INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES
THE AMERICAS:
VIEWS THROUGH A CULTURAL PRISM
The Journal of the International Institute
California State University, San Bernardino
Volume 4, Spring 2010
©2010, California State University San Bernardino - All rights reserved.
ISSN 1536-903X
ISBN 0-9713969-3-0
Published by the International Institute at CSUSB
International Institute
California State University, San Bernardino
5500 University Parkway
San Bernardino, California 92407
Permission to reproduce the articles in this journal is available from
the respective authors. Access to this issue is available electronically
through links to the website of the International Institute
http://ii.csusb.edu/download/journal10.pdf
ii
International Perspectives
Journal of the CSUSB International Institute
The Americas: Views Through a Cultural Prism
Volume 4, Spring 2010
Editors
Maria Antonieta Gallegos-Ruiz, Ph.D.
California State University, San Bernardino
Rosalie Giacchino-Baker, Ph.D.
California State University, San Bernardino
Selected Conference Proceedings
International Conferences on Latin America
California State University, San Bernardino
April 19-20, 2007
April 17-18, 2008
April 23-24, 2009
Sponsored by:
Latin American Studies Program
International Institute
iii
Table of Contents
Acknowledgments ............................................................................. vii
Preface ................................................................................................ 1
Rosalie Giacchino-Baker
Introduction ......................................................................................... 3
Maria Antonieta Gallegos-Ruiz
Reflections from Rosario Castellanos in Israel (1971-1974) .............. 8
Andrea Reyes
Avant-garde Insult: The Case of Vicente Huidobro and César Moro ........ 22
Kent Dickson
Identifying and Assessing Tropical Montane Forests on the Eastern Flank of
the Ecuadorian Andes ........................................................................... 34
James Keese, Thomas Mastin, and David Yun
Spanish Encuentros: Constructing Bridges Between Academic Communities
and Marginalized Populations ............................................................... 66
Martha Bárcenas-Mooradian and Lia Nicholson
NAFTA and the Zapatista Uprising: Social Change from Past to Present
........................................................................................................... 85
Marina Estupinan
Teacher Education in Cuba: Keeping Promises to the Past and to the Future
........................................................................................................... 94
Sergio Gómez Castañedo and Rosalie Giacchino-Baker
Teacher Education in Colombia: Past, Present, and Future ................... 110
Mauricio Cadavid, Diana Milena Calderón, Luis Fernando Uribe,
and Daniel Taborda
About the Contributors ..................................................................... 129
v
Acknowledgments
This journal is published by the International Institute at California State
University that works closely with the International Center, the College of Arts
and Letters, and the Department of World Languages in support of the Latin
American Studies Program. The editors would like to thank everyone who
participated in the third, fourth, and fifth annual Latin American Studies
Conferences at CSUSB in the spring of 2007, 2008, and 2009, particularly to
those whose papers are included in this volume. The Latin American Studies
Program owes a special debt of gratitude to Maria Antonieta Gallegos-Ruiz
whose leadership and dedication have promoted the growth of this area studies
program that is critical to California State University, a Hispanic-serving
institution. Eri Yasuhara, Dean of the College of Arts and Letters, has been an
advocate of this program and its annual conference. Hiroko Inoue assisted with
formatting this volume. James Cheng’s technical expertise is evident in the
design and formatting of this journal. This journal exists because of the
successful collaboration between the International Institute and the International
Center at CSUSB under the leadership of Rosalie Giacchino-Baker and Paul
Amaya .
vii
Preface
Rosalie Giacchino-Baker, Ph.D.
Faculty Director, International Institute
California State University, San Bernardino
As California State University, San Bernardino strengthens and
broadens its commitment to international education, the publication of
scholarly works related to global issues remains an ongoing priority. This
edition of International Perspectives is the fourth in a series of occasional
journals focusing on specific countries or regions of the world. These
publications began in spring 2001 with a unique collection of articles on
Cuba that reflected research conducted as part of CSUSB’s interdisciplinary
program with the Caribbean nation. The second volume, published in spring
2005, presented selected proceedings from CSUSB’s First International
Conference on Latin America that had a focus on border culture. The third
volume of the journal presented a range of scholarly topics related to the
study of the Americas based on presentations from the International
Conferences on Latin America held in 2005 and 2006. This fourth volume
entitled, International Perspectives. The Americas: Views Through a
Cultural Prism, continues in that tradition by publishing articles written by
participants in CSUSB’s Latin American Conferences in 2007, 2008, and
2009.
The International Institute would like to thank Dr. María Antonieta
for her strong leadership that has been responsible for the continuation of
the Latin American Studies Program and its annual conferences. The
interdisciplinary Latin American Studies minor, initiated with the financial
assistance of a Title VI grant awarded by the U.S. Department of Education,
has encouraged participants to expand their competencies in the Spanish
language and to conduct research on all aspects of Latin America. The
resulting academic expertise has benefited students and faculty at CSUSB
through the development of new and enhanced courses, as well as through
increased visibility and collaboration with local, regional, national, and
international partners interested in Latin America. This expanded expertise
then enhances the curriculum enabling CSUSB students to take part in
courses that provide up-to-date information and perspectives as part of their
interdisciplinary minors in Latin American Studies.
1
The International Institute would also like to congratulate the
College of Arts and Letters for its ongoing support of the interdisciplinary
Latin American Studies minor that has encouraged research in all aspects of
Latin America. Through its collaborative activities with regional and
international partners, CSUSB has developed a leadership role in promoting
research related to our hemisphere.
As expressed in its Mission Statement: “In support of the
University’s strategic plan, CSUSB’s International Institute leads the
campus' globalization process by collaborating with university and
community partners to develop, identify funding for, and promote activities
and services that meet the international needs of our university and region
and that make contributions to our global community.” Now in its eleventh
year, the Institute http://ii.csusb.edu has effectively expanded the visibility
of international programs, partnerships, activities, and perspectives while
increasing international faculty development opportunities through its
Professors Across Borders program and promoting study abroad experiences
for students. Operating in conjunction with CSUSB’s International Center,
the International Institute’s Faculty Director, Dr. Rosalie Giacchino-Baker,
and Co-Director, Paul Amaya, are actively looking for ways to support
scholarship that will contribute to the internationalization of our campus and
its partners. Anyone interested in helping to develop or write for future
issues of the International Perspectives journal are encouraged to contact
Rosalie Giacchino-Baker at [email protected].
2
Introduction
Maria Antonieta Gallegos-Ruiz
California State University, San Bernardino
There already exist, in our Latin
America, cities whose material greatness
and whose sum of apparent civilization,
draws them closer with accelerated pace
to participate in the first rank of the
world.
Ariel, José Enrique Rodó
The twenty-six Latin American nations that comprise the
geographic vastness of this part of the world are themselves as culturally
diverse as the socio-political and economic issues which they confront
today. The dynamic nature of the diversity that characterizes Latin
American societies gives rise to the myriad topics that allow, indeed
demand, spirited exploration and abundant discussion of unfolding events.
Latin America is a world of conquest, of extremes, of painful survival, of
uneven modernity. Globalization, for example, is an issue that has rapidly
fed a growing perception as a force that threatens yet a wider rift between
rich entrepreneurships and poor peasant communities. This phenomenon
manifestly encumbers what on the surface appears continuing evolution and
rapid development.
Since the publication of our last International Perspectives volume
in 2006, the Latin American Studies/Study of the Americas Conference
continues to encourage interest in a wide range of topics related to Latin
America, past and present. The conference has provided a forum in which
both faculty and graduate students can explore this rich vein of discourse
that compels the exchange of ideas and spirited thought. We are proud that
the Latin American Studies/Study of the Americas Conference at
California State University in San Bernardino has hosted a number of wellknown scholars, writers, filmmakers, artists, area studies faculty, as well as
the participation of students.
3
Keynote Speakers at Study of the Americas Conferences
At the 2007 conference, the keynote was delivered by Saul Landau
who presented his documentary and a lecture titled “We Don’t Play Golf
Here…and Other Stories of Globalization.” Saul Landau is an
internationally-known scholar, author, commentator, and filmmaker who is
recognized for his work on foreign and domestic policy issues, Native
American and South American cultures, and science and technology.
The 2008 conference focused mainly on indigenous cultures.
Guatemalan poet and writer Gaspar Pedro González lectured on Mayan
cultural traditions and read excerpts from his novel, A Mayan Life, originally
published in Spanish, then released in English and Q'anjobal, and also
poems from Palabras Mayas, a collection of poems which is a bilingual
collection in Q'anjob'al and Spanish and subsequently published in English.
Oaxacan filmmaker Yolanda Cruz (Chatin), presented “Genitza’s the Ones
who came to visit,” a documentary about Oaxaca’s immigrants carrying on
their traditions in the United States, and she also lectured on “Experiences
Creating a Documentary.” Ms. Cruz has stated that she likes "to encounter
histories in the kitchen, in the country, in the streets. I believe that dialogue
is important to be able to be understood by the rest of the world. Visual
language is universal." Guatemalan Manuel Felipe Perez’ documentary
titled Ixoq/Mujer was presented by Alicia Estrada from California State
University, Northridge. The documentary incorporates a multiplicity of
Mayan women’s voices and illustrates the active political and social
participation of Mayan women during the armed conflict and post-war
periods in Guatemala. Finally, Classical Guitarist, Eladio Scharron gave us
a different perspective of Latin American Music. Dr. Scharron
performed classical pieces from Latin American Masters and also
performed “Modinha” (Homage to Villa-Lobos, written for Eladio
Scharrón) Stella Sung (Florida-USA 1959-). Prof. Scharron also visited with
CSUSB’s
Master
Classical
Guitar
Class.
Immigration issues were the focus of the 2009 conference. David
Bacon presented a lecture on “How Globalization Creates Migration and
Criminalizes Immigrants: The Need for an Alternative.” David Bacon is a
California writer and documentary photographer. He was a labor organizer
among immigrant workers for two decades and today documents the
changing conditions in the workforce, the impact of the global economy,
war and migration, and the struggle for human rights. This same year, the
conference featured an immigration panel, organized by CSUSB’s Michal
Kohout, “Out of the Shadows! Immigration in the Inland Empire.” The
4
participating panelists were: David Bacon; Writer and photographer José
Zapata Calderón, Pitzer College; Luisa Heredia, University of California,
Riverside; Cherstin Lyon, CSUSB; Armando Navarro, University of
California, Riverside; and Angela Sambrano, President of National Alliance
of Latin American and Caribbean Communities
Papers Included in This Journal
The seven papers selected for this journal demonstrate the range of
topics that were discussed at the 2007-2009 conferences.
Andrea Reyes’ paper on the essays of Mexican writer and journalist,
Rosario Castellanos titled, “Reflections from Rosario Castellanos in Israel
(1971-1974).” focuses on Castellanos’ experiences as ambassador of
Mexico to Israel from 1971 until her death in 1974. Andrea Reyes published
a recent collection of essays by Rosario Castellanos, Mujer de palabras:
Artículos rescatados de Rosario Castellanos (2007). This collection is
autobiographical, offering an important and different dimension to the
writings of the woman considered by many to be the most important female
Mexican author of the twentieth century.
“Avant-garde Insult: The Case of Vicente Huidobro and César
Moro” is the title of Kent Dickson’s paper. It discusses the 1935-36 literary
dispute between César Moro and Vicente Huidobro which was characterized
by a brutal tone of insult on both sides: scatological language, spurious
charges of homosexuality, attacks on artistic originality and political
integrity. The essence of the dispute, Dickson suggests, lies not in the
spurious charges the protagonists leveled at one another: rather, it lies in
their language. He also examines the linguistic superabundance or excess,
overflowing the channels of literary discourse, and adds that their language
becomes a kind of verbal duel reflecting privy knowledge and helping to
define an avant-garde speech community.
James Keese, Thomas Mastin, and David Yun’s paper, “Identifying
and Assessing Tropical Montane Forests on the Eastern Flank of the
Ecuadorian Andes,” deals with mountain forests that comprise one of the
most unique, bio-diverse, and threatened of all vegetation regions. The
threats that Keese enumerates include colonization, road building, habitat
fragmentation, logging, livestock pasturing, and agriculture. He also points
out, however, that large areas of tropical montane forest on the eastern flank
of the Andes Mountains of Ecuador remain intact, at least for now.
Ultimately, his study seeks to illustrate and analyze the processes and
5
complex human and environmental relationships at multiple scales that
shape a forested region. Potential actions by government, NGOs,
communities and landholders to mange and protect Andean forests are also
suggested.
The paper that outlines the objectives and the dynamics of an
academic and community-based program called “Spanish Encounters” is
Martha Bárcenas-Mooradian and Lia Nicholson’s paper,
“Spanish
Encuentros: Constructing Bridges Between Academic Communities and
Marginalized Populations.”
As Bárcenas-Mooradian and Nicholson
explain, “Spanish Encounters” were created in order to provide a space for
migrant laborers, the majority of which are Mexicans, to establish
meaningful ties with students, professors, and administrators of the
academic community. Bárcenas-Mooradian and Nicholson also add that
local activists, academicians and educators are invited to discuss social,
political and cultural topics of interest as a means to integrate them into the
community.
Marina Estupiñan’s “NAFTA and the Zapatista Uprising: Social
Change from Past to Present.” describes the uprising of the Zapatista Army
of National Liberation (EZLN) in January of 1994 in the state of Chiapas,
Mexico which brought the struggle for indigenous autonomy to the forefront
of the national agenda. This paper examines the recent history of the
Chiapas region and the challenges facing the struggle for indigenous
autonomy fifteen years after the implementation of NAFTA. In addition, it
points to the direct effects of globalization in the context of NAFTA and the
on-going efforts for economic justice and democracy within the
communities in Chiapas. The paper also explains how the indigenous
communities have been working for the right to own the land and how they
are working toward governing their communities according to indigenous
traditions and customs since the Zapatista uprising for the protection of
these communities. The 15th year Anniversary of NAFTA and the Zapatista
uprising within Chiapas in terms of a progression or a regression among the
communities of Chiapas is also revealed in this paper.
Sergio Gómez Castañedo and Rosalie Giacchino-Baker’s article
“Teacher Education in Cuba: Keeping Promises to the Past and to the
Future” discusses how teacher education programs have played a key role in
helping the Cuban nation to maintain one of the most highly educated
populations in the world. Within the past ten years, Gómez Castañedo and
Giacchino-Baker point out that experimental programs have strengthened the
links between Cuba’s Higher Pedagogical Institutes and public schools. They
6
also explain that some progress has been made in increasing the availability of
educational resources, including computer technology, at all levels. This
chapter provides an accessible, English-language description of Cuban teacher
preparation programs in the context of general Cuban educational systems.
Written as a collaborative effort between teacher educators in Cuba and the
U.S., the authors express a critical need to expand opportunities for
educational research and exchanges between their countries.
The history of the Colombian educational system is reviewed in
“Teacher Education in Colombia: Past, Present, and Future” by Mauricio
Cadavid, Diana Milena Calderón, Luis Fernando Uribe, and Daniel
Taborda. This article outlines the challenges, reforms, and decrees that have
shaped the current system and also discusses the effects of religíous and
socio-political issues that have shaped today’s educational institutions and
policies. Included in this paper are the experiences of Colombian teachers
both in the public and private sectors of the Colombian educational system.
The success of the Latin American Studies /Study of the Americas
Conference is due largely to all of the presenters who have shared with us their
research on the Study of the Americas. The diverse themes presented at the
conferences engender scholarly curiosity that promotes a deeper study of the
issues that confront Latin America today. The support of the International
Institute under the leadership of Rosalie Giacchino-Baker and Paul Amaya, as
well as the assistance of Eri Yasuhara, Dean of the College of Arts and
Letters, have contributed significantly to the success of the Latin American
Studies/Study of the Americas Conference.
7
Reflections from Rosario Castellanos
in Israel (1971-1974)
Andrea Reyes, Ph.D.
Scripps College
Abstract
The most recently published collection of essays by Rosario
Castellanos, Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de Rosario
Castellanos (2007), reflects her experiences as ambassador of Mexico
to Israel from 1971 until her death in 1974. In contrast to previous
anthologies, this collection is the most autobiographical, offering an
important and different dimension to the writings of the woman
considered by many to be the most important female Mexican author
of the twentieth century.
Rosario Castellanos has been recognized as the first Mexican
woman to establish herself as a professional author in almost three
hundred years, from the time of Sor Juana in the 1600s to Castellanos’
life from 1925 to 1974. She was a prolific writer in many genres,
perhaps best known for her stark portrayals of the feudalistic
provincial life in Chiapas in the novel Balún Canán and short stories
in Ciudad Real, as well as for the candid introspection and pointed
feminism of her later poetry. Yet the genre in which she was most
prolific has also been the least studied by scholars: her essays.
Previously uncollected essays have now been published in Mexico by
Conaculta, in three volumes entitled Mujer de palabras: Artículos
rescatados de Rosario Castellanos (Woman of words: Refound
articles from Rosario Castellanos). The third and final volume was
published at the end of 2007, covering the period in which
Castellanos served as the Mexican ambassador to Israel. The
uniqueness of her situation during those years provides a valuable
contribution to the understanding of this extraordinary author.
8
Maureen Ahern (1988), a scholar of Castellanos’s work, has
stressed the importance of her texts in this genre of Mexican letters,
despite the scant attention they have received:
Rosario Castellanos was the first Mexican writer to draw the
essential connections among sex, class, and race as factors that
define women in Mexico. The keys to that ideology are her
essays. [. . .] Although Castellanos’s essays constitute a major
point of entry to the body of her work, they are her most
neglected genre in terms of translation and criticism. (p. 39)
Mujer de palabras presents the previously uncollected essays
in chronological order. Volume I is from 1947, when she was still a
university student at UNAM, through 1966 when she quit her post as
a professor at UNAM in protest of the dismissal of the head of the
university in a political maneuver by the Mexican government.
Castellanos then left México to teach as a visiting professor in the
U.S. for one year and returned in 1967 to teach and write with
renewed vigor and intensity. Volume II extends from her return in
1967 until 1971, when she accepted the post as ambassador to Israel.
Volume III is the shortest and most personal of the three,
encompassing the articles she continued to submit to Excélsior and
other magazines from her post halfway around the world. It extends
from her arrival in Israel in April of 1971 until her untimely death in
an accident there on August 7, 1974.
The most striking discovery overall in the contrast between the
more recently discovered essays of Castellanos in Mujer de palabras,
as compared to earlier collections, is the editorial choice reflected in
the thematic selection. In the full corpus of her 515 essays, the second
most common theme was about the social and political life in Mexico,
yet only two of those 108 texts had been included by Fondo de
Cultura Económica in her collected Works, published in 1998. In fact,
there was a repeated disregard for that emphasis in her writings by the
editors of a number of anthologies of essays by assorted publishing
houses. The author paid close attention in her essays to social
conflicts and political upheaval, in Mexico as well as around the
world, yet that commentary was effectively dismissed by many in the
world of letters. While that is the greatest revelation in the overview
9
of her production in this genre, most of those more political essays are
in the first and second volumes of Mujer de palabras. Her position as
ambassador to Israel changes the emphasis in her editorial writing to
be one of more personal experiences and reflections in Volume III.
