harnessingthe
exertionsof subordinatesto raise truly impressive
edifices. The paucity of relevant burials at
ChalchuapaandYarumelaleavesthe issue of wealth
distinctionsin doubt,thoughexoticsrecoveredfrom
these centershint at the ability of rulersto acquire
prized items. Aggrandizersin the Copan and Sula
148
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY
valleys may have been less successful in directing
laborbut were adeptat collecting valuables.Whatever prestigeaccruedfrom and/orwas built on this
advantageapparentlyextended beyond individual
leadersto encompassat least some of those directly
associatedwith them,presumablyfamilymembers.
LaVentaandLaFloridaValleyoccupantswereseemingly more successfulat thwartinglaborandwealth
control strategies than were their counterpartsin
nearbyareas. Naco's magnatesfall between these
extremes,exercisingsome, perhapsfleeting,control
over laborbut not wealth.
Distinctionsbetweenareascharacterized
by monumentalconstructionsandthose with relativelyrich
burialsbut lacking impressive architecturecould
reflectdifferentpolitical strategies.Emergentelites
at Chalchuapa,Los Naranjos,Yarumela,and Naco
possibly created hierarchiesbased on centralized
controlover performanceof community-wideintegrative activities enacted atop the monumental
earthenplatformsthatdominatetheircenters(Blanton et al.'s "corporatestrategy"[1996]; Feinman
1995;Feinmanet al.2000; Peregrine2001; Renfrew
1974).Competitorsfor power in the CopanValley
andSula Plain, however,may have soughtpreeminencethroughwealthacquiredviaconnectionsmaintainedwith compatriotsin other areas (termed a
"networkstrategy"by Blantonet al. [1996]; Feinman 1995; Renfrew 1974). The rich interment
unearthed
atLos Naranjostentativelyimpliesa combination
of networkandcorporatestrategiesby magnatesat this center, a tactic possibly replicatedat
Chalchuapa
andYarumela.MiddlePreclassicsoutheasternMesoamerica,therefore,might well have
witnesseda numberof differentefforts to achieve
politicalascendancyby elites deploying a diverse
array
of resources.Thatsuccess was not assuredis
suggestedby the way in which power apparently
changedhands in Naco throughout the Achiote
phase.
Even Chalchauapasuffereda hiatusin monumentalconstructionfrom 600-200 B.C. (Sharer
1978b:
122),hintingataprotracted,albeittemporary,
decline
in elite powerat this capital.The extantdata
mayreflect numerous experiments in hierarchybuilding
with variableresults.
Craft specializationwas not well-developedin
any
of the studiedareas.Thejade/jadeitebeads and
shells
foundin severalsites were fashionedby people
well-versedin the necessaryskills, but whether
they
livedwherethefinishedartifactswereunearthed
[Vol. 13, No. 2, 2002
andatwhatscalestheseworkshopsoperatedwe cannot tell in most cases. Data recentlyretrievedfrom
PuertoEscondidodoes indicatethatjadewas worked
atthisnascentcenterduringthe Chotepe/Playatransition (Joyce and Henderson 2001:13). Obsidian
blade productionat Chalchuapawas probablyconductedby residentartisansas well, butquestionsof
scale and intensity are unresolved in both cases
(Clark1986).
As notedearlier,contactswere apparentlyfreely
maintainedamong all southeasternMesoamerican
populations.A limitedsubsetof exotics mighthave
beenacquiredandusedexclusivelyby particularfactionsin some societies(suchas thejade/jadeitebeads
andshellsassociatedwitha few burials),butceramic
designswere widely shared.
Evidenceformoreremotecontactsis providedby
theappearance
of stylesin a numberof mediathathave
analoguesthroughoutmuch of Mesoarnericaat this
time(thosepertainingto the so-called"Olmechorizon"; Grove 1993; Sharer and Grove 1989).
Chalchuapa's
residentsincorporatedmotifs associatedwith this phenomenon in ceramics (Sharer
1974:169-170; 1978a:12>125), figurines(Dahlin
1978:175-176;Sharer1974:169),publicarchitecture
(Sharer1978b:73),and sculpture(Anderson1978).
Inhabitants
of othersoutheasternareasexhibitmore
diffuseconnectionswiththenetworksthroughwhich
thesestylesspread,manifestprimarilyin theformsof
certain
elaborateburials(atCopanandLos Naranjos)
and,more commonly, the incorporationof exotic
designsin local ceramicdecorativerepertoires(seen
atCopan, Los Naranjos, the Sula Plain, and the
CuyamelCaves on Honduras's northeast coast
[Baudezand Becquelin 1973; Fash 1985:138-140;
Healy1974;JoyceandHenderson
2001];Nacoceramicsaretoo fragmentary
to reconstruct
ancientmotifs).