The post that Rosario Castellanos assumed in the Mexican
embassy in 1971 was a personal and professional challenge that took
her far from her native land to embark upon unknown responsibilities
and act on an international stage. When offered the diplomatic
position by President Echeverría, she set two conditions: she would
continue to teach Spanish-American literature on a part-time basis and
to write her weekly column for Excélsior. In no way would she
renounce her identity as a “mujer de palabras,” a woman of words.
Thanks to that second condition, a reader can enjoy the narration of
her adventures and learn from her ruminations during what were some
of the happiest years of her life. She went through learning stages in
her new job, along with periods of loneliness and nostalgia. The
dominant themes in these essays are autobiography, as she takes her
readers along with her in the ups and downs of the new challenge; a
visitor’s view of Israel itself, with reports on getting to know new
places and interesting personalities; and motherhood, as she shares the
lessons and doubts she has about raising her son Gabriel as a single
mother. It is definitely the most personal and tender volume of the
collection.
The specific years from 1971 through 1974 encompass
repeated conflicts in the Middle East, including the war of Yom
Kippur in 1973. It is somewhat frustrating to see that her diplomatic
position prevents her from analyzing what is happening around her in
a foreign land, though one must consider the potential political
repercussions for any commentary she might make. Castellanos
eludes discussion of internal conflicts in Israel except for in the most
sketchy manner, and the word “Palestinian” does not appear in her
texts. To a reader familiar with her sensibilities in regards to the
problems of the indigenous in Chiapas and the attention she paid to
social history, the silence on such a theme is surprising. Nevertheless,
after reflecting upon her obligations as ambassador, the limited
commentary seems logical.
10
The essays about Israel focus instead on interesting people,
daily activities, and certain cultural exchange activities with Mexico.
The author finds much to learn, for instance, from the secretary of the
Mexican delegation in Israel, Esther Levi. Esther was born in Poland,
and her forearm bears the number engraved in a Nazi concentration
camp. On one occasion of national grief when, in addition to a
broader tragedy, the sister of Prime Minister Gold Meir has also just
died, Castellanos (2007j) requests help from Esther to compose a
letter:
Esther Levi wrote the conventional phrases of condolences.
And then she told me that it was a custom among Jews, when
a catastrophe had just occurred, to balance the sorrow with an
invocation of hope. So it was not only correct but the right
moment to finish the condolence card with the best wishes for
the upcoming year.
Discipline, faithfulness to a tradition that demands not the
inattention to those who have gone but rather the continuity of
memory, of purpose, of actions. The memory of the dead
strengthens the will of those who assume life as a task in
which man affirms his free will as more powerful than destiny.
(2007j 225-226)
In this illustrative brush with Jewish culture, the author appreciates
such optimism in the face of a difficult history, affirming her
conviction in the importance of one’s own will over the future.
On one occasion when she does lance a criticism of Israel, it is
noteworthy that she echoes her critiques of the Mexican government
in 1968, and returns to one of her favorite words: dialogue. Although
she begins diplomatically with the mention of her own limitations,
Castellanos (2007c) observes how fundamental “the word” is in
Jewish beliefs, just as “The Use of the Word” (the title of an earlier
anthology of her essays) is for the author herself, but she finds its
absence in practice:
I understand little, so little I am ashamed to make it so
abundantly clear. But, do you know what I am thinking? That
the Jews, who have considered themselves always the people
11
of the Book, that perhaps the most unifying factor in Israel is
constituted by their Hebrew language. And that it is a very
bitter irony that those who give such a fundamental
importance to the word do not make use of dialogue as a road
to understanding with their neighbors. Because that is the way,
as neighbors, that they officially call the Arabs. Who now,
even if they should want to, could not even listen to those
words. The sphere in which wisdom could resonate has been
filled with the sound and fury of war. (2007c, p. 364)
Once again, in another country, the force of weapons and violence
dominate in place of the strength of reason and dialogue.
During this period as ambassador, although the author limits
her comments on the political situation in Israel, she does not hesitate
in her responsibility to her own country. Just a few months after her
arrival in 1971, she found out about “something that had occurred in
Mexico [. . .] and so as not to beat around the bush, of the facts of
June 10th we have had only a vague idea.” (2007k, pp. 80-81) She
refers to a new massacre of students in Mexico City. This article is
specifically about the arrival of the diplomatic pouch with newspapers
and magazine recently released by the Mexican press, information
that she considers her “umbilical cord” to the homeland. Although
Castellanos is now an employee and representative of the
government, her response to the limited reports she has received is
categorical and firm. She wants to know if someone
…can tell us something with regards to the Falcons who flew
off after “catching their prey,” and of whom no one has heard
anything further. About them many people ask in a strong and
free voice, --the most responsible, the most exacting, the most
honorable consciences of Mexico. That is the voice to which
we listen, and which we echo, from whatever site to which we
have been sent. Our hearts beat in unison with our country
again, thanks to the bridge of information that the Secretary of
Relations has offered us with the pouch of periodicals. (2007k,
pp. 80-81)
12
Even though the question of who is behind the “Falcons” (a
paramilitary group that years later proved to be directed by one of the
highest officials in the Mexican government, Echeverría himself, at
that time the Secretary of State) is not clear at that time, Castellanos
does not wait to add her voice of indignation. Her most profound
obligation is to the truth for the Mexican people, and her obligation to
the government of the now President Echeverría comes much later.
There is no question that the author continues to uphold her principles
and social commitment.
Nevertheless, the emphasis in this volume is different from the
other two. The theme of autobiography is crucial in its own way
because Castellanos is a stand-out in Mexican culture: a woman of
such intellect that she refuses to allow herself to be limited, affirming
her presence and asserting her point of view within the world of
Mexican letters in the face of longstanding exclusion of such a
feminine voice. As Joanna O’Connell (1995) has noted on the same
theme in an earlier anthology, “These autobiographical essays
represent one of Castellanos’ most important public gestures as a
writer, the exemplary use of the daily events of her own life as
woman and mother to create and affirm public recognition of the
value of women’s experience” (p. 209). In her writings from abroad,
she brings her readers along on her adventures as a diplomat on the
international stage, with her characteristically self-effacing humor, to
the delight of many a reader.
For Castellanos (2007f), the offer of a position in Israel arrives
at an opportune moment. At the end of the process of her divorce
from a very unhappy marriage, she is ready to find a road to rebirth
under new conditions. Although she recalls the recriminations coming
from her young son Gabriel for having to live outside of Mexico, the
author points out:
If I were to say that I was sacrificing myself for my country, it
would leave me red in the face. Because things are the other
way around. When it seemed the whole world had fallen upon
me, a marvelous opportunity to build another with noble and
abundant elements was presented. This stage through which
we are passing right now is only the process of adaptation. (p.
264)
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Still, the occasion offers quite a challenge to her “way of
being on this earth” (“modo de estar sobre la tierra”), as she says in
one of her poems (1998 189). Newly divorced, a mother with a small
child, still monolingual, the job requires that she live far from her
social ambience, taking on diplomatic tasks on the other side of the
world, in foreign surroundings amid the chattering of other languages.
To strengthen her will, Castellanos draws inspiration from the
example of a very distinguished friend, María del Carmen Millán, an
exemplary professor of literature and pedagogy in Mexico. When the
Mexican Academy of Language decides to honor Millán, opening
their doors for the first time to a woman as a member, Castellanos
(2007a) explains that the most important thing she had received from
this friend was “a mirror in which one can see one’s personal
fortitude:”
I am, by birth, cowardly. I have feared many things but what I
have feared most is solitude. A woman alone . . . can’t
everyone see, all around, the absence of the children she did
not have, the missing husband, the lack of family of which she
should be the cornerstone? A single woman, any single
woman, perhaps. But not María del Carmen. She manages
well on her own, in a mysterious way she is complete and
communicates that sense of fulfillment of one who knows how
to love, who knows how to know, who knows how to devote
oneself to a task, who knows how to respond with integrity to
a calling. Having in front of me the model of María del
Carmen I was able to break the bonds that should not be
allowed to hold me back, to leave and to stay far away,
trembling (at first with fear and now with wonder) because I
have in my hands that unknown treasure called freedom. (pp.
398-399)
The years in Israel as ambassador transport Castellanos far
from her beloved Mexico, but they also lead her to the most profound
realization of herself as an independent and professional woman.
Even more, in a way she achieves the goal mentioned in the first
volume of these essays, of becoming a citizen of the world.
14
The author (2007e) reflects on the road that has led her to this
destination. In her youth, in no way did she imagine such a
possibility: “Do not forget, not for one moment, two circumstances: I
was a girl and I lived in Comitán, Chiapas, in the throes of the 17th
century. Which left as a result that in my future there was only one
option. When I was grown I was going to be a woman. What is that?”
(pp. 267-268) It appeared that the adults were going to guide her until
she was “transformed into a chubby housewife, in flip-flops and a
plain gown. How awful! But, what was the option? From my point of
view there was only one: to be a teacher.” (pp. 267-268) Nevertheless,
one did not see teachers with children, and sterility was not an option
for Castellanos. “The conciliatory plan ended up as: teacher, but with
a child. Yes, it was acceptable. But was it possible?” (pp. 267-268).
She realizes this goal and much more. With her modesty, and the style
of finding humor in her own errors, the author fulfills her role as a
mother (without having her own mother nor the advice of close
relatives around her) with openness and not without a certain amount
of fear.
Shortly after arriving in Israel, the author displays the doubts
that besiege her: “Surely you know, madam, from the very first
moment, when fortune has bestowed upon you a problem child. But
are you as sure to recognize, with the same certainty, if fortune has
bestowed upon your child that you have turned out to be a problem
mother?” (2007b, p. 82) Frequently Castellanos mistrusts her own
efforts as a “teacher with small child” precisely because she assumes
both roles with such dedication.In regards to one of her favorite
themes, women, this volume has few essays, but they are sharp.
The author responds to an article in which a doctor argues for the
importance of keeping the family united through love as an antidote to
drug addiction.
Castellanos (2007i) does not tolerate simplistic explanations,
so she responds with some concrete questions: “What is understood to
be love within the framework of our traditions? Who practices it?
How?” (p. 102)
From her education, she had received a heartbreaking image of
a traditional Mexican marriage, which did not include any mention of
15
the word “love.” In Hispanic culture there exists the type of man who
is a “lover” like Don Juan for whom there is little good accomplished
in his conquests. “Beloveds” abound, though usually out of reach or
non-existent like the Dulcinea del Toboso of Don Quixote. And there
are always “lovers,” though the term is considered derogatory, and
almost always such a “loving vocation” only leads a woman to
disaster:
I said loving vocation in order to differentiate it from the
inclination toward conjugal life. Against the first everyone
warns us: parents, teachers, counselors through whom speaks
the voice of experience. In favor of the second argue the same
persons who condemned the first. It is the perfect state for the
feminine condition. So much so that, if one can choose, one
should do so thinking of who would offer the greatest
economic security, higher social class, more protection and
respect.
But if one does not have the freedom to choose, one must
accept whatever can be found because it is much better to be
badly married than to be well left behind. And once in the
saddle one must put up with the bucking bronco, because one
is better off badly married than well divorced. All of which, it
is not even necessary to say, has little or nothing to do with
those vague associations of ideas that arouse in us when we
hear someone say the word “love.” (2007i, pp. 103-104)
When the two participants obey that pattern of the macho-style man
and the victimized woman, they create “a typical sadomasochist
relation” that has existed “from time immemorial.” Castellanos
examines the customs and traditional sayings of Mexican culture from
a distance half a world away and finds little to admire or
sentimentalize.
The responsibility for her son Gabriel and the process of
acculturation for them both is a recurrent theme during their three and
a half years in Israel. The sense of confidence with her readers grows
with the details of family life, and the sharing of their adventures
16
strengthens the link to her public. Readers laugh with her when her
first driver gets her into “every mess imaginable:”
First there was the slow discovery that he hardly knew any
language, particularly not Spanish, to the point where, in his
vocabulary, I have been transformed from a more or less
correct “señora embajadora” or “Madame Ambassador,” to a
less sure “ambassadrice,” which soon degenerated (or
ascended) to an “emperatriz.” From which it only took one
more step (taken with the efficient help of my son Gabriel) to
“señora avestruz,” or “Madame Ostrich”. That is where I find
myself now and I cannot imagine what will be my next
incarnation. (2007d, p. 72)
The reincarnation of Castellanos in foreign lands is a process that
takes place in front of her reading public.
The experience of living among persons from many different
countries, not only as part of the diplomatic community but due to the
fact that the Jews had arrived in Israel from the four corners of the
world, offers her an international context for her daily activities.
Attending a theater program at her son’s grade school combines an
experience of motherly pride with a cultural observation. When fifth
grade students present the play Hamlet, the role of Polonius, father of
the misfortunate Ofelia, falls to Gabriel:.
This Polonius had no need to waste time hiding behind a
curtain, but rather would die like the Mexicans: if they are
going to be dead by tomorrow, might as well kill them off
once and for all.
But yes, Gabriel made the most of the climactic moment. He
made every kind of twisted face, threw himself on the ground,
crawled, contorted himself in the most baroque agony I have
ever had to pleasure to contemplate, and then when he finally
lay quiet, he received such a hearty applause that ipso facto he
stood back up . . . and repeated the passage.
17
The Anglo-Saxon section of the auditorium looked rather
disconcerted, but the Latino part found the proceedings to be
quite natural. As for Gabriel, his euphoria was complete.
(2007g, pp. 193-194)
In the editorial pages of Excélsior, Castellanos took her readers along
through the milestones in the growth of her son as much as in her own
transformation.
One of the most tender essays is written after taking Gabriel to
the airport to leave for vacation in Mexico. The author recalls a day
when he was only three years old:
It is summer and night is so slow to fall that the moon lifts its
head while the sun has yet to set. Gabriel, who does not yet
know the nocturnal sky, calls out upon seeing the apparition of
a heavenly body whose beauty amazes him until I pronounce
in his ear the two syllables —lu-na (moon)— that would allow
him to feel he possesses this brilliant, remote, celestial
creature.
Never has astonishment been so long and profound for
Gabriel. And just as the moon that he contemplates reflects the
solar light, so does the face of my son shine with foreign
splendor, and what I see so close to me is a light whose source
comes from places I cannot even imagine, in ages whose
measure I cannot reach.
Then suddenly the pupils of Gabriel’s eyes contract in
surprise, dilate in alarm, his eyes fill with tears of grief: the
moon has disappeared behind a large dark cloud.
I know now that for the first time, Gabriel’s conscience has
been wounded by the discovery of death. (2007h, p. 336)
The face of this child implores that things be returned to their
state of innocence, but his mother will not lie to him: “So it is that I
cannot say more than to welcome Gabriel to our world of changes, of
appearance and disappearances, of shadows and echos, of voices and
bodies but never definitive densities.” (2007h, p. 337) Shortly
18
afterwards, the moon appears again on the other side of the big cloud,
without even the slightest scar:
And Gabriel watches. With seriousness. Because this is now
another moon and it is now another child. And I am nothing
more than a mother who cannot give her son more than she
has: a little bit of truth, which is like the salt that remains
when the tears have dried up. Salt that hurts when rubbed
against an open wound. Salt that seasons the food with which
we sustain our strength. (2007h, p. 337)
It is a lesson of life with which any parent can identify.
This article was written precisely one year before the
unexpected death of Rosario Castellanos in 1974. It turns out to be,
therefore, a lesson for her readers about the “appearances and
disappearances” in the world of letters. Her many essays of political
criticism remain as the salt in the wounds of social problems that
continue today in Mexico, the inequalities and repression that she
brings to the light of day. The texts where she analyzes the role of
women and shares her autobiographical experiences are like the salt
that seasons the world of Mexican letters with a point of view
previously almost absent. The feminine voice that had been ignored
for so many years today resounds on many levels of intellectual life in
the country. The words of this distinguished conscience of Mexico,
her insistence on the role of reason and the invaluable worth of
dialogue, gave to us what many still do not dare to say: “a little bit of
truth.”
(All translations from Spanish to English in this document are my
own. –A.R.)
19
References
Ahern, M. (1988). A Rosario Castellanos Reader: An anthology of
her poetry, short fiction, essays, and drama. Austin:
University of Texas Press.
Castellanos, R. (1998). Se habla de Gabriel. Obras II: Poesía, teatro y
ensayo (pp. 189-190). México D.F.: Fondo de Cultura
Económica.
Castellanos, R. (2007a). Académica: María del Carmen Millán. Mujer
de palabras: Artículos rescatados de Rosario Castellanos,
Vol. III (pp. 396-399). México D.F.: Conaculta.
Castellanos, R. (2007b). Adaptando a Gabriel: Educar a un niño en
tierra ajena. Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de
Rosario Castellanos, Vol. III (pp. 82-84). México D.F.:
Conaculta.
Castellanos, R. (2007c). Una botella al mar: Apuntes de Yom Kippur.
Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de Rosario
Castellanos, Vol. III (pp. 361-364). México D.F.: Conaculta.
Castellanos, R. (2007d). Los días de prueba: El aprendiz de brujo y
yo. Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de Rosario
Castellanos, Vol. III (pp. 71-74). México D.F.: Conaculta.
Castellanos, R. (2007e). Entre pedir y dar: Los caminos de la
providencia. Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de
Rosario Castellanos, Vol. III (pp. 267-269). México D.F.:
Conaculta.
Castellanos, R. (2007f). Gabriel en Israel: Programa de política
estudiantil. Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de
Rosario Castellanos, Vol. III (pp. 263-266). México D.F.:
Conaculta.
Castellanos, R. (2007g). Informe sobre Gabriel: Experiencias ante las
candilejas. Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de
Rosario Castellanos, Vol. III (pp. 192-194). México D.F.:
Conaculta.
Castellanos, R. (2007h). Lecciones de cosas: Mundo de cambios.
Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de Rosario
Castellanos, Vol. III (pp. 335-337). México D.F.: Conaculta.
Castellanos, R. (2007i). Lo que por sabido se calla: La educación
sentimental. Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de
Rosario Castellanos, Vol. III (pp. 192-194). México D.F.:
20
Conaculta.
Castellanos, R. (2007j). Perfil de Esther: El dolor y la esperanza.
Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de Rosario
Castellanos, Vol. III (pp. 223-226). México D.F.: Conaculta.
Castellanos, R. (2007k). La valija periodística: Un cordón umbilical.
Mujer de palabras: Artículos rescatados de Rosario
Castellanos, Vol. III (pp. 78-81). México D.F.: Conaculta.
O'Connell, J. (1995). Prospero's daughter: The prose of Rosario
Castellanos. Austin: University of Texas Press.
21
Avant-Garde Insult: The Case of Vicente
Huidobro and César Moro
Kent Dickson, Ph.D.
California State Polytechnic University, Pomona
Abstract
The 1935-36 literary dispute between César Moro and Vicente
Huidobro was characterized by a brutal tone of insult on both sides
that included scatological language, spurious charges of
homosexuality, as well as attacks on artistic originality and political
integrity. While the few critics who have taken up the incident have
read it as proof of factional divisions within the avant-garde, my
reading suggests that we might do well to read it against the grain as
proof of a certain kind of unity. The essence of the dispute lies not in
the spurious charges the protagonists leveled at one another; rather, it
lies in their language. Marked by linguistic superabundance or
excess, overflowing the channels of literary discourse, their language
becomes a kind of ritual exchange (or verbal duel) reflecting privy
knowledge and helping to define an avant-garde speech community.
In this paper I would like to examine the implications of a
literary dispute between the Peruvian César Moro and the Chilean
Vicente Huidobro, two avant-garde poets who have since become
icons of high modernism in Latin America. In 1935-1936 Moro and
Huidobro attacked one another in ephemeral literary magazines in
Lima and Santiago. Insults of the most imaginative and ferocious kind
characterize the articles they wrote: scatological language, spurious
charges of homosexuality, attacks on artistic originality, and so forth.
While literary disputes between opposing factions of avant-garde
artists and writers were common in Europe, they were rare in the
Latin American capitals where only a handful of artists typically
espoused avant-garde modes. My argument, therefore, reads the tiff
between Huidobro and Moro not as evidence of divisions among
factions as it has been read in the past. Rather, I see it as evidence of a
22
certain kind of unity: the development of an avant-garde speech
community on the continent. Moro’s and Huidobro’s use of insult, in
other words, functioned as a way of constructing a common
discourse. The insults they hurled functioned as a sort of linguistic
excess, a Maussian gift or kind of payada which in the end, rather
than separating the combatants, certified their belonging to a common
community.
Often mentioned as Latin America’s only orthodox Surrealist
writer, César Moro was born Alfredo Qispez de Asin in 1903 in Lima,
a city dominated by what he saw as a traditional provincialism, rigidly
structured around colonial hierarchies of race and class, and closed to
both artistic experimentation and sexual freedoms. Adopting a stance
of outraged opposition to bourgeois Lima, he moved to Paris in the
nineteen-twenties, began writing in French, and was swept up in the
Surrealist movement sometime around 1929. For four years he
collaborated with, debated with, and joined political forces with
Surrealists such as Andre Breton and Paul Eluard. Returning to Peru
in 1933, he embarked on a period of activism that led to exile in
Mexico by the late thirties, when he published his radical book of love
poetry La tortuga ecuestre, the only book he wrote in Spanish. If
Tortuga represents the advent of poetic maturity for Moro, it also
represents his great moment of hope. It is a hopeful book in the sense
that Moro celebrates the discovery of new love (unlike his Frenchlanguage books of the forties, in which the speaker is mournful and
anguished). Tortuga is a revolutionary book not only in its Surrealist
technique but also in the fact that its poems are marked by open
homoeroticism. Moro wrote always idiosyncratic, often violent and
irrational poetry. Though he sometimes missed the mark, and a
portion of his work disperses into fragmentary illogic, still his best
poems are remarkably beautiful statements of erotic longing and
anguish that continue to fuel poetic experimentation throughout Latin
America, but particularly in Peru, to this day.
Huidobro is a name that will probably be more familiar.
Powerfully creative, and likewise powerfully arrogant, he provided
the spark for Spanish and later Argentine Ultraismo in the late teens
and early twenties and claimed for himself the distinction of having
founded avant-garde poetry in Spain and Latin America. His own
23
movement, Creacionismo, enshrined his essentially individualistic
and aristocratic view of artistic creation in the catchphrase “el poeta
es un pequeño dios,” enunciated in El espeio del agua as early as
1916. The scion of a wealthy Chilean family, Huidobro had the luxury
of moving frequently between Europe and America. For ten years he
was active in Dadaist and Cubist circles in Paris before returning to
Chile in about 1925, where he made a long-shot run for the
presidency. The 1931 publication of Altazor sealed his place as a
Latin American literary icon.
The dispute between Moro and Huidobro began with an art
exhibit staged in 1935 by Moro and the poet Emilio Adolfo
Westphalen, and specifically with the exhibit catalog (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Front cover of exhibit catalog showing Moro’s painting
“Piéton”. Courtesy of Ricardo Tenaud.
Often billed as the first exhibit of Surrealist art in Latin
America, the 1935 show included not a single work of European
Surrealism. In fact, most of the paintings—well over two-thirds—
were by Moro himself; the remainder were by Chilean artists who had
taken part in an exhibit partly organized by Huidobro two years
24
earlier in Santiago. The painter María Valencia, in Lima in 1935, had
brought these artworks with her and contributed them to the show.
The exhibit was designed to cause outrage in the Lima establishment,
which Moro (1958) saw as retrograde, provincial, and closed-minded:
what he called “este medio triste y provincial, sórdido como un tonel
vació” (p. 8). By his own account he succeeded in this aim. He
remembers in a letter of the mid-forties that the “telectuales” of Lima
“nunca habian visto nada semejante, ni insolencia mayor, que nuestra
exposicion del 35” (Moro, 1983, letter to Westphalen, October 17,
1946). In effect, it was the catalog that made the show a Surrealist
happening. An avant-garde publication in every sense, it comprised a
series of shocking, visually stimulating citations taken from Moro’s
library of Surrealist works, arranged with a collage esthetic. The
catalog configures a sort of textual gallery or space, summoning the
voices of Surrealism and graphically performing the antics for which
the Surrealists were known in Paris. Affronts to bourgeois
sensibilities—Francis Picabia’s “las gentes de buen gusto están
podridas”—alternate with programmatic bons mots such as Breton’s
“lo imaginario es lo que tiende a ser real” or Picabia’s “el arte es un
producto farmacéutico para imbeciles.” Poems by Peruvians or
Chileans—the latter reprinted from the catalog of the earlier 1933 art
exhibit in Santiago—are scattered throughout. Graphic puns, such as
the list of contributors whose acrostic spells out the defiant
exclamation “RRRRRRRRRRRRAAAAAA,” insert a note of black
humor (Figure 2).
25
Figure 2. Page 2 of the exhibit catalog spelling out the defiant
acrostic “RRRRRRRRRRRRAAAAAA”.
Courtesy of Ricardo
Tenaud.
The artwork attacked the “logical décor,” as Maurice Nadeau
characterizes it, that Surrealists challenged everywhere—faith in
Enlightenment reason, well-ordered capitalist economies, and the
social and psychological repressions and conventions they enforced
(Nadeau, 1989, p. 80). A good example is the illustration for the front
cover, a floating, bulbous form with miniscule feet and wings, to
which Moro assigned the irrationalist title “Piéton.” The catalog
included several tribute-poems—two to Moro, one to Maria
Valencia—and in this sense seems to engage in the kind of selfpromotion the Surrealists employed, intent as they were on creating a
mythology of opposition and defining their group against other blocs
of artists and writers. Following the procedure that Peter Bürger
identifies as the hallmark of the avant-garde, Moro hurled himself
violently against bourgeois aesthetics in his introduction, assailing art
as an institution. One should “simplemente recoger basuras y
hacerlas enmarcar lujosarnente,” asserts Moro (1958, p. 11). And if,
for Bürger (1999), the historical avant-garde did not succeed in
destroying the art market and the gallery fetish, it did produce texts
which fiercely attacked the conventionality of esthetics, as he
suggests (p. 87). Moro’s text did just that. The catalog was, in short, a
26
flashy, confrontational, and shamelessly self-promoting document
calculated above all to outrage conservative Peruvian art patrons.
It is in this context that we must read the article viciously
attacking Huidobro that Moro wrote and printed prominently inside
the back cover of the catalogue.1 Moro charges Huidobro with having
plagiarized a text by Luis Buñuel in his poem “El árbol en
cuarentena,” and adds that this is nothing new for “el imitador de
Piere Reverdy.” Both of these inflammatory charges referred to past
controversies in which Huidobro had been called upon to defend his
originality. As early as 1920 he had vigorously refuted charges that
Reverdy alone, not Huidobro and Reverdy together, had been the
inventor of literary Cubism. Eleven years later another controversy
had overtaken the Chilean when he found himself in a political
dispute with Buñuel. Moro certainly knew Spanish the filmmaker, and
he was certainly privy to Surrealist circles in 1931, the year the
Huidobro/Buñuel dispute erupted fuelled in part, perhaps, by
Huidobro’s very public denunciation of automatic writing and other
techniques central to Surrealism a few years earlier. Invoking these
two controversies, Moro dug up the dirtiest laundry he could find on
Huidobro, and in doing so, threatened a basic precept of Huidobro’s
South American fame—his originality. Huidobro may well have
ignored Moro’s provocation had not works by his disciples,
especially Eduardo Anguita, been included among the Chilean writers
published in the catalog, making it seem as if Huidobro’s own circle
had turned on him. The poems had, of course, been republished in the
catalog to the 1935 exhibit without the Chilean authors’ knowledge,
and several people later repudiated the exhibit and its catalog. Moro’s
text gained wide circulation in Chile when Pablo de Rokha, who
himself was engaged in a heated rivalry with Huidobro in June 1935,
1
The articles Moro wrote were both republished in Los anteojos de azufre, the
second one translated from the French by Mario Vargas Llosa. I have cited from
Anteojos because, unlike the original ephemeral publications, it is readily available
in research libraries in the United States. As to the original publications, I have
consulted copies of the exhibit catalog in the private collection of Ricardo Tenaud,
Miraflores, Lima, Peru, and at the Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, California.
The Getty likewise possesses a copy of Huidobro’s Vital. As to Moro’s pamphlet
Vicente Huidobro, o el obispo embotellado, a facsimile edition was published in
2004 in Lima by Sur Librería Anticuaria/El Virrey.
27
republished it in the Sunday edition of La opinion.
Huidobro fired back in June, 1935 with the entire third and
final issue of his little magazine Vital (Figure 3).
Figure 3. Front cover of Huidobro’s Vital 3, whose subtitle reads
“Contra los cadáveres, los reptiles, los chismosos, los envenenados,
los microbios, etc., etc.” Courtesy of the Getty Research Institute.
Huidobro’s three-page response occupies the center of Vital 3.
His tone was no less scornful and his language no less sarcastically
humorous than Moro’s. The tirade of homophobic mockery begins on
first line and never lets up: “El piojo homosexual César Quíspez Moro
anduvo por París tratando de arribar, pues el sí que es el gran
campeón del arribismo” (1935, p. 3). Huidobro substantially defends
himself against the charge of plagiarism by fully explaining the
genesis of his text “El árbol en cuarentena”. And yet, as in Moro’s
case, the language, not the substance of Huidobro’s text is what calls
our attention. The dominant tone is one of histrionic insult.
Huidobro’s primary strategy seems to be to paint Moro as a puppet in
Breton’s hands: “Y te voy a decir en secretito lo que eres: Eres el
sirviente, el lacayo, el esclavo del Surrealismo, adonde has llegado
demasiado tarde. Ésta es tu rabia” (1935, p. 3). He goes so far as to
28
accuse Moro of falsifying his age: “el delicioso Moro de mi alma se
las quiere dar de muy jovencito. No pues querido mió, no seas
coqueto ... eres madurito” (1935, p. 3). His nastiest insult combines
two angles of attack: “Este coqueto piojo se sorbió el arte moderno
francés por el trasero” (1935, p. 3).
Moro displayed all his talents for diatribe in the answer he
penned in the summer of 1935. Due to “circunstancias diversas” its
publication was delayed until February 1936 when a folio-sized
pamphlet authored by Moro, Westphalen, and the poet Rafo Méndez
appeared in Lima entitled Vicente Huidobro, o el obispo embotellado
(Figure 4).
Figure 4. Front cover of the pamphlet Moro, Westaphalen and Rafo
Méndez devoted to the Huidobro issue in early 1936. Facsimile Sur
Librería Anticuaria/El Virrey, 2004.
Articles and letters by his friends served to introduce Moro’s
piece, written originally in French, later translated by Mario Vargas
Llosa into Spanish. This essay goes one better than Huidobro in its
abuse, which possesses the playful quality—“polemical jargon full of
picturesque violence”—that Renato Poggioli identifies with the
oppositional language of the avant-garde (1997, p. 37):
Nadie ha olvidado las monerías de todo genero de este
siniestro animal: ora se proclama comunista, ora
prohíbe al artista imitar la naturaleza, propiedad
29
privada de su Buen Dios de mierda; cita profusamente
a MUSSOLINI y a LENIN; quisiera ‘ser el hijo de
LAUREL y HARDY’; dice como para que ‘se le muera’
a uno: ‘El hombre es el hombre y yo soy su profeta’.
¡A la mierda con el hombre y su profeta constipado!
(1958, p. 12)
Few critics have tried to explain this incident between writers.
Imputing to Huidobro a “childlike urge to pick a fight,” Rene de
Costa (1984) qualifies his rejoinder to Moro as “prankish” and trivial
in comparison with Huidobro’s other, more high-minded literary and
political pursuits (pp. 72, 81). Literary pranks such as these, he says,
“made little sense in a world being menaced by Fascism” (1984, p.
16). Indeed, both Moro and Huidobro seem to have turned their minds
to politics, to the defense of the Spanish Republican cause, and the
struggle against international fascism immediately following their
dispute.2 In effect, they coincided remarkably in their politics. But the
fact that both were capable of high-minded political activities should
not, I think, overshadow their dispute, in which they engaged with
passion and zest.
Chrystian Zegarra and Julio Ortega go slightly further than De
Costa in offering explanations for the polemic, both plausible. Zegarra
(2005) reads the texts as a clear struggle for priority in the Bloomian
sense. In Herald Bloom’s (1997) theory, poets rebel against the work
of strong precursors and strong contemporaries under an intolerable
anxiety of influence that propels the poet to try to establish priority
“lest he dwindle merely into a latecomer” (p. 8). And something of
this sort certainly seems to be going on. Not only did Moro attack
Huidobro as an arriviste—a term synonymous with “latecomer”—but
2
The magazine Huidobro published between 1936 and 1938, dedicated to
supporting the cause of the Spanish Republicans during the civil war, mirrors
Moro's journalistic activism in the clandestine political organization CADRE—the
Comité Amigo de 1os Defensores de la Republica Española—and its bulletin
during exactly the same years. Huidobro protested the presence of Mussolini's
military advisors in South America in 1936, the same cause that seems to have
provided the impetus for CADRE'S founding and Moro's adventure with radical
politics (De Costa, 1984, p. 82; Dickson, 2005, p. 251).
30
Huidobro seems particularly keen to establish his priority on all fronts
through documentary evidence, even in the long laid-to-rest Reverdy
case. Conversely, he attempts to throw Moro’s originality into doubt
in the cruelest language possible. As Zegarra points out, “[t]odas las
palabras del poeta creacionista apuntan a un asunto concreto:
posicionar una <<prioridad>> en la historia de la poesía
latinoamericana contemporánea” (2005, p. 1).
Julio Ortega (1992) explains the matter differently, arguing
that “dentro de la practica antirrepresentacional de la escritura de
las vanguardias, Huidobro y Moro epitomizan dos opciones distintas”
(p. 110). Ortega’s point is a good one and perhaps can be carried a bit
further. At issue in this dispute was the politics to be associated with
the Latin American artistic vanguard. Moro attacked the aspect of
Huidobro that most smacked of bourgeois individualism—the
creacionista insistence on the poet as a god-like creator of textual
realities in competition with the physical realities surrounding us.
Although Moro himself indulged in the myth of the aristocratic poet,
gifted and marginalized, he also truly believed in the coming
Surrealist revolution. What Surrealism demanded, he argued (with
Breton), was the revolutionary use of language—of poetry—capable
of undermining and eventually destroying the habits of thought and
feeling upon which bourgeois political and social structures rested.
The “esplendoroso poder corrosivo” that words possessed in precivilized antiquity should be returned to them, and would be, thanks
to Surrealism, thereby preparing the mental ground for the political
revolution to follow (1958, p. 15). Moro’s was an essentially
egalitarian revolutionary ideal with little room for literary big-shots
such as Huidobro, who gave himself the role of founder of the avantgarde and set himself up as an essentially aristocratic literary genius.
Moro was perhaps truly motivated, then, by his desire to see a
changing of the guard. If the established avant-garde had become
complicit and hypocritical, a new avant-garde practicing art in a way
that would bring change must be put in its place.
Yet neither of these explanations seems completely satisfying,
although both contain elements of truth. I do not think the essence of
the dispute between Moro and Huidobro lies in argument or
antagonism, as both Zegarra and Ortega assume. Its essence lies,
31
rather, in the linguistic exuberance in which they couched their
exchange. Full of satirical elegance, dominated by a tone of “one-upsmanship,” playful despite its savagery, their language overflows the
channels of normal literary discourse. Both writers engage in playful,
childish appropriations of taboos and adult language; both deploy
dramatic overstatement and “polemical jargon full of picturesque
violence, sparing neither person nor thing, made up more of gestures
and insults than of articulate discourse” (Poggioli, 1997, p. 37). And
although we may accept Renato Poggioli’s account, which draws a
Freudian analogy between avant-garde and adolescent speech, it
seems to me that a notion of linguistic excess similar to Bataille’s
accursed share offers a more compelling understanding of what took
place. The linguistic superabundance marking these texts alerts us to a
sort of ritual exchange of insults that falls a bit short of true
provocation. In this light it begins to appear as a form of verbal
dueling akin to Scotts flying or, in our context, Argentine or
Urugayan payada or Chilean paya. William Labov (1972) observed
that the insult battles common among African-American youth in the
late sixties or early seventies followed a kind of ritual pattern
reflecting a privy knowledge that defined the group over and against
outsiders (p. 127). In the same way, we might say that Moro and
Huidobro were engaged in defining what in the end appears as a
homogenous group of artists, with almost-identical political and
artistic goals, who employed similar language in their texts. Rather
than seeing their insults as evidence of a schism, in other words, we
would do well to understand them as an exercise in defining a panLatin American mode of avant-garde discourse that generated more
unity (or community) than division.
32
References
Bloom, H. (1997). The anxiety of influence: A theory of poetry. New
York: Oxford University Press.
Bürger, P. (1999). Theory of the avant-garde (M. Shaw, Trans.).
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
De Costa, R. (1984). Vicente Huidobro: The careers of a poet.
Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Dickson, K (2005). Moro en 1936: Vuelta hacia lo politico. In Y.