The behavioralsignificanceof the "Olmec"stylistichorizonis much debated(see papersin Sharer
andGrove 1989). All we would arguehere is that
identificationof "Olmec" styles in southeastern
Mesoamerica
suggests that local populationswere
variably
connectedto thenetworkthroughwhichthe
motifsspread (see also Joyce and Henderson
2001:
13, 20). Chalchuapa'sinhabitants,in particularthe leaderswho commissionedStructureE3-12ndand large stone monuments, were the
southeastern
potentatesmost thoroughlyintegrated
within
the web. Furthernorth,ties becamemorediffuse
as reflectedin the reductionof mediain which
Urban, Schortman, and Ausec]
149
POWER WITHOUTBOUNDS?
the styles appearand the low frequenciesin which
theyareexpressed.Suchdiscrepancieshintatthevarious uses to which foreigndesigns mighthavebeen
put.At Chalchuapa,exotic stylesin monumentcarving andlarge-scaleplatformconstructionwereseeminglyusedto distinguishrulersfromruled(Demarest
1989;DemarestandSharer1986).Residentsof other
southeasternMesoamericanareasmay have turned
importeddesigns to moreparochialconcernsexperienced by a wider range of people (e.g., Marcus
1989).
.
Sus7nlses
Variationsin powercentralization,wealthaccumulation,andthecreationof politicalboundariesreflect,
in part,the differentialabilitiesof emergentelites to
convertequals into clients who surrenderedlabor,
loyalty,andsurplusesas partof theirenduringobligations to patrons(e.g., Arnold 1995; Earle 1991;
FriedmanandRowlands1978;Hayden1995;Paynter 1989). Achiote phase Naco populationsapparently maintained a high degree of economic
autonomythatprovidedaneffectivebasefromwhich
to resist dominationstrategies.The greatersuccess
enjoyed by paramountsat Chalchuapa,Yarumela,
andLos Naranjosin advancingprivilegedclaims to
powerand wealthmay suggest less local self-sufficiency.
The general vagueness of social boundariesin
MiddlePreclassicsoutheasternMesoamerica,coupled with the paucityof evidence for craft specializationhere, imply thatnowherewas power firmly
establishedin the handsof a single faction.Leaders
did not have the surplusat theirdisposal to underwrite coteries of artisansgeneratingwealth from
importedand local raw materials.Similarly,these
same aggrandizerscould not circumscribetheirfollowerswithinwell-definedborders.A wide rangeof
people maintainedextra-localties throughwhich
stylesand,presumably,ideasflowed.Thebehavioral
significanceof these links is hard to gauge. They
might,at least,haveprovidedcontactsto whichpeople could turnwhen dissatisfiedwith conditionsat
home. Maintainingan option to removeto another
localeif elite demandsbecameexcessivewouldhave
beena powerfulweaponin thearsenalof thoseresisting the pretensionsof would-beparamounts.
Clearly,thereis much to do beforewe can realistically model Middle Preclassic southeastern
Mesoamericansociopoliticalforms and processes.
This intervalwitnessesthe firstclearexpressionsof
inequality known from the area and its study
promisesinsightsinto a volatileperiodof intrasocietalcompetitionsthatgaveway only aftermanycenturies to relatively secure hierarchicalformations
(though see Joyce and Henderson2001 for a discussion of the possible Early Preclassic roots of
Mesoamersociopoliticalcomplexityin southeastern
ica). The hypothesesadvancedhere will likely be
superceded.Hopefully,theysuggesttopics,andways
of addressingthem,thatwill proveuseful in efforts
to model complexprocessesof competitionwithin,
andcooperationacross,emergingborders.
Acknowledgments.The Naco Valley Archaeological Project
has been generously supported by: the National Science
Foundation (BNS-8919272, 9022247, 9121386, and SBR9407751); the National Endowmentfor the Humanities(RO21897-89); the National Geographic Society (4208-89); the
Fulbright, Wenner-Gren, and Margaret Cullinan-Wray
Foundations;and Kenyon College. All research in the Naco
Valley has been carriedout in collaborationwith the Instituto
Hondurenode Antropologiae Historia,and we are very grateful for the encouragementand unstintingsupportof its directors, Lic. Victor Cruz, Dr. Jose Maria Casco, and Dra. Olga
Hoya, and staff, especially, Dr. George Hasemann,Dra. Gloria
Lara, Lcda. CarmenJulia Fajardo,Lic. Vito Veliz, and Juan
Alberto Duron. A large and talented staff contributedsignificantly to the Naco investigationsof whom we would like to
single out V. Clark, M. Kneppler,J. Morrison,M. Morrison,
and M. Turekfor their invaluablecontributionsto the Middle
Preclassic investigations. The people of Naco worked long,
hard, and with considerable skill to bring the prehistory of
their valley to light, J. Bueso, L. Nolasco, D. Paz, and E.
Rodriguezholding special places in our memories.We are also
grateful for the thoughtful, detailed, and tactfully phrased
comments on the ideas expressedin this paperprovidedby K.
Schreiberand four anonymousreviewers.To all of these individuals and groups we are deeply indebted. All errors and
lapses of reason are, of course, our faults alone.
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