Westphalen (Ed.), Cesar Moro y el surrealismo en America
Latina. Lima: UNMSM.
Huidobro, V. (1935, June). Don César Quispez, Morito de
calcomanía. Vital, 3-5.
Labov, W. (1972). Language in the inner city: Studies in the black
English vernacular. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Press.
Moro, C. (1958). Los anteojos de azufre. Lima: Ediciones Tigrondine.
Moro, C. (1983). Vida de poeta. Algunas cartas de César Moro
escritas en la Ciudad de México entre 1943 y 1948. Lisbon:
Cooperativa de Artes Gráficas, SCARL.
Nadeau, M. (1989). The history of Surrealism (R. Howard, Trans.).
Boston: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.
Ortega, J. (1992). Moro, Westphalen y el surrealismo. In J. I. Úzquiza
González (Ed.), Lo real maravilloso en Iberoamérica:
Relaciones entre literatura y sociedad. Actas del I Simposio
Internacional de Literatura Iberoamericana, 95-114. Cáceres:
Universidad de Extremadura.
Poggioli, R. (1997). The theory of the avant-garde (G. Fitzgerald,
Trans.). Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University
Press.
Zegarra, C. (2005). Moro, Huidobro y Westphalen: aquella
intolerable ansiedad [Electronic Version]. Ciberayllu.
Retrieved April 18, 2007 from
http://www.andes.missouri.edu/andes/Especiales/CZ_Westpha
len.html.
33
Identifying and Assessing Tropical Montane
Forests on the Eastern Flank of the Ecuadorian
Andes
James Keese, Ph.D.
Thomas Mastin
David Yun
Cal Poly State University, San Luis Obispo
Abstract
The forests of the mountain tropics comprise one of the most unique
and bio-diverse of all vegetation regions, but they are also among the
most threatened. Threats include colonization, road building, habitat
fragmentation, logging, livestock pasturing, and agriculture.
However, large areas of tropical montane forest on the eastern flank
of the Andes Mountains of Ecuador remain intact, at least for now.
This research uses Landsat 7 ETM+ satellite data and field study to
identify land covers and land uses between Sangay and Podocarpus
National Parks in Ecuador and to identify a potential conservation
corridor between the two parks. The analysis reveals that eighty-eight
percent of the study area remains in forest or highland tundra
(páramo). However, there are three significant breaks in connectivity,
and the adjacent areas of the upland valleys and Amazon Basin
colonization zone are largely cleared, suggesting that deforestation
pressures will intensify in the future. The results of this study
demonstrate the benefits and drawbacks of moderate resolution
satellite data for identifying, mapping, and monitoring land cover in
less developed countries. GIS is also used to analyze relationships
between roads, slope, and deforestation. Potential actions by
government, NGOs, and local communities are suggested.
34
Introduction
Some places are ecologically richer and more diverse than
others. This is especially true in the tropics. The portion of the Andes
near the equator is one of those places. Conservation International
(2006) identified the Tropical Andes as one of just thirty-four
biodiversity hot spots on earth. This eco-region is also on the World
Wildlife Fund’s (2006) Global 200 list of the earth’s most
biologically diverse and representative habitats. The focus of this
research is on the mountain forests of the Tropical Andes. Hamilton
et al. (1995) reported that tropical montane forests exhibit rates of
biodiversity and endemism comparable to the more publicized
lowland tropical rainforests; yet, with ninety percent of the world’s
tropical montane forests lost, they are among the world’s most
threatened ecosystems (p.1). However, at present on the eastern slope
of the Andes of Ecuador, large areas of forest remain intact. The
purpose of this paper is to identify and assess a forested region and
potential conservation corridor between two national parks, Sangay
and Podocarpus, in the southern highlands of Ecuador.
Andean biogeography, political ecology, and remote sensing
provide the conceptual and methodological frameworks for this
research. Biogeography is a subset of the discipline of geography that
seeks to document and understand the spatial patterns of biodiversity
(flora and fauna) on the earth (Brown and Lomolino, 1998, p.3). We
locate and describe an important and unique biome of tropical
montane forests in Ecuador. However, we also seek to understand the
human activities that impact the forest resources. To do this, we draw
on the framework of cultural and political ecology, which is the study
of the relationship between humans and the environment within a
dynamic and rapidly changing global context (Butzer 1989; Turner
1989; Zimmerer 1994). In order to influence management practices
and policy, it is necessary to understand the forest as it is situated
with a context of complex and interconnected local, regional, and
global processes.
Remote sensing is the technical tool used in analyzing the
forested area. Remote sensing is emerging as one of the most
35
important tools for mapping and monitoring phenomena on the
surface of the earth, especially natural and human-induced changes on
the environment (Echavarría, 1998, p. 116). According to the United
Nations Environment Programme, research and information priorities
for tropical montane forests include a detailed mapping of forested
areas and assessment of their status (Bubb et al., 2004, p. 23). We
used Landsat 7 ETM+ satellite imagery, field study, and GIS
reference data to classify vegetation and land uses within the study
area, to identify a potential conservation corridor between the two
national parks, and to analyze the human impacts on the forest. This
research addresses an important ecological topic, tropical montane
forests, and links it to the societal and spatial processes that contribute
to the degradation of natural resources or to their sustainable use and
management in less developed countries.
Biodiversity and Tropical Montane Forests
Biodiversity hotspots are defined according to total number of
species present, endemism (species found nowhere else), and degree
of threat (Mittermeier et al., 1999, p. 30). Hotspots generally contain
between 4,000 and 48,000 species of vascular plants and nonfish
vertebrates (birds, mammals, reptiles, and amphibians), at least 1,500
of the vascular plant species are endemic, and less than twenty-five
percent of a hotspot’s original vegetation is remaining. These
ecosystems are the most ecologically rich and unique places on earth.
However, they are also heavily exploited, greatly reduced in original
extent, and often highly fragmented (Mittermeier et al., 1999, p. 26).
The hotspots encompass just over one percent of earth’s land area, but
contain up to seventy percent of the world’s total species, and thirtyfive and forty-four percent of the world’s species are endemic to just
these few places (Mittermeier et al., 1999, pp. 34-36).
The study area is in Ecuador, which lies within the Tropical
Andes hotspot. The term Tropical Andes refers to the area of the
Andes mountains of South America that lies within the tropics (north
of the Tropic of Capricorn). The hotspot occupies portions of
Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and northwestern
Argentina (Figure 1).
36
Figure 1. Tropical Andes Hotspot
The Tropical Andes hotspot has a land area of 1,280,000
square kilometers, but only twenty-five percent of the original
vegetation remains intact. This equates to 314,500 square kilometers
or just 0.21 percent of the world’s land area. However, the hotspot
contains twelve to seventeen percent of world’s species (totaling over
48,000), of which an amazing forty-six percent are endemic
(Mittermeier et al., 1999, p. 73). The Tropical Andes is the “hottest
37
hotspot.” It is the “global epicenter of biodiversity,” leading all other
hot spots in virtually every category of species diversity and
endemism. Unfortunately, only six percent of the Tropical Andes is
protected in parks or reserves, and many of the protected areas are
threatened (Mittermeier et al., 1999, p. 33). Given that it is
ecologically the richest and most biodiverse place on earth, and
combined with a very high level of threat, taking action to conserve
the Tropical Andes should be a priority (Myers et al., 2000;
Mittermeier et al., 1999, p. 69).
The topographic and climatic complexity of the Tropical
Andes largely explains its ecological richness (Sarmiento, 1995, p.
284). “The Andes mountain range, it’s different cordilleras, and the
vast array of slopes, peaks, and isolated valleys provide for a
multiplicity of microhabitats that have led to the evolution of an
incredible number of plant and animal species” (Mast et al. as cited in
Mittermeier et al., 1999). The eastern slope or flank of the Andes
stands out for its uniqueness because it is a transition zone, or
ecotone, between the Andean highlands and the Amazon basin. It is
the meeting place between upland and lowland air-masses and
contains numerous altitudinal life zones.
The earth’s seventeen most biologically wealthy countries are
referred to as mega-diversity countries (Mittermeier & Mittermeier,
1997, p. 315). Ranking high in every category of diversity and
endemism, Ecuador is one such country. Ecuador occupies only 0.2
percent of the world’s land area, but contains seven percent of the
world’s total vascular plant species and 9.5 percent of total non-fish
vertebrate species. In terms of diversity per unit of land area (speciesarea relationship), Ecuador is at the top of the mega-diversity list
(Mittermeier et al., 1999, p. 75). The country is noted for its “flagship
species” including the Andean spectacled bear, the mountain tapir,
and the Andean condor. The tropical montane forests of the
Ecuadorian Andes contain half of the country’s species while
occupying only ten percent of the land area (Mittermeier and
Mittermeier, 1997, p. 317).
Tropical montane forests are “tree-dominated plant formations
in mountainous tropical regions” (Sarmiento, 1995, p. 284).
38
Compared to lowland forests, characteristics include reduced tree
stature, canopy trees with dense compact crowns, and a high
proportion of biomass as mosses, ferns, bromeliads, and other
epiphytic plants (Bubb et.al, 2004, p. 12; Hamilton et al., 1995, p. 3).
Biodiversity and endemism within tropical montane forests are very
high, reflecting the immense biological wealth of this biome. The
forests also play important hydrologic and watershed functions.
Because they capture, store, and release large amounts of water, they
are “nature’s w.ater towers.” In addition, they are frequently located
on steep slopes and in high rainfall areas, thereby reducing flooding
and soil erosion. These functions have beneficial impacts on
agricultural zones located below forested areas; especially where
irritation is important, as water quantity and quality is enhanced. The
biological and aesthetic values of tropical montane forests also have
great potential for tourism. Furthermore, these forests are sensitive to
small changes in the atmosphere and may have a role in monitoring
climate change (Hamilton et al. 1995, p. 2). Unfortunately, tropical
montane forests are among the world’s most threatened ecosystem,
and their unique ecology and location on mountain slopes makes them
highly vulnerable to the impacts of deforestation (Bubb et.al. 2004, p.
15). FAO documented annual rates of deforestation for montane
forests (hills and mountains) of the tropics at 1.1 percent, compared to
0.8 percent for the total tropics (Doumenge et al., 1995, p. 25). In the
northern Andes, as much as ninety percent of the forests have been
lost (Hamilton et al., 1995, p. 1).
Ecuador and its Tropical Montane Forests
Ecuador has a total population of some 13.3 million people
(Population Reference Bureau [PRB] 2006). Despite an abundance of
natural resources, notably oil, Ecuador is poor. Annual per capita
income (PPP) is $4,070, which ranks 138th among all countries
(World Bank, 2006). With a land area of 283,561 km2, Ecuador is a
little larger than the U.S. state of Colorado. The country is commonly
divided into three geographic regions, reflecting a diverse mosaic of
lands and peoples. From west to east, the three regions are the Pacific
coastal lowlands (costa), the Andean highland region (sierra), and the
lowland territory in the Amazon basin (oriente) (Figure 2).
39
Figure 2: Ecuador.
Ecuador’s rural areas exhibit patterns of uneven development,
with noticeable economic and social differences (Brown et al. 1988).
The sierra is the historic center of settlement, and is still home to most
of Ecuador’s approximately two million Quichua-speaking
indigenous people. The sierra has long been characterized by large
landholdings (haciendas), marginal subsistence plots (minifundios),
and a rigid social structure. In contrast, rural areas in the costa are
dominated by commercial export-oriented agriculture employing
wage labor. The oriente, which occupies the eastern half of Ecuador,
is sparsely populated. However, since oil was discovered in the 1960s,
the Amazon region has been the focus of substantial colonization and
efforts to integrate it into the national economy. Over the last four
40
decades or so, Ecuador’s rural areas have been dramatically
transformed (Commander & Peek 1986; Lawson, 1988; Jokisch,
2002). The population tripled resulting in intense land pressure, the
settlement and degradation of marginal and remote areas,
urbanization, and international migration (to the U.S. and Europe).
Agrarian reform laws in 1964 and 1973 were implemented to free up
dependent labor and to modernize and commercialize production.
However, the main thrust of land reform was the colonization of the
lowlands, especially in the oriente, which was viewed as having
nearly limitless land and because the presence of oil had implications
for national security. The government has facilitated the settlement of
the Amazon territory and adjacent foothills through a massive road
building effort and the creation of regional development agencies that
provide direct and indirect support to the colonists (Pinchón, 1992).
The Ecuadorian Andes have two parallel mountain ranges, or
cordilleras, that run north to south. The two cordilleras are situated
100 to 200 km apart, have peaks that surpass 4,000 meters, and are
connected by smaller transverse ranges (Jokisch & Lair 2003).
Between the two main cordilleras lie a series of intermontane valleys
and basins averaging 2,600 meters in elevation (White & Maldonado
1991). Since pre-Columbian times, the most densely settled areas
have been the intermontane valleys. They are also the most disturbed
portions of the Tropical Andes hotspot (Mittermeier et al., 1999, p.
77). Today, the interior valleys are virtually tree-less due to millennia
of clearing for crops, grazing, and wood harvest (White &
Maldonado, 1991). In these areas, only ten percent of the original
forests remain (Hamilton et al., 1995, p. 1; Mittermeier et al., 1999, p.
77). In contrast, large areas of the external flanks or outer slopes of
both the western cordillera (facing the coast) and especially the
eastern cordillera (facing the Amazon basin) remain forested
(Sarmiento, 1995, pp. 284-285) (Figure 3).
41
Figure 3. Tropical Montane Forest of Ecuador
It is difficult to define precise elevational limits for tropical
montane forests owing to local and regional differences in latitude,
precipitation, topography, and vegetation (Webster, 1995, p. 55).
Nevertheless, on the eastern slope, lowland vegetation of the Amazon
basin transitions into Andean or tropical montane forest at about
1,200 meters and continues up to 3,400 meters.3 Some authors have
3
Owing to local and regional differences in latitude, precipitation, topography, and
vegetation, various authors have used different elevational limits and terms to
describe tropical montane forests in the Andes. Echavarría (1998) identified
“montane forests” at elevations of 1000-3200 meters. Young (1998) identified
“humid montane forests with closed canopies” at elevations of 1500-3500 meters.
Jokisch and Lair (2003) identified “montane forests” at elevations of 2100-3500
42
defined a lower belt of Andean forests from 1000-2000 meters and an
upper belt above 2,000 meters (Harling,1979; Hamilton et al., 1995,
p. 3; Webster, 1995, p. 63). Cloud forests, which are highland
rainforests that are frequently enveloped by clouds, are found at the
higher elevations. From 3,400 meters up to snow line is the páramo,
which is a highland tundra or alpine grassland ecosystem
characterized by tussock grasses, mosses, and shrubs. A transition
zone of low-lying trees, or woody-páramo, exists between the forest
and páramo. The montane forests of the eastern cordillera exhibit two
predominant locational patterns. In the intermontane valleys, that
have experienced a long history of settlement and forest clearing,
forested areas are located mainly in the higher and more inaccessible
places. However, current population pressure has resulted in the
continued expansion of the agricultural frontier into the more remote
zones. In these areas, the forest is threatened from below as land is
cleared for subsistence agriculture and pasture (Lægaard, 1992, p.
152; Sarmiento, 2003). The native grasses of the páramo have long
been used for cattle grazing. From above, regular burning to improve
the pasture has extended the limits of the páramo downward at the
expense the woody páramo. In some places, the páramo and upper
reaches of the montane forest are being cleared and plowed for
agriculture, especially as roads are extended and tractors become
more available (White & Maldonado, 1991, p. 40). Pressure from
above and below is squeezing the forested areas into ever-smaller and
isolated patches, creating an “eyebrow” (ceja) or “island remnant” of
the once forested mountains (Hamilton et al., 1995, p. 2; Sarmiento,
2003; Wunder, 1996).
A much more extensively forested area is located on the
eastern slope. There is a large band of montane forest between the
meters. Wunder (1996) identified “native Andean forests” above 1200 meters.
Hamilton et al. (1995) identified “tropical montane cloud forests” in the Andes
between 2000-3500 meters. Mittermeirer et al. (1999) identified “sub-Andean
forests” between 1500-2000 meters and “Andean forests” from 2000-3000/3800
meters. They also indicated that on the eastern slope 500 meters is the realistic
cutoff between the Andean slopes and the Amazonian lowlands. Mittermeier &
Mittermeier (1997) earlier identified “montane forests lying on the slopes of the
Andes” at elevations between 900 and 3000 meters. Webster (1995) identified
“cloud forests” from 1000-3000 meters.
43
densely settled upland valleys and the Amazon basin frontier zone
adjacent to the Andes. This band of forest extends from the treeline
down to about 1,500 meters. Colonization of the Ecuadorian Amazon,
accelerating in the 1970s, largely bypassed the forests of the eastern
flank on its way down to the lowland ecological zones (Young, 1998,
p. 80). Today, with the upland valleys and lowlands foothills largely
cleared, the forests of the eastern flank are now being threatened. Like
the forest remnants in the higher up areas, they are also being
squeezed from above and below. Two agricultural frontiers, one
advancing down the valleys from above and the other marching
upward from the Amazon basin colonization zone, are encroaching on
the once relatively pristine areas in between.
Ecuador has one of the highest deforestation rates in South
America (Wunder, 1996). Today, forest loss is most accelerated in the
lowlands and on the lower outer flanks of the Andes. Deforestation
has slowed in the longer occupied and impacted highlands only
because the most inaccessible areas remain forested. Nevertheless,
clearing continues. Near the area of study, Jockish & Lair (2003)
measured a 0.58 percent annual reduction in old-growth forest from
1987 to 1998. Forest is being replaced by páramo and
agriculture/pasture. However, they noted a small increase in
secondary forest because of labor shortages caused by low returns in
agriculture, which results in the need to for nonagricultural incomes
and out-migration. Despite national park designation, Echavarría
(1998) documented annual rates of deforestation ranging from 0.240.46 percent in eastern Podocarpus Park, and Keeting (1997)
documented an annual rate of deforestation of 0.25 percent in
northwest Podocarpus.
Roads represent the greatest threat to the forest, as they open
up remote and undeveloped areas to colonization, forest clearing,
resource extraction, and agriculture (Mittermeier et al., 1999, p. 77;
Young, 1998, p. 80; Wunder, 1996, p. 368). All levels of government
are involved in road construction and improvement. Road projects are
very popular politically. They are tangible, improve market
integration for isolated communities, decrease travel times, and
provide jobs in their construction. The road network in the sierra is
continually expanding, cutting through forests and pushing higher
44
over páramos. Six west-to-east all-weather roads connecting the
uplands to the lowlands traverse the eastern slope in the study area,
and many more unimproved “summer roads” exist. Agriculturalists
follow these roads, creating linear corridors of cleared land, which
further contributes to habitat fragmentation.
Habitat fragmentation occurs when a larger unbroken area of
forest is split into separate, smaller patches of forest. Fragmentation
reduces the total available habitat, isolates wildlife populations, and
accentuates the edge effect (Bissonette & Storch, 2003, p. 60). 4 A
forest patch generally cannot sustain the production or biodiversity
that it had as part of the larger forest. In order to ensure biodiversity
and the integrity of an ecosystem, the largest possible areas of habitat
need to be maintained and protected. Conservation, habitat, or
biological corridors are areas or strips of intact vegetation that are
commonly used to connect isolated forest remnants (Hilty et al., 2006,
p. 5; Mittermeier et al., 1999, p. 80). Improved connectivity enhances
the gene flow among populations and allow for the movement of
wildlife between patches. They can also be used to connect and
enlarge the effective area of parks and other protected areas.
Once roads and colonists penetrate an area in the highlands of
Ecuador, the cycle of deforestation and land use conversion begins. It
starts with wood extraction (for lumber, firewood, or charcoal) and is
followed by subsistence agriculture (cultivating potatoes, maize,
beans or barley). However, pasture for cattle is typically the end use
of deforested lands, which is reached within five years (Bubb et al.,
2004, p. 15; Hamilton et al., 1995, p. 1; Wunder, 1996). The main
motive for deforestation is generally not wood products, but pasture.
Pasturing cattle requires less labor and brings more income, from
sales of milk and livestock, than other land uses. The Ecuadorian
smallholder agriculturalist views the forest as little more than tall
weeds to be cleared (White, 2004). The most important value of the
4
At the forest edge, wind and sunlight create dryer conditions than
are found in the interior of the forest patch. Edges are also more
accessible to predators or invasive species from adjacent disturbed
areas.
45
forest is as an “agricultural reserve” for future clearing and use of the
soils that lie beneath it (Wunder, 1996). Smallholders are indifferent
to the forest as an ecosystem, and the biological values are not of
immediate concern. The external benefits of environmental protection
and water for agriculture, drinking, and power and are generally not
recognized, as they tend to favor only the outside population.
Forest conservation law in Ecuador is recent, dating to 1982,
and is poorly implemented. The government agency responsible for
forests, Instituto Ecuatoriano Forestal y de Areas Naturales y de Vida
Silvestre [INEFAN], was not created until 1992, and forest rangers
(Guardia Forestal) were authorized only in 1994. The issues of
biodiversity and public participation in environmental management
were not addressed until legislation in 1996 and 1999. In Ecuador,
national parks are designated for scientific, educational, and
recreational uses. Both Sangay and Podocarpus (at either end of the
study area) are patrolled, but staff and enforcement capabilities are
limited. Threats include illegal roads and settlement, forest clearing
for pasture, poaching, and habitat fragmentation. After1983, in
response to concerns about erosion and siltation, the government
created a lesser category of protected areas known as protector forests
(bosques protectores). Under the law, they are supposed to be
managed to protect soils and sources of water, meaning that clearing
for agriculture and pasture is not permitted. However, most
landowners do not know they exist, and the land is utilized in the
same way as in non-designated areas.
In Ecuador, most declarations of forest protection are on paper
only, reflecting good intentions but little concerted action. Wunder
(1996) concluded that the policies of public agencies are geared
towards the extension of cultivation and colonization, regardless of
the actual potential of the land. They are often in direct conflict with
the goals of conservation and may actually promote deforestation.
Peasants seeking land title must demonstrate active occupation, which
means clearing 50 percent or more the land. The easiest way to do this
is to clear land for pasture. In the 1970s and 1980s, the government
also offered cheap credit for cattle which accelerated land clearing
(Perreault, 2003). Landowners who seek to preserve forest often find
their land occupied by squatters, and in areas not held in private
46
property, the government frequently does not regulate access
(Southgate et al., 2000). Complicated forestry and other land use
policies contribute to corruption, and a lack of institutional
cooperation leads to contradictory and inefficient policies.
Furthermore, since 1998, the Ecuadorian government has been
implementing an aggressive decentralization policy (Keese, 2006).
Many functions of environmental and natural resources management
are being transferred to provincial and municipal governments.
Without sufficient oversight from the central government, the
potential for corruption and patronage may increase. Southgate et al.
(2000) concluded that the rule of law in the Ecuadorian countryside is
not as strong as it should be, and individuals take advantage of every
opportunity to mine resources.
Study Area, Data, and Methods
The study area lies on the eastern slope of the eastern cordillera
between Sangay and Podocarpus National Parks (Figure 4). Parque
Nacional Sangay borders the northern end of the area. Created in
1979 and expanded in 1992, the park contains 5,177 square
kilometers and encompasses territory in the four provinces.5 With
land ranging from 900-5,230 meters, Sangay contains a full range of
ecosystems including tropical rainforest, montane forest, and páramo.
In 1983, the park was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO;
and between 1992 and 2005, it was on the List of World Heritage in
Danger because of road building within the park. Bordering the
southern end of the study area is Parque Nacional Podocarpus.
Podocarpus was created in 1982, contains 1,463 square kilometers,
and while smaller than Sangay, Podocarpus is equally impressive
ecologically. The study area is a corridor of land that that lies between
the two parks. It contains 711,800 hectares of land and is
approximately 195 km long and averages 40 km wide (horizontal
distance). Many areas within the corridor are similar ecologically to
the land found within the parks; but they are not protected, and the
5
Sangay National Park is located in the provinces of Tungurahua,
Chimborazo, Cañar, and Morona-Santiago. Podocarpus Natoinal Park
is located in the provinces of Loja and Zamora-Chínchipe.
47
threats are even greater. Within the study area, there are five protector
forests which encompass 25,900 hectares, or about 4 percent of the
total area. They are located on the western boundary of the northern
half of the corridor at elevations above 2,600 meters. Annual
precipitation in the study area generally exceeds 1,500 mm, with brief
dry periods around November and May.
Figure 4: Study Area
This research uses Landsat 7 ETM+ satellite imagery to
classify and map the montane forests, páramos, and agricultural zones
of the study region and to identify a potential conservation corridor
between the two national parks. We use two mosaiced (joined)
scenes, acquisition date November 3, 2001, path 010 rows 062 & 063.
The scenes have a coverage area of approximately 370 km by 370 km
and a 30-meter spatial resolution.6 The study area is virtually cloud-
6
The coverage area is from latitude 1° 57 ‘ 57” south, longitude 80°
26’ 26” west to latitude 5° 16’ 10” south, longitude 78° 07’ 30” west.
48
free, which is unusual for a location in the tropics, and the absence of
widespread burning on the acquisition date reduced the problem of
atmospheric haze. Keeting (1997, pp. 85-86) concluded from his work
in Ecuador that while Landsat 7 ETM+ imagery may not be suitable
for developing detailed land cover maps over small areas, it is suitable
for identifying larger areas of forest and for distinguishing forest from
non-forest on a regional scale, which is the primary goal of this
research.7 Three previous studies used remote sensing to map
vegetation and anthropogenic (human) disturbances of the montane
forests and páramos in or near the study region. Echavarría (1998)
and Keating (1997) examined areas within Podocarpus National Park.
Jokisch and Lair (2003) used Landsat TM and SPOT 4 satellite
imagery from 1987 and 1998 to identify land use and land cover
change in the Mazar watershed (a tributary of the Río Paute) on the
southern boundary of Sangay National Park. They found it difficult to
identify land cover in transition zones and areas of secondary growth,
but were most successful in distinguishing old-growth forests from
other woody biomass. Our research builds on this work by enlarging
the area of study to examine the territory between the two national
parks.8
The landuse and landcover classes used are montane forest,
páramo (alpine tundra), agriculture/pasture, and other (which includes
The data contain 7 spectral bands with level 1G processing from
USGS and are projected onto WGS84 UTM Zone 17 (south).
7
Studies by Mertens & Lambin (2000) and Millette et al. (1995) also
indicate that the 30-meter spatial resolution of the Landsat 7 ETM+
imagery is appropriate for the scale of our study area.
8
The work is being coordinated through the Fundación Cordillera
Tropical (FCT) (www.cordilleratropical.org), which is based in the
city of Cuenca, Ecuador. FCT owns a 1,500-hectare property on the
eastern cordillera that contains large areas of old-growth montane
forest and páramos and overlaps the southern boundary of Sangay
National Park. FCT seeks to identify and target areas for protection in
the corridor between the two parks.
49
urban, barren, water, and clouds). The classes are modified from
Level I of the USGS Land Use/Land Cover Classification System for
Use with Remote Sensing Data (see Lillesand, Kiefer, & Chipman,
2004, p. 217-218). Level I categories are designed for use with low to
moderate resolution satellite data such as Landsat ETM+. We do not
seek to distinguish between forest types, between agricultural land
uses, or between urban land uses, but mainly want to identify forest,
páramo, and the agricultural frontier.
The authors conducted eighteen days of field research in
December of 2004 for ground-truthing and to acquire GPS and GIS
data.9 We made site visits to the national parks at each end of the
corridor, the highlands and lowlands along the eastern slope, and
points in-between.10 GPS data were collected for the landuses and
landcovers addressed in this study. Random sampling for ground truth
points was not possible because of limitations associated with access,
weather, and time. However, extensive local knowledge of the authors
and Stuart White at the Fundación Cordillera Tropical in Cuenca
contributed to expert analysis.11
9
We acquired three GIS data sets (Base Ecuador, Infoplan, and
Afecuador) with national coverage and a fourth set for the Río Paute
watershed.
10
Georeferencing of the Landsat scenes was performed by running a
continuous collection of GPS data over two transects within the study
area. The first line ran in a north to south direction along the PanAmerican Highway covering about 40 km. The second line covered
48 km from west to east from the Andean highlands down the Río
Paute drainage toward the Amazon basin. Ground points were
collected for observed landcover and landuse types. A third transect
was made while hiking within the Río Paute watershed starting in the
agricultural lands at 2,700 meters and moving up through the tropical
montane forest and onto the páramo to 3,600 meters.
11
Previous fieldwork (over three trips between 1994 and 2003)
focused on NGOs, local government, and smallholder agriculture in
the study region and provided knowledge of the context of this study.
50
We used a digital elevation model (DEM) with 100 meter
contour lines to assist in defining the study area and in the analysis.12
The eastern boundary of the study area, corresponding to the lower
limit of the montane forests, was set at 1200 meters. This elevation is
based on Wunder’s (1996) definition of native Andean forests. In
addition, elevations below 1200 meters encompass smaller mountain
ranges to the east of the Andes as well as territory not included in the
satellite scenes. The western boundary of the study area was defined
at 3200 meters on the western slope of the easternmost ridge of the
eastern cordillera. These east and west boundaries represented the
best fit for an analysis of only the montane forests and páramos of the
eastern slope facing the Amazon basin.
Once the project area was defined, we conducted a supervised
classification of the satellite images using ERDAS Imagine 8.7
software. A signature file was created using sample sites that were
representative of the three primary landuse/landcover classes, chosen
based on the field data. Next, we developed a set of user-defined
classification rules to clean-up the output. For example, all forest
classifications above 3,400 meters were reclassified as páramo, and
all páramo classifications below 3000 meters were reclassified to
match the adjoining classifications based on largest adjacent
boundary. These elevations were chosen based on vegetation ranges
discussed above and field knowledge. Also, to match the spatial
quality of the Lansdat data, and because this a regional scale study,
areas smaller than 30 hectares were reclassified to match the
adjoining landuses/landcovers and joined into larger polygons. GPS
data, digital photos, and field knowledge also contributed to the
classification process. The landuse/landcover classes were converted
to vector-based polygons for post-classification analysis using GIS.
These results are discussed below.
12
Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM) data has a 90-meter
spatial resolution and is available free and can be downloaded from
the USGS web-site.
51
Results
The landuse/landcover analysis reveals that the eastern slope
between the two national parks has large areas of intact tropical
montane forest (Figure 5). Forest and páramo make up 88 percent of
the total area (Table 1), thus offering hope for the creation of a
conservation corridor. Nevertheless, when examining the lands
immediately adjacent to the study area, the deforested areas of the
highland valleys and the lowland colonization zone are clearly visible
in the satellite imagery and identified in the analysis.
Figure 5: Landuse and Landcover Classification
52
Table 1: Landuse and Landcover Areas
The land area in agriculture and pasture doubles from 9
percent within the study area to 18 percent in the outlying area. Given
the geographic proximity of the colonization activity and poor land
use planning in Ecuador, further encroachment and forest clearing are
highly likely in the near future. The boundary between montane forest
and cleared land in the lowlands is anthropogenic, and most notable in
the northern half of the corridor. This boundary can be identified and
monitored using remote sensing. The boundary between montane
forest and páramo, visible on the western side of the study area, is
even clearer because of the relationship between elevation and
vegetation.
Colonization and development follow the roads. There are six
west-to-east all-weather roads connecting the highlands to the
lowlands, as well as hundreds of other secondary roads. The southern
half of the corridor, which has been the focus of colonization since the
1960s, is more fragmented, and there are three major road corridors
where connectivity is limited. Field study by Fundación ArcIris of
Loja (Cisneros, 2004) noted an absence of the Andean spectacled bear
in the south, which is the attributed to human occupation and impact.
The northern third of the corridor has greater areas that contain no all
weather roads or are roadless. Bear studies by the Fundación
Cordillera Tropical of Cuenca (White, 2004) have indicated healthy
bear populations in areas of the north. The northernmost two road
connections are in the process of being improved, which began in the
last five years. An analysis using GIS of the relationship between
roads and landuse/landcover (Table 2) reveals a positive relationship
53
between lands cleared for agriculture and pasture and proximity to
roads. In the study area, 23 percent of the land within 1 km of a road
is in agriculture or pasture, while the percentage drops to 14 percent at
a distance of 5 km.
A topographic analysis using GIS was conducted to examine
the relationship between slope and landuse/landcover within the study
area (Table 3). The steepest land (over 50% slope) is most likely to
remain forested, and two-thirds of the forested area is found at slopes
of 25 percent and greater. However, land devoted to agriculture and
pasture shows no relationship to slope. As expected, the highest
percentage of land in agriculture and pasture (16.2 %) is found on flat
land. However, the second highest percentage (15.8%) is found at 50
percent slope or more. Sixty-three percent of the land in agriculture
and pasture is found at slopes of 25 percent or greater. In this case,
slope does not deter agriculture. Smallholder agriculturalists in the
mountain tropics, who suffer from poverty induced resource
constraints, often find themselves in a situation where they must
utilize marginal and fragile lands to survive, even if they degrade
them in the process. Overall, the GIS analysis reveals that slope and
geographic isolation (as measured by proximity to roads) are key
indicators of the presence of forest or agricultural lands.
54
55
56
Conclusions and Recommendations
The Tropical Andes hotspot is one of the most species rich and
unique natural environments on earth. Tropical montane forests have
vital biological, watershed, economic, and aesthetic functions; yet,
they are among the most threatened of all eco-regions. In Ecuador, the
montane forests of the highland valleys have largely been cleared.
However, the eastern slope of the Andes still contains large areas of
intact forest. Nevertheless, these forests are increasingly under threat
from colonization, an expanding agricultural frontier, and road
building; problems which are compounded by ineffective government
policy. This research uses satellite data and field study to map and
assess the land covers and land uses and to identify a potential
conservation corridor between Sangay and Podocarpus National Parks
in southern Ecuador. The data show that substantial areas of montane
forest remain within the study area, accounting for 78 percent of the
total area. However, there are three breaks in connectivity in the
southern half of the area, putting into doubt the potential for creating a
conservation corridor between the two parks. The most dramatic
change in land use has been the conversion of forests into pasture.
Nevertheless, an important outcome of the study is that it provides
baseline data for monitoring change and future analysis. It may also
aid in identifying areas for conservation.
The results of this study demonstrate both the benefits and
potential drawbacks of moderate resolution satellite data, such as
Landsat 7 ETM+, for identifying, mapping, and monitoring land
covers and land uses in less developed countries. Landsat data offer
nearly global coverage, are inexpensive, and are easy to obtain. This
imagery is especially suitable for examining large areas, as well as
places that are remote and difficult to access on the ground. We
demonstrated that the level of detail is sufficient to differentiate
between major categories of land covers and land uses, and with
limited processing time. In addition, because Landsat passes over the
same places every sixteen days, it is realistic to carry out updates and
to monitor change. For these reasons, Landsat data represent a
valuable resource for institutions with limited funds and resources.
Unfortunately, Landsat 5 and Landsat 7 have recently experienced
technical problems that limit the availability of future data, and there
57
are no current plans to replace them. Other satellites may be able to
serve similar functions, but with less regular coverage and at a higher
cost. Furthermore, more detailed analyses would need higher
resolution data and/or intensified ground-truthing, which is expensive
and would require more time for processing.
The analytical framework of political ecology suggests that an
integrated approach to forest management is necessary since the
actors involved and the causes of forest loss are multi-dimensional
and multi-scalar. White (2004) suggests that top down and bottom-up
strategies are needed to protect and manage tropical montane forests
in Ecuador. Working from the top, the central government must be
pressured to effectively manage existing protected areas, especially
the national parks. Park Rangers (Guardias Forestales) needs to
receive greater funding for park protection. However, only six percent
of Ecuador’s territory lies within national parks, and the land
documented in this study is outside of the parks. What happens
outside of protected areas arguably is more important to
environmental protection. Another step could be to pressure the
Ecuadorian government to focus on land use practices within the
protector forests. Since they already exist on paper and since they
have been recognized previously as containing important resources,
there is justification and an administrative basis to focus on them.
Promoting sustainable landuse practices among the landowners that
live in them should be a priority, and if this can be achieved, the area
classified as protector forest could be expanded in the future.
Furthermore, a focus on protector forests represents an intermediate
level of protection and management between national park status and
no oversight at all.
NGOs can play a critical role in forest management and
protection because they work with government at all levels and with
local communities. From the top, they can push for the expansion of
laws and their enforcement. From the bottom, they can work with
local governments to improve stewardship and to monitor against
corruption, especially since they have increased jurisdiction over
natural resources. Ecuadorian national law requires the inclusion of
civil and productive sectors in forest management; therefore, NGOs
can use this legal opening to gain more influence in the decision58
making process. NGOs and other donors can also push for more
stakeholder participation, as well as work with local groups to
pressure the government for more input into how resources are
managed.
The people that live in and around the forest must also be
involved the management process. In less developed countries,
protected areas are frequently inhabited by people. These local people
are often responsible for habitat loss, but at the same time they have
to make a living. Ultimately, the local landowners must be the
stewards of the environment. NGOs can also to work in a bottom-up
approach with landowners on management practices that are more
sustainable. However, involving local people in the sustainable
management of natural resources is difficult. The conservation
priorities of NGOs and other outsiders are not always consistent with
the interests or economic constraints of local people (Keese, 2001).
For these reasons, NGO projects in agriculture and natural resources
in nearby areas in Ecuador have experienced little long-term success
(Keese, 2003). The continuing challenge for NGOs and other
development-based institutions is to match project assistance with
local realities and with what local people need and will do, while at
the same time remaining true to the larger project goals.
In order to protect the forest, it is necessary to internalize the
biological and environmental benefits. A dilemma arises because
most local people want to cut down the forest and do not place high
value on conservation. Eco-tourism may be an option. Outsiders will
pay to enjoy the wildlife and aesthetics of a natural area. However,
given the remote locations on the eastern slope of Ecuador, the impact
of ecotourism is likely to be limited and local, appealing mainly to
students and only the most adventurous of travelers. NGOs can just
buy the land outright, as environmental NGOs such as The Nature
Conservancy and Conservation International have done in many
countries. However, this does not solve the problem of how to work
with local people to promote more sustainable land use practices.
Wunder (1996) suggests that peasants must simply be paid if they are
to account for these external values in their land-use management.
UNEP reported a successful program in Costa Rica where rural
mountain people received payments for the environmental services
59
(i.e., water and habitat) that their forest provides (Bubb et al., 2004, p.
23). A final option involves the establishment of private reserves.
Landowners maintain ownership and control over their property, but
commit to sustainable management of the forest. This may be
achieved through a combination of government incentives, NGO
action, eco-tourism, and cash payments.
Roads represent the greatest threat to the forest because of the
access they provide. Within the study area, we believe that areas that
remain isolated offer the best hope for protection. This strongly
suggests that the road building decision-making process is a critical
linkage to deforestation and the management of montane forests.
Forest agencies and conservation organizations need to target the
government agencies that build roads and work closely with them in
their lobbying and planning efforts. Forests can be protected by not
improving existing roads to make them all-weather. Some areas need
to be road-less, while others might maintain a summer-road-only
policy. A careful analysis of road building policies and an integrated
planning process is essential so that roads are built with the forest in
mind. Of course, in less developed countries, this type of intra-agency
collaboration often is weak. In addition, local people want access to
the forest and remote areas in order to extract the resources in them.
In Ecuador, municipal and provincial governments are primarily
responsible for building roads, and demand for new roads often is
initiated by local people. Because of recent decentralization policies,
local government also has increased management responsibilities over
natural areas. Therefore, local and provincial governments may
provide a nexus for action. In the absence of any changes in forest and
land use management practices, forests can still be protected, or least
deforestation delayed, simply by limiting the construction of roads.
Finally, we suggest that the northern third of the study area
might be the target of conservation activities. This area contains more
intact habitat, it is more remote and topographically extreme, and
there are fewer people and economic activities. One might assume
that because the areas in the south are more impacted and the most
threatened that they should be the top priority for protection.
However, these areas are largely “lost” to colonization and
development, and because of this have a lower habitat value. Changes
60
in policy or management practices in the less populated and more
remote areas would impact fewer people, and thus there would be less
resistance by local area politicians and farmers. Furthermore, by
expanding protected areas and promoting new management practices
before the pressures intensify, there is time to build the institutional
capacity and the local support to better deal with the pressure when it
inevitably comes. Fortunately, on the eastern flank of the Andes in
Ecuador, there is still time to do this; but, time is quickly running out.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Stuart White of Fundación Cordillera
Tropical in Cuenca for his time and support in the field, Brad Jokisch
and Bridget Lair for sharing their data, and Rodrigo Cisneros of
Fundación ArcoIris in Loja for sharing GIS data and field knowledge.
Reprinted with permission from: Journal of Latin American
Geography, 6(1), pp. 63-85.
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65
“Spanish Encuentros: Constructing Bridges
Between Academic Communities and
Marginalized Populations”
Martha Barcenas-Mooradian, Ph.D.
Pitzer College
Lia Nicholson, B.A.
Scripps College
In this paper, we discuss the important role that trusting
community-building partnerships have for Higher Education in the
21st century. These partnerships, created by the mutual agreement of
academic and non-academic communities, in response to a certain
struggle or need, have the potential to improve the conditions of
underserved communities and marginalized groups. Furthermore the
academic community is nurtured by these relationships as they can
utilize their own resources or knowledge through service learning
programs, social activism or various kinds of research. In specific, we
present a case study of Spanish Encuentros, community-building,
regularly held meetings, with the purpose of offering a model of a
partnership that has proved to be sustainable over the years and that
has empowered immigrant day laborers and given the academic
community the means to interact with local community members.
Through Spanish Encuentros, various service-learning programs and
social justice actions in the field of immigration and workers rights
have been realized. With our analysis of Spanish Encuentros, we hope
to demonstrate how critical academic/non-academic partnerships are
to bringing about positive transformations for both communities and
all members involved. We discuss first the role that Spanish
Encuentros plays in a liberal arts college in Southern California,
followed by a discussion of the theory behind such encounters. A
detailed and in-depth analysis of Spanish Encuentros will allow the
66
reader to immerse himself/herself in the dynamics produced in these
gatherings.
Spanish Encuentros are bilingual, multicultural meetings, held
in our college cafeteria on Fridays where students, day laborers, and
professors get together to discuss a wide range of issues. In order to
define and describe what Spanish Encuentros are and their function as
a bridge and connector between the academic and non-academic
communities, it is necessary first to provide a brief summary of the
communities that actively participate in these encounters.
The Pomona Economic Opportunity Center
The Pomona Day Labor Center or PEOC is a non-profit day
labor organization, located in the city of Pomona, California. This
center was founded in the 1998 with the collaboration of the city of
Pomona, activists, students and workers. Since then, the city of
Pomona has played an important role in the Center, as have the
Claremont Colleges and Cal Poly Pomona, academic institutions that
introduced various programs in order to benefit both communities.
The Center provides a safe space to immigrant workers, while
providing the citizens in the surrounding vicinities with a respectable
and well organized facility where they can hire a ready labor force
any day during the week or weekend. José Calderón has been one of
the leading figures and has made great efforts throughout the years to
connect this community with the Claremont Colleges, as well as other
communities and groups. Suzanne Foster created the ESL program
with a small group of Pitzer College students (when she was a
student) and now is working at the Center as the Director. Student
volunteers and academicians from diverse fields have contributed to
the growth of the center throughout the years. At the time of writing,
the Center is facing a drastic and sudden shortage of funds from the
city of Pomona that might jeopardize its existence. The Center serves
over 100 laborers on a daily basis.
The Pomona day laborers or jornaleros, as they are commonly
called in the Southern California area, are for the most part migrants
from México and Central América. Globalization has in many ways
forced this particular group to migrate to the United States of America
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as low paid, manual laborers. Most of them are transient migrants
who hope to return to their countries of origin. In fact, some of them
go back and forth in spite of the risk of travel, so that they can keep in
contact with their families. A large percentage of them have left their
families behind and have become the only source of income to sustain
their close and “not so close” relatives. Their ages fluctuate, but the
majority ranges from 20 to 40 years old. However, there is a pattern
that seems to indicate the growing presence of men younger than 18
and older than 50. Their educational and literacy levels range from
being completely illiterate to college level or the equivalent. Some
speak languages other than Spanish, and in some cases Spanish is
their second language. This group as a whole lives on the fringes of
the communities where they work. They do not have access to
educational programs due to the nature of their jobs and schedules and
to their lack of training or formal education. The language barrier is
also an important issue that prevents them from participating in the
mainstream education system. As they are migrant workers, they
have largely been deprived of the sorts of enabling conditions
necessary for the self-directed exercise of their learning potentials.
They have not had the material resources, time, or access to formal
instructional environments in their home countries. Here in the
Southern California area, they live hand-to-mouth, struggling to
survive from day to day. They have difficulty affording housing. Most
live in crowded houses or apartments, while some experience
homelessness for extended periods. Finally, all are undergoing a
period of transition, as they have left their home country in search of
economic opportunities and thus are experiencing a manifold of life
changes.
In spite of the marginalization in which this group lives, they
consistently have taken advantage of the programs that are available
to them through the Pomona Day Labor Center or other local
academic institutions or agencies. Their interest in participating in
cultural and social justice related events and conferences is
commendable. Their thirst for knowledge can be measured by their
presence in the many medical, educational or legal programs in which
they participate (as long as their schedule permits). Their capacity to
organize for the well-being of their community as well as other
communities has being publicly recognized.
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Pitzer College
Pitzer College was founded in 1963. It is a liberal arts college,
part of a consortium of private colleges known as the Claremont
Colleges, located in the city of Claremont, California. They are:
Pomona College, Scripps College, Claremont McKenna College,
Harvey Mudd College, and The Claremont Graduate University.
These colleges share many resources and offer a variety of intercollegiate programs (academic, cultural, international/abroad) to their
student population. Pitzer College is the youngest and most
progressive and liberal of these colleges. Pitzer College is well known
for its concern for social responsibility and the ethical implications of
knowledge and action, as well as for its dedication to intercultural
understanding and environmental sensitivity. For this reason The
Center for California Cultural and Social Issues (CCCSI) was created
a decade ago to oversee issues of social responsibility on campus and
to create and sustain partnerships with other communities and NGO’s.
One of the strongest ties that Pitzer College has created is with the
Pomona Day Labor Center, a relationship that goes back to the
Center's founding and that has brought about diverse programs that
have allowed students and staff to interact through service learning
and action research projects. These programs and activities have led
to different organizing efforts and political action in support of human
rights and social justice.
Spanish Encuentros
Originally called Spanish Tables, its founder, Jose Calderón,
envisioned these encounters three year ago. With a grant from an
alumnus, funds were used to invite a small group of the day laborers
from the Pomona Day Labor Center to have lunch with students, staff
and faculty on Fridays. The purpose of these lunches was to facilitate
an exchange of ideas and experiences between these two communities
to promote mutual understanding and recognition. Two years ago
Martha Bárcenas-Mooradian was invited to participate as coordinator.
Since then Jose and Martha have worked to ensure that these meetings
foster an intercultural climate of respect and serve to motivate the
participants to transform their communities through various programs
69
and actions. Although these meetings are characterized by their
informality, they also emphasize the discussion of important topics
relevant to immigrant workers and promote action on the part of
students and faculty. More recently, students have offered their help
in organizing and announcing the meetings. Every week a new theme
is chosen by request and suggestion, and guest speakers are invited.
The results have been very positive and have materialized in
growing attendance (from 8 to 10 participants up to 20 to 30 and
sometimes more). Professors from the other colleges of the
consortium have also started to encourage their students to participate
in these encounters in order to get credit for their respective classes
(Spanish courses, for example). In the spring of 2009, a few students
started to work more closely with the coordinators in order to
facilitate the meetings and to research its dynamics. Lia Nicholson’s
independent study allowed her to immerse herself in immigration
issues as she studied the dynamics created by the interaction in these
encounters. Her participation as researcher and co-author of this paper
demonstrates, we hope, the great potential critical pedagogies offer to
higher education in which communities in need, students and
academicians work together on an egalitarian basis, with a common
goal, and to improve a specific community in need. The academic
institution receives many benefits in return, while its students and
educators are able to apply theoretical teachings in praxis.
The sessions are organized in the following way. An
announcement is sent to the academic community one or two days in
advance indicating the topic, guest speaker, the time and a brief
explanation of what Spanish Encuentros are. Two students are in
charge of sending out the announcements. Previously, this was the
coordinators’ task. At 11:30 A.M., our guests arrive. Informal
conversations start as everyone gathers around a large table that
accommodates approximately 20 people. Around noon the
coordinators welcome the attendees and as a ritual everyone is asked
to introduce themselves with the purpose of recognizing the presence
of each individual. This exercise also allows the participants to get to
know each other’s talents and interests. The speaker is then
introduced. The talk lasts between 40 to 45 minutes. The presentation
is followed by a session of questions and answers. This section
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provides an opportunity to share experiences, to network, and to find
opportunities to work together in future projects. Guest speakers
usually come back to future meetings or remain in touch with us. The
sessions are scheduled from 11:30 AM to 1:00 PM. The meetings
often last much longer (even after 2:00 PM) due to the interest of the
participants and the engaging dialogues among the guest speaker,
students, day laborers and faculty members. The meeting is held in a
room within the Pitzer College dining hall and people come and go as
they please.
While informal and spontaneous, Spanish Encuentros are based
on a number of pedagogical methodologies that aim to promote
learning and social transformation. Below we present some of the
methods and pedagogies that are embedded in these “informal”
meetings.
Critical Pedagogy
The central pedagogy that lies behind these informal
gatherings is based on Paolo Freire’s theories. Paolo Freire’s writings
on education, including Pedagogy of the Oppressed (2006), form an
important part of the theoretical backdrop of this approach to
education in which marginalized groups meet with academic and
“educated” communities. For this reason Freire’s Pedagogy of the
Oppressed is of particular relevance to maintaining the group’s
dynamics and realizing the objectives of the meetings.
Another radical pedagogue whose work complements Freire’s
critique is Bell Hooks. In her book Teaching to Transgress:
Education as a Practice of Freedom (1994), Hooks follows Freire in
viewing education as a way of transforming communities in which
both the teacher and the student grow. She also discusses the
importance of creating a sense of community in the classroom that is
infused with pleasure and positive feelings. In this way, the learning
experience becomes part of the way of living and thinking of the
student and teacher that will last their entire lifetime. She describes
this way of teaching as an engaged and holistic pedagogy.
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According to Freire, the educational systems of various
countries serve to replicate oppressive class and political structures.
Part of this process of replication has to do with the content of the
educational systems. The educational systems contain mental models
and presuppositions that are ultimately no more than an ideology (or
set of ideologies) that rationalizes, justifies and transmits a system of
inequality in such a way that the society at large can understand and
accept it. Further, members of society will understand and accept their
place in it. Another part of the process has to do with the way that
this ideology is tacitly transmitted. In order for an inherently
repressive ideology to be transferred from generation to generation,
the method of education must depend upon passivity and the
undermining of critical, reflective capacity. Therefore, Freire’s
pedagogy focuses on identifying and eliminating all those elements of
the educational process that support the mollification and passivity
that undermine critical consciousness. This includes the traditional
techniques of rote memorization in which the meaning and
implications of what is learned are removed from the memorization
process, as well as the strict separation of teachers and students along
authoritarian and disciplinarian lines.
As part of his critique, Freire introduces the "banking" concept
of education. According to the banking concept, knowledge is
conceived as something that can be deposited in the heads of students.
The students are passive recipients of gifts that come from outside and
that they are expected to accept without any further activity on their
part. To overturn this method of education, he calls for a number of
presuppositions to be rejected. Among them are: that the teacher is the
one who teaches while the student is the one who is taught; that the
teacher knows everything and the student nothing; that the teacher
talks and the students passively listen; that the curriculum is created
by the teacher, with no input from the student; that the teacher has
authority because of her position, not her knowledge; and that
students should not question either.
Spanish Encuentros, on the other hand, provide a space for
students, teachers, staff members and day laborers to learn from each
other in an egalitarian relationship that promotes respect and furthers
the educational processes through conversations and dialogues that
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promote awareness and action. Spanish Encuentros continue to have
recognition on our campus in large part because they offers an
alternative to the more rigid and stratified educational system. Most
students who attend these meetings do not gain course credit for it.
Their participation is largely voluntary, or, in some cases, it is a
option for language course credit.
Dehumanization/Humanization: Historical Dichotomy
Freire (2006) proposes a liberatory pedagogy in which the
oppressed contribute as actors in the making and modeling of their
own reality through their own praxis. Within this context the
oppressed discover their position in the structural system and try to
make changes (praxis) in order to transform their own condition in a
liberatory way that implies seeing the oppressor and oppressed as
products of “dehumanization” patterns. This might seem a very
difficult task to achieve, especially because the “oppressed” are not
united. They are alienated and separated (for whatever
circumstances). However, the oppressor and oppressed live in a
dialectical relationship that brings about the realization that without
the oppressed the oppressor cannot exist. This understanding allows
the oppressed to see their own importance.
Within the context of this liberatory pedagogy, the oppressed
need to find ways to engage in dialogue about their own praxis and to
follow a critical approach to constructing the version of reality they
hope to realize in place of the present reality; a reality in which they
achieve their freedom from the dominant societal spheres. The origin
of this liberatory pedagogy is founded in the dialogical principle and
necessitates that they find their leaders among themselves to avoid
creating replicas of their oppressors.
Spanish Encuentros have certainly provided the space for day
laborers to get united, to learn about themselves, to learn how the
“other” thinks of them, and to unite with the academic community
that for some, especially in their respective countries of origin, has
represented the oppressor. Spanish Encuentros have provided the
environment for students to re-discover themselves in their own
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institution and society and to unmask the faces of oppression of the
society in which they live.
Liberatory Education
Liberatory education is characterized by an educator acting as
a partner with the student and by the educator trusting and
empowering the student as well as stimulating his/her creativity and
ability for critical thinking and action. In this process the student
reflects and considers new ways to transform the world he/she
inhabits. The banking concept of education needs to be rejected and
exchanged for a problem-posing approach, taking in consideration the
consciousness of the student as a subject. In this scenario, the
relationship between student and teacher is horizontal; instead of
making deposits of information, this method allows for interchange of
ideas and concepts in a dialogical form. Student and teacher grow
together in this educational process characterized by acts of cognition
in relation to their world and experiences. The teacher ceases to be the
depositor or owner of knowledge in order to become a learner and/or
mediator with the student. As a result, both teacher and student learn
together. The problem-posing method of education is dialogical and
emphasizes the cognitive aspect of both student and teacher by
encouraging critical thinking and praxis through the generation of a
consciousness and commitment to participate in the transformation of
an always changing historical reality. It is a dynamic, emancipatory
and revolutionary process that looks at the past as only a way to
construct a better future. Problem-posing education attempts to
intervene within the world-men relationship. However, this kind of
education frees people from a fatalistic perspective, which is a
characteristic of the banking concept of education, to realize their
humanity in their interaction with others.
Spanish Encuentros have provided the means for this kind of
dynamics to be established during and outside our weekly meetings.
All participants attending Spanish Encuentros (students, staff
members, day laborers and instructors) have the benefit of engaging
in a dialogical interaction after having identified a certain problematic
situation, with the purpose to solve it with their action (praxis) in a
horizontal relationship. Professors, in this kind of relationship, serve
74
as mere guides or as learners with the other members. Students are
allowed to reflect and are given freedom for action, guided by the
leaders if necessary. Thus the learning process is achieved by this
dialogical and horizontal interaction between all participants without
a particular owner of knowledge depositing information to be
accepted. Through this process participants consider possibilities to
address a certain issue with a positive view.
Decolonizing Methodologies
Spanish Encuentros are also inspired by and influenced by the
field of decolonizing methodology. While this field is relatively new,
a body of work is quickly forming. Leaders in the field include Linda
Tuhiwai Smith (2006), Kagendo Mutua and Beth Blue Swadener
(2004), Ladislaus M. Semali and Joe L. Kincheloe (1999).
Decolonizing methodology takes as its starting point the notion that
indigenous cultures have in the past been studied from the perspective
of outsiders whose presupposition and framework devalued the
cultures studied and placed them in a position of inferiority. A
decolonizing methodology requires that the researcher enter the
culture as a participant who can in some way understand its values
and share in its commitments. The researcher seeks to develop a
comprehensive and rich interpretation of the culture and its system of
values and can only do so by participating in the meaning systems of
the culture. Spanish Encuentros have provided the space for
intercultural encounters to take place. Spanish Encuentros, for
example, have allowed for diverse minority groups to contribute their
knowledge in order to expand the vision of the participants. Although
there is still much work to do in this area, efforts have been made in
order to incorporate non-conventional knowledge and indigenous
wisdom traditions to Spanish Encuentros.
Academic-Non-Academic Partnerships
The role of higher education throughout its history has
changed because of demographic, economic and social factors. Once
exclusive and elitist, education in the 21st century has begun to engage
with local communities in order to better the conditions of
economically and culturally marginalized groups and to create
75
citizens not only capable of self government but of just self
government. The approach that Spanish Encuentros are taking
presents a model for other colleges to bring about a more egalitarian
and supportive system that has the potential to transform communities
in need as well as providing higher education institutions with
opportunities for research and service-learning programs.
In order to put in context the partnership between Pitzer
College and marginalized communities in the city of Pomona, it is
important to briefly describe the history of both. Pomona emerged in
the 1800s as a booming agricultural powerhouse, but over the years
rapid population growth, coupled with unaffordable housing and
inadequate job opportunities, have resulted in an increasing number of
people who are unable to make ends meet. Despite the city’s claim of
promoting “harmonious diversity and economic prosperity,” Pomona,
like many parts of Los Angeles, remains both spatially and socially
divided (City of Pomona, 2009). While the demographics of Pomona
do reflect an ethnically diverse population, with roughly 64% Latino,
10% Black, and 7% Asian, (U.S. Census Bureau, 2009) there is less
integration than one might expect. In particular, many affluent
neighborhoods in Pomona are separated from the city’s poorer areas,
such as the south side of Pomona, where some of the largest gangs in
the San Gabriel Valley reside. Crime rates are relatively high in
Pomona and the city has been described as a “hotbed for gang
activity” (Winton and Blankstein, 2004).
Turning to the Claremont Colleges, it is important to recall
that Pomona College, which was the first in the consortium to be
established, was originally founded in Pomona in 1887, a year before
the city itself was founded. It was not until the 1990s, however, that
collaborative efforts between Pitzer College (students and professors),
neighbors, and social activists spearheaded a project that resulted in
the founding of the PEOC (Pomona Economic Opportunity Center).
Since then, more programs have been implemented and other actions
taken in order to connect not only with the Pomona Day Labor Center
but also with the community at large, especially the “majority
minorities.” While this partnership is relatively new and in its early
stages, recent scholarship has been optimistic about the benefits that
such partnerships bring to both sides (Maurrasse, 2001; Calderon
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2007). In the section below we analyze some data that was gathered
during the spring semester of 2009 that confirms the optimism of
some scholars with respect to partnerships created between higher
education and local communities.
Analysis of Preliminary Empirical Data
In the beginning of spring, 2009 Lia Nicholson, then a senior
at Scripps College, took the responsibility (through an independent
study with Martha Bárcenas-Mooradian) to collect and analyze data
related to students’ perspectives about Spanish Encuentros. Although
a carefully detailed questionnaire was prepared, the data was
produced following a narrative approach that would allow for
freedom of expression and dialogical exchange. The interviewee was
given liberty to express in general his/her views about Spanish
Encuentros’ dynamics. We have selected those most recurring themes
that seemed to be more relevant for this research and that might serve
as a guide to those interested in pursuing the development of a similar
project. In the near future we hope to gather data from the day
laborers with respect to their own viewpoints.
One of the most frequent comments about Spanish Encuentros
concerns its “uniqueness,” notwithstanding the fact that Pitzer College
has a number of outstanding service-learning programs running yearround. One of the most relevant aspects of Spanish Encuentros is that
it provides a space for free and equal interaction between the host
institution members and the Pomona Day Laborers. As noticed by one
student:
“I think it’s great that they bring the Day Laborers here
because it shows them a segment of our society that
they usually wouldn’t have access/entrance to, even
just with their eyes – it breaks the power structure, it
doesn’t perpetuate it.”
The creation of this free space within the university is
fundamental to the success of Spanish Encuentros. Further, the
sharing of food, although practical for the day laborers (who don’t
even have tables and food in their crowded households), provides a
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very symbolic element, similar to what Freire suggested by his use of
the term “convivios,” and it promotes a dialogical exchange within the
context of a trusting relationship.
Another aspect recognized by most students is the linguistic
benefit that Spanish Encuentros offers to both communities thanks to
the bilingual nature of the encounters. The meetings, from a language
acquisition perspective, provide the perfect environment for students,
day laborers and other guests to be immersed in two languages and a
diversity of cultures. The comment below represents the views of
most students with respect to this linguistic benefit:
“They (day laborers) practice a lot of English during
the Encuentros; they get as much English practice as
we get Spanish. So, I think it’s just so relevant.”
Furthermore, the relevance of learning another language for
intercultural understanding is of great significance. The statement
below explains this point:
“A major point to the Encuentros is to encourage
students that not only speak Spanish, but that maybe
do know a little Spanish to practice or interact with the
Pomona Day Laborers and get a different view of life
and talk about social issues and immigration issues that
some people here don’t really know of first-hand, or
hear about.”
The fact that many students participating in Spanish
Encuentros have done internships at the Pomona Day Labor Center on
a regular basis has allowed for an intensification in relationships
between these two diverse groups. Spanish Encuentros are important
because they allow this partnership to continue to develop, not only at
the institutional level but on a personal level, as well. The following
remark explains the role of Spanish Encuentros as the means of
strengthening these liaisons:
“I worked at the Day Labour Center my sophomore
year and I haven’t had the time that I would like to
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commit to teaching since then, but I love the day
laborers so I want to keep in contact with them, still be
involved. So it helps to see them every week.”
It is also necessary to contextualize the experience of students
participating in Spanish Encuentros and to consider their ethnic,
cultural, and political backgrounds. It is important to note that one of
the most significant roles that Spanish Encuentros have are their
capacity to bring together diverse groups. In many cases, students
come from very conservative, anti-immigrant families; in other cases,
students represent very liberal points of view; in other cases, minority
students join in the struggle of other minorities as the quote below
illustrates:
“I feel as if often times I’m under-represented as being
half-Arab… It’s not my battle to fight alone, it’s our
joint thing to work on together to make conditions
better for everybody. I benefit from that, too.”
Since students offered contrasting viewpoints, positive and
negative, about the topics chosen for discussion for the meetings, we
need to explain the variety of approaches that are used for their
selection. The topics are sometimes chosen in conjunction with the
participants based on the need for the particular theme. In cases when
a certain celebration, protest, or action is needed, we might dedicate a
particular Encuentro to that specific topic. In other cases, guest
speakers (students, members of the staff and professors) contact us in
advance in order to be included in the agenda for a certain meeting. In
other cases, speakers come to Spanish Encuentros and invite
themselves to speak in an improvised way in order to share a certain
issues affecting the academic and/or non academic community at the
moment. For that reason, the planning of topics might seem
“unorganized” at some points. However, there is always a plan behind
each meeting, although it allows for flexibility, welcomes
participants’ feedback, and supports other community members’
struggles. Some students have claimed that the spontaneity and
inconsistency of the topics is “a blessing,” as it has allowed for the
most pressing issues to be addressed each week and has opened up
opportunities for networking:
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“There’s not a lot of consistency, but that’s not
necessarily a bad thing…People can network and come
together and make things happen.”
While Spanish Encuentros are, in general, a safe space for
constructing bridges, the pervasive nature of societal issues and the
perceived positions of power are always present and manifested in
various ways. Seating arrangements can help ease a certain degree of
discomfort among participants. We encourage our participants to sit
in such a way so as to make sure that members of both communities
engage in a dialogue while eating their meals. However, considering
the always changing nature of our Encuentros, it is difficult
sometimes to facilitate such arrangements, and more effort is needed
to ensure that every participant truly engages in an intercultural
exchange.
Reunions like Spanish Encuentros are an integral part of
building a community of awareness within the colleges. This is clear
from the consistent recognition that networking within the student
body is an extremely important part of the lunches. Apart from
meeting new people, one student had the insight that:
“I’ve definitely seen a different side of those people
who have invited me, of my friends …there’s just a
really compassionate atmosphere …where they’re not
worried about homework or other business, but they
are just there ready to listen and help, and to serve
people.”
Using a Freirean framework, Spanish Encuentros create
interactions through which individuals undergo a process of
conscientização, or conscientization through humanization (Freire,
2006). As was mentioned above, students come from a variety of
backgrounds, and this fact shapes how they perceive the Encuentros
and how they grow from them. Some transformations can already be
seen in comments like this one:
“Some of my family can say really negative things
sometimes… I feel like I’m such a stronger advocate
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because I know these people and I can talk to them and
I’m from an area that is pretty anti-immigrant and it’s
good to go home and when people say, “Why don’t
they learn English”, it’s good to be like, “Well I’m
teaching them English”… Within a close family kind
of way, it made my family think about it in a different
perspective, because I have a completely different
perspective on it.”
This is a powerful accomplishment and bears witness to the
important role of community participation in making the college
mission statement a reality and the function of critical pedagogies as
applied in liberatory education. The comment also shows the
intersections of Spanish Encuentros within the broader struggle of
immigration occurring in Southern California.
In terms of building comfort within Spanish Encuentros, the
audience is always encouraged to participate in various ways.
Students in many cases have been invited to present their respective
projects. Spontaneous participation is always welcome and all kind of
presentations and topics are received with respect. Indigenous
themes, music, poetry, African issues, workers rights and immigration
issues are some of the many topics included. The proactive role of all
participants in building solidarity is the basis of the contribution of
Spanish Encuentros to the community-building approach movement.
We summarize this section with the words of one student who
observed:
“[The lunches are] just the raw structure, like the iron
structure on the inside of a building that gives us space
for the possibility of doing that kind of stuff. I think
that depends on the people that are there.”
Implications for Educational Practice:
Reflections on Higher Education
The community-building approach requires that community
members and professionals work together in order to reach the same
objectives. However, for this approach to be sustainable, both
partnerships need to be nurtured and strengthened if they are to
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produce effective changes for the future. David Maurrasse (2001) and
José Calderon (2007) have emphasized the predominant role of these
partnerships as a venue for contributing to a more egalitarian society.
They see the role of institutions of higher education as being that of a
catalyst to transform communities as they work together on an
egalitarian basis and promote the voice of the people to collaborate in
the projects they propose.
We are, therefore, hopeful that this project may serve as a
model of a collaborative partnership that allows its members to create
lasting relationships, to work together to bring about solutions that
empower its weakest members, and to provide an opportunity for
students, who otherwise would continue to live in a bubble, free of
struggle and pain, to engage with the community and share its
struggles..
The Need to Make Stronger and/or New Partnerships
In the specific case of Pitzer College whose mission statement
gives priority to social justice, it must be admitted that it has not been
easy to engage in this kind of work. There are a variety of challenges.
The necessity to create stronger relationships and new partnerships is
complicated by the fact that institutions of higher education often do
not provide funding and releases from courses to those faculty
members interested in working with the community in servicelearning projects that promote social change. Healthy communitybuilding partnerships take years to establish and maintain. It has taken
ten years to establish strong relationships with PEOC in our particular
case. After three years of existence, Spanish Encuentros are now
recognized and valued by the members of the consortium.
Another impediment to the growth of this kind of
collaborative work is the fact that many academic institutions demand
a high number of publications from their faculty members. In most
cases, research is the measure and basis of survival for the
academician in the tenure system. In many other cases, teaching is
given priority and professors struggle with heavy course loads. Time
constraints, therefore, are a significant issue that must be confronted
when building these relationships. It is critical that professors remain
82
connected with community members for long periods of time.
Consequently, colleges and universities need to value and support
these long-term efforts and judge the fruit of faculty members' work
by the appropriate standards.
We would like to end by recognizing all the students and day
laborers who have made the partnership stronger and extend our
invitation to all educators to develop programs that connect the
academic and non-academic communities. It is imperative that in the
21st century Higher Education takes seriously its role not only as a
producer of knowledge but also as an entity capable of interacting
with non-academic agents, non-profit organizations and local
communities, with the mutual goal of achieving a positive
transformation in society. The ivory tower needs to open its doors to
trusting and lasting relationships with under-privileged communities,
or the reason and justification for universities’ existence will be
undermined.
References
Calderon, J., Foster, S., & Rodríguez, S. (2005). Organizing immigrant
workers: action research and strategies in the Pomona day labor
center. Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and
Activism, 278-299.
Calderón, J. Z., (Ed.) (2007). Race, poverty, and social justice:
Multidisciplinary perspectives through service learning. Sterling,
VA: Stylus Pub.
City of Pomona, History of Pomona. (2009), Retrieved April 18, 2009,
from
http://www.ci.pomona.ca.us/about_pomonaAboutPomona.php
Freire, P. (2006). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York, London:
Continuum.
Hooks, B. (1994). Teaching to transgress: Education as the practice of
freedom. New York: Routledge.
Maurrasse, D. J. (2001). Beyond the campus: How colleges and
universities form partnerships with their communities. New
York: Routledge.
83
Mutua, K. & Swadener, B. (Eds.) (2004). Decolonizing research in
cross-cultural contexts: Critical personal narratives. Albany,
NY: State University of New York Press.
Semali, L. & Kincheloe, J. (Eds.) (1999). What is indigenous
knowledge?: Voices from the academy. New York: Falmer Press.
Smith, L. T (2006). Decolonizing methodologies: Research and
indigenous peoples. London, New York: Zed Books Ltd.
U.S. Census Bureau, State & Country Facts. (2009). Retrieved April 18,
2009
from
http://quickfacts.census.gov/gfd/states/06/0658072.html
Winton, R., & Blankstein, A. (April 23, 2004). Pomona called “hotbed”
of gang activity. Los Angeles Times.
84
NAFTA and the Zapatista Uprising:
Social Change from Past to Present
Marina Estupiñan
“We learned a long time ago that we should never subject ourselves to
the schedules of the powerful. We had to follow our own calendar and
impose it on those above.” ~ Subcomandante Marcos
The Zapatista uprising that occurred in Chiapas, Mexico will
remain one of the most important social and political movements of
the 20th century. This movement began in the mountains of Chiapas,
Mexico in the 20th century but eventually had a global impact into the
21st century. Since the introduction of Subcomandante Marcos and
the Zapatistas on January 1, 1994, the group has captivated a
worldwide audience. In fact, the mention of the Zapatista movement
in the media creates for many people an instantaneous flashback to a
black ski mask. Since the movement began, it has gained and
maintained worldwide interest that has resulted in countless articles,
journals, books, interviews, and media footage about the communities
of Chiapas and the Zapatistas. These small indigenous communities
located in southern Mexico managed to influence the political, social,
and economic powers that be, not only in Mexico, but throughout the
world. Although these communities did not have access to economic
or political power within their country, but they demanded that their
voices be heard from the high mountains of Chiapas, Mexico.
EZLN Organization Prior to NAFTA
Although many might have viewed the January 1, 1994 event
as a reaction to the implementation of NAFTA (North America Free
Trade Agreement), it had been planned and strategically implemented
on the part of the Zapatistas. The Zapatista organization was not
invented through spontaneous combustion; it had been initiated,
organized, and cultivated prior to January 1, 1994. According to
85
Collier and Quaratiello (2005), the Zapatistas never came forward to
explain their origins, but through conducted interviews conducted
between journalists and Subcomandante Marcos, it was learned that
the Zapatistas and other politicized peasant communities had been
organized as far back as the year 1983. The one fact that has not be
established, however, is if there had been a coordinated effort to
develop the EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional)
organization. Although the details cannot be confirmed nor denied as
to how the Zapatista organization was formed, some facts are known
about its formation prior to January 1994. During interviews,
Subcomandante Marcos vaguely alluded to the fact that the rebellion
had begun ten years prior to 1994 when urban intellectuals arrived in
Chiapas in 1983. The gathering of these intellectuals accomplished a
key objective for the indigenous communities of Chiapas since they
created an alternative system that became, in effect, a revolution.
Articles in newspapers and magazines began reporting on
incidents that had taken place in the mountains of Chiapas. In 1993,
the June edition of a weekly Mexican magazine, Proceso, known to
be a progressive publication, reported the government’s
acknowledgement of the guerrillas in the mountains of Chiapas. The
government explained that it had known about but denied the
existence of this guerilla activity during the previous five years
because it figured that not much harm would be done by the small
indigenous communities (Collier & Quaratiello, 2005).
Collier & Quaratiello (2005) went on to state that this was not
the only report made that year. Another newspaper, La Jornada,
printed an article in August 1993 that documented interviews with
both a pastor and government officials that were living in eastern
Chiapas at this time. The interviews described activities that had been
either seen or heard in the mountains. There were reports of gunshots
heard throughout the dark nights, stories of people who had witnessed
the trading of weaponry, as well as numerous accounts of indigenous
people who had been given opportunities to enlist with the guerrillas.
These enlistments had actually been occurring over at least a two-year
period. The theory that the Zapatistas had been unprepared prior to
January 1, 1994 seemed to have been unraveled. Change must take
place through the efforts of people who desire that change. The
86
indigenous communities of Chiapas were concerned with social
change even before January 1, 1994 when the Zapatistas introduced
themselves to their global audience.
The Inauguration of NAFTA, 1994
On January 1, 1994 two events occurred simultaneously in
world history. First was the implementation of the NAFTA, and
second was the Zapatista Uprising in Chiapas, Mexico to counteract
the NAFTA agreement. The NAFTA agreement was first introduced
into legislation on March 1, 1991, by President George H. W. who
notified Congress of his intent to extend the timeframe in regards to
the negotiation of the trade agreements through his authority that had
been delegated by Congress (Zamora, 1993). The NAFTA free trade
agreement, the largest in the world, included three countries: the
United States, Mexico, and Canada.
Mexican President Salinas, Canadian Prime Minister
Mulroney, and the U.S. President George H.W. Bush all signed the
NAFTA trade agreement in 1992. In 1993, the three countries’
legislatures then went on to ratify the document to be implemented
the following year. On December 8, 1993, NAFTA was signed into
law by President Bill Clinton and was then enforced on January1,
1994. Zamora (1993) continues to explain that the use of NAFTA
would have allowed the United States to somehow Americanize the
country of Mexico. The U.S. would then be able to promote
economic and political systems throughout Mexico that would closely
resemble those in the United States.
Because it represented an attempt to create social change in
the 21 century, January 1, 1994 has been identified as an important
date in the history of social justice. Both parties had their own
agendas with their own pre-meditated actions on that New Year’s Day
of 1994. On one hand were the powerful governments who had the
political and economical leverage and on the other side were
indigenous communities who wanted their autonomy and their right to
own their land to sustain their families within these communities. On
January 1, 1994, the EZLN that had created an alternative system,
protested against the dominant discourse of the powerful
87
st
governmental systems in order to protect their indigenous cultures and
their land communities. Speculation that it was a spontaneous and
irrational attack on the governments was absurd. The EZLN knew if
they were to create social change they were going to have to create a
social disruption to gain the attention of the powerful governments
who had already declared social, economic, and political war years
prior, through the development and signing of NAFTA, on these
indigenous communities.
Although the Zapatistas introduced
themselves onto the international scene on the date that NAFTA was
put into effect, it was evident that NAFTA itself was not one of the
motivating factors behind the revolution. However, the Zapatistas did
realize that they would gain international exposure if they coincided
the beginning of their revolution with the inaugural day of the
NAFTA agreement on January 1, 1994 (Collier & Quaratiello, 2005).
The Zapatistas and their EZLN organization may not received this
international recognition if they had not chosen this date in which the
reputation of the United States was involved.
The events of that fateful day were documented and
communicated throughout the world. On the morning of January 1,
1994, soldiers, men and women from the indigenous communities
who had been enlisted in the EZLN organization and who dressed in
black ski masks, bandanas, rubber boots, and homemade army
uniforms, ransacked the town halls of Altamirano, Chanal, Huistan,
Las Margaritas, Oxchuc, Ocosingo, and San Cristobal de las Casas.
Many town halls were burned by the EZLN that also went on to burn
district attorney, judicial, and police records in those government
offices. Many of the Zapatistas went into the mountains to recruit the
peasants and the indigenous men and women of the region (Collier &
Quaratiello, 2005). The next 24 hours proved to be crucial to the
Zapatistas and the EZLN since they attacked a military army base,
Rancho Nuevo, about six miles southeast of San Cristobal de las
Casas. The EZLN troops took cover in the central highlands of the
Chiapas’ mountains because the Mexican government rapidly sent
12,000 armed troops into the hostile region where the Zapatistas had
initiated their revolution. The Mexican troops were ordered to follow
the Zapatistas into the mountainous region, but the roads were not
able to sustain the heavy armed vehicles. After twelve days of
fighting, the Mexican government announced a cease fire with the
88
rebellious Zapatista group due to the countless efforts of thousands
upon thousands of Mexicans that flooded into Mexico City in support
of the Zapatista movement. Journalists immediately began an
international media frenzy with accounts of how the Zapatistas and
the people living in the indigenous communities had been exploited
by the government. They also described how these indigenous
communities had endured years of poverty, inhumanity, and racism
from the government because of their indigenous status. The efforts
of journalists created a global forum in which other human rights
organizations stepped in on behalf of the Zapatistas and spoke against
the inhumane treatment they had been receiving over the past years
(Collier & Quaratiello, 2005).
As a resulted of these coordinated efforts, starting with day
chosen to begin their revolution and continuing with the support of
human rights organizations, broadcast media, and Mexican citizens in
the surrounding states of Mexico, the world has not taken its eyes off
the Zapatista revolution. Neither has the Mexican government been
able to silence the voices of these indigenous communities. Although
the Mexican government has tried endlessly to disperse the EZLN and
the Zapatistas, they have not been successful in their efforts. If
anything, there has been a reverse effect on the country of Mexico
and the world. The Mexican government would have gladly liked to
see the EZLN and the Zapatistas disappear into the mountains of
Chiapas. However, the EZLN organization returned with more media
interest than ever before, especially with the arrival of
Subcomandante Marcos. The world wanted to know the identity of
this recently introduced figure with a black ski mask. One might ask
if the EZLN and the Zapatistas would have received so much
worldwide popularity without the presence of Subcomandante
Marcos.
Subcomandante Marcos and the EZLN Organization
The man behind the black ski mask was what was on
everyone’s mind as the EZLN organization exposed itself to the world
audience. He had stepped into the media spotlight, and he became a
revolutionary celebrity.
He gave numerous interviews with
journalists who printed article after article about the EZLN and his
89
role within that organization. The more the newspaper and journalists
reported the thoughts and words of Subcomandante Marcos the more
the public became obsessed with his zapatismo persona. Although it
may have been his intent that no one in the EZLN organization be
publicly singled out amongst the group of Zapatistas, it was inevitable
that he would become the Zapatista representative for the EZLN
organization. His ability to communicate to the news media, the
government, and the people of Mexico became his responsibility to
the EZLN organization and to the indigenous people of Chiapas.
Again, one might ask that if the Zapatista movement would had
gained such international attention throughout the fifteen-year span
without the popularity of Subcomandante Marcos. In an interview
with Gloria Munoz-Ramirez in 2004, Subcomandante Marcos is
quoted on the topic of self-criticism by stating, "If time could be
turned back, what we would not do again is allow and encourage that
the figure of Marcos get so blown out of proportion." In this
statement, he expresses concern for the EZLN organization and his
involvement in the movement as a public figure. Given the
opportunity, he would not have allowed the movement to have been
become about him but about the people in Chiapas.
EZLN Organization Ten Years Later
In the same 2004 interview with Gloria Munoz-Ramirez,
Subcomandante Marcos addressed the interaction of the Zapatista
movement during the ten years prior to that New Year’s Day in 1994.
He is quoted as saying:
Instead of dividing this period in big stages, we distinguish
three main axes of operations over the last ten years. The axis
of what we call fire, which refers to military actions,
preparations, battles, basically military movements. And the
one called the word , which refers to meetings, communiqués,
wherever there's the word or silence, that is, the absence of the
word. And the third, the backbone, refers to the organizational
process that the Zapatista communities evolve over time.
These axes--the fire and the word, articulated by the axis of
the people, of their organizational process--are what mark the
ten years of the public life of the EZLN.
90
The fire and the word appear with more or less intensity in
certain periods and for greater or lesser duration, and with
more or less impact in the life of the EZLN and its
surroundings or in the national or international arenas. But the
two axes are always determined by the structures developed
by the villages. As we've said many times: the (communities)
are not only the sustenance of the EZLN, but the road that the
EZLN walks along. The rhythm of its step, the interval
between one step and the other, the speed, has to do with the
organizational process of the villages.
Sometimes fire is more visible, I mean the military part-preparing for combat, mobilizations, maneuvers, battles,
offensives, or retreats. In other cases, it's mostly the word or
the silences built around the word, the speaking by being
silent, as we say. Throughout these ten years, one or the other
has prevailed but always they are predicated on the way the
villages are organizing. The EZLN bases of support don't
organize the same way for war as for dialogue with the
government or with civil society, or to resist, or to build
autonomy, or to build other forms of government, or to relate
to other movements, or to other organizations, or to people not
from movements or organizations (Munoz-Ramirez, 2004).
Over the past ten years, the Zapatista movement has continued
to fight for the sustainment of their autonomous communities. The
group has been successful in the fight to protect their indigenous
communities and their lands. The fact that this organization has been
able to remain in the public eye and has established and maintained
their autonomous communities is a commendable example of how
social justice can progress in a capitalistic world.
The EZLN Organization’s 15th Anniversary
January 1, 2009, the 15th anniversary of the initial rebellion of
the Zapatistas and the EZLN organization, was a day of celebration
for the Zapatista communities in Chiapas. On December 31, 2009,
the Zapatistas along with thousands of people from outside the
Chiapas region, came to celebrate the New Year and the 15th
91
anniversary of their first introduction into the world spotlight.
Thousands of people congregated to celebrate the New Year with
Zapatistas, people from around the world came together in solidarity
to support what this organization had accomplished over the past
fifteen years.
Journalists, students, community activists, and
supporters of the organization all arrived for one purpose, to
communicate to the world the diligent efforts of the EZLN to uphold
their rights as indigenous communities in maintaining their land and
their culture. The fifteen year anniversary also established the first
conference that addressed global issues throughout Latin American
countries. It was titled, “Primer Festival Mundial de la Digna Rabia:
Otro Mundo, Otro Camino, Abajo y a la Izquierda.” The conference
was held at a university in San Cristobal de las Casas from January 25, 2009.
Speakers came from around the world, including
representatives from the United States, Mexico, Central & South
America, Spain, Italy, and France. The presentations centered on
worldwide indigenous rights and how the EZLN organization and the
Zapatista movement played a key role in the awareness of these
indigenous communities through a global perspective. The purpose
behind the conference was to create an international forum on the
importance of indigenous communities in our world and how we as a
global force must always fight for social justice, whether it is in the
mountains of Mexico or in another indigenous community on the
other side of the world.
Another unexpected occurrence at the conference was the
speech of a member of the EZLN organization. This member was
none other than Subcomandante Marcos. The thousands of people
that congregated in the auditorium did not know that Subcomandante
Marcos would be appearing at the conference, much less speaking on
behalf of the EZLN organization. However, when he spoke there was
complete silence in the audience; no one spoke, and the only sound
that could be heard was the clicking of cameras from the audience.
Spectators marveled in the fact that this organization had progressed
in their community, their country, and internationally. Fifteen years
later, no one would have believed this organization could have had
such a huge impact, establishing supporters from around the world
who would and still continue to stand in solidarity with the Zapatistas
for social justice and continued social change.
92
References
Collier, G. A., & Quaratiello, E. L. (2005). Basta! Land and the
Zapatista Rebellion in Chiapas. (3rd ed.). New York: Food First
Books.
Gloria Muñoz Ramírez, (2004). "Interview with Subcomandante Marcos:
A Time to Ask, a Time to Demand, and a Time to Act," Americas
Program (Silver City, NM: Interhemispheric Resource Center,
January 16, 2004.
Zamora, P. (1993). The Americanization of Mexican Law: non-trade
issues in the North American Free Trade Agreement. Law &
Policy in International Business, 24, 391-459.
93
Teacher Education in Cuba:
Keeping Promises to the Past and to the Future
Sergio Gómez Castanedo, Ph.D.
University of Havana, Cuba
Rosalie Giacchino-Baker, Ph.D.
California State University, San Bernardino
Abstract
Universal education has been a top priority in Cuba since the
earliest days of the Cuban Revolution. Teacher education programs
have played a key role in helping this island nation to maintain one of
the most highly educated populations in the world. Within the past
ten years, experimental programs have strengthened the links between
Cuba’s Higher Pedagogical Institutes and public schools. Some
progress has been made in increasing the availability of educational
resources, including computer technology, at all levels. This chapter
provides an accessible, English-language description of Cuban
teacher preparation programs in the context of general Cuban
educational systems. Written as a collaborative effort between
teacher educators in Cuba and the U.S., the authors express a critical
need to expand opportunities for educational research and exchanges
between their countries.
94
Everyone on earth has a right to be educated and, in return,
the duty to contribute to the education of others.
[José Martí, La educación en Cuba, 1989, p.3]
Illiteracy rates in Cuba are among the lowest in the world.
The World Education Report 2000 lists Cuban illiteracy rates as 3.7%
for those age 15 and older and only .3% for those age 15-24
(UNESCO, 2000). Many would argue that these statistics are the
direct result of national priorities that focus on social and educational
services. According to Georgina Barreiro, Cuban Minister of Finance
and Economics in 2009, Cuba will designate 43.6% of its national
budget to meeting the educational, health, safety, and social welfare
needs of its citizens (Mayoral, 2008). This seems to be an increase in
the budget funding range for education of 23% cited by Borroto
(1999), but a more exact itemization of educational spending is not
currently available. Another perspective on Cuban national spending
for social services would suggest that health and educational services
are so often provided simultaneously at the neighborhood through
national levels that it is difficult, and perhaps unnecessary, to provide
discrete budgetary allocations for each category.
Universal education was one of the top priorities of the Cuban
Revolution. In 1959, about 22% of Cubans over 15 were illiterate; by
the end of 1961, 700,000 persons had been taught to read. The year
1961 was proclaimed the Year of Literacy (El Año de la
Alfabetización) and the Year of Education (El Año de la Educación).
As described by Garcia (1986), Kozol (1978), Sanders (1983), and
Torres (1991), this first Cuban literacy campaign sent brigades of
young people as young as twelve years old into the countryside with a
determination to raise literacy levels in their fledgling nation using a
pedagogy that Paolo Freire termed "liberatory." Regular schools
were closed for an eight-month period while the brigadistas, dressed
in Cuban blue jeans, worked as educators. These young teachers were
given Venceremos, a book for students, and Alfabeticemos, an
instruction guide for teachers, as well as a few teaching ideas
crammed into short, 10-day training programs.
By the end of the 1960s, after its successful literacy
campaigns, Cuba experienced a critical shortage of teachers because
95
of an unprecedented growth in the number of elementary and middleschool aged children. The pool of instructors for all levels, including
secondary, vocational, and technical schools, was increased by
sending volunteers through emergency teacher-training courses.
Although these programs were more extensive than their ten-day
predecessors, they still lacked the structures and resources needed for
a comprehensive national program.
Following a series of educational reforms, teachers in Cuba
today are provided with comprehensive education in the subjects they
will teach, strong backgrounds in current educational theories and
methods, and extensive practice in applying these theories and methods
in a variety of supervised field experiences. All Cuban educators
working at the elementary or secondary level have to have completed
studies for a teaching license or be taking classes toward that goal. This
requirement for teachers reflects the current state of educational
development in the country. Although temporary teaching contracts
were issued in exceptional cases prior to 2000, this practice is no longer
allowed at either the primary or secondary levels.
Within the past decade, only a small number of researchers
have attempted to study current Cuban teacher preparation programs
as an effective system for educating a highly literate population.
This article is an update on the authors’ preliminary, collaborative
publication (Gomez Castanedo, & Giacchino-Baker, 2001) that
attempted to describe the basic programs that are educating worldclass teachers. The goals of this chapter are to provide a balanced,
descriptive presentation of ongoing and experimental programs in
Cuban teacher education using the insights of Cuban and U.S. coauthors. Gomez Castanedo, an advisor and researcher in the Cuban
Ministry of Education has published extensively about Cuban
education during his forty-year career in education, especially in
relation to communication styles (Gómez Castanedo, 1997; Ricardo
Guibert & Gómez Castanedo, 2003). Giacchino-Baker, a teacher
educator who specializes in multicultural and multilingual education,
has worked overseas for 13 of her 35 years in education and has
played leadership roles in developing several exchange programs
with Cuba (Giacchino-Baker, R., & Ochoa-Fernández, E., 2001).
96
A review of relevant literature, reveals many Spanishlanguage materials but relatively few English-language publications
on teacher education in Cuba. Since 2001, several recent studies have
looked at civil education in Cuba. Valera Acosta (2005) examined
how “education for citizenship” was accomplished through both
curricular policy and teacher education in three Caribbean nations:
Cuba, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic. Ginzburg, Belalcazar,
Popa, & Pacheco (2006) provided a socio-political-economic focus
for a historical analysis of the curriculum of Cuba’s teacher
preparation programs.
Two English-language articles were written following visits to
Cuban schools by U.S. educators as part of People to People
International groups.
Although neither of these authors focused
specifically on teacher education, both of them provided anecdotal
evidence of the accomplishments of teacher education programs
based on their personal experiences. While acknowledging the
scarcity of resources in public school classrooms and teacher
education libraries, Hunt (2003) noted the “…excellent teacher
training that continues during a teacher’s career, a strong role for the
principal, solid systems for supervision and supportive evaluation of
teachers…” (p. 249).
Miller (2002) described the important connections between
families and early childhood education in Cuba. This author also
concluded her article with comments about the contributions of
teacher education programs to the high quality of Cuban teachers,
highlighting the value of the practical and scholarly integration of
school and university experiences.
Gasperini (2000) provides a helpful English-language
description of Cuban teacher education in the context of overall
educational programs. This World Bank publication discusses the
importance of lifelong training, school-based learning, community of
teacher learners, action research, community linkages, evaluation and
accountability, as well as professional status in the teacher education
process. This study continued Gasperini’s 25-year commitment to
studying education in Cuba.
97
The most comprehensive and authoritative source of
information on current Cuban teacher education programs and policies
is, of course, the Cuban Ministry of Education. In 1999, the teacher
education unit of the Ministry, the Dirección de Formación y
Perfeccionamiento del Personal Pedagógico, published an informative
report entitled Sistema de formación inicial y continua del personal
docente en Cuba. In 2003, this same unit wrote a follow-up report,
Formación integral de los estudiantes de carreras pedagógicas. This
second document provides updated information on both traditional and
experimental teacher education practices in Cuba today.
After giving general background on Cuban education, this
chapter will describe the basic teacher education institutions,
including their programs, policies, methodologies and innovations.
Next, the authors will provide a discussion of the challenges facing
Cuban teacher education, as well as some suggestions for future
research and collaboration.
General Background on Education in Cuba
Education in Cuba is compulsory from grades one through nine.
Cuban teachers are licensed to teach in one of the following areas:
Preschool Education: birth to age 5; Primary Education: ages 6-12 (First
cycle: grades 1-4; Second cycle: grades 5-6); Secondary Education:
ages 12-18 (Basic secondary: grades 7-9; Higher secondary -preuniversity: grades 10-12); and Special Education: birth to age 18.
The school year lasts 46 weeks, starting September 1 and
continuing through the first weeks of July. Each educational level
operates on different calendars. Teacher education programs are
divided into two semesters: from September to February and from
March to July. Classes last for a semester with final exams taken at the
end of each term.
Teacher Education Institutions and Admissions Policies
The network of teacher preparation institutions functioning in
Cuba today was established by the General Educational Reform Law of
1976. There are currently 15 Higher Pedagogical Institutes, all funded
98
by the government as public institutions. These institutions offer
specialized licenses under one of the following areas: Special
Education, Preschool Education; Primary Education; General Integrated
Teachers (Basic Secondary Education); Pre-University Education;
Language Education; Technical Sciences; Psychology and Pedagogy;
Speech Therapy; and Computer Science. Physical education teachers
attend the Higher Institute for Physical Culture or one of its provincial
branches. Like all education in Cuba, there are no charges for fees or
books. There are no privately funded teacher education institutions in
Cuba.
Most students enter teacher education programs after
completing six years of primary school (Primaria) and three years of
basic secondary school (Secundaria Básica), and three years of higher
secondary (Preuniversitario).
These students have received a
bachillerato (secondary-school-leaving certificate) after successfully
completing their pre-university studies. A smaller number of students
whose goal is to become technical or vocational teachers enter the
Pedagogical Institutes after completing their specialized studies at
secondary schools known as Institutos Tecnológicos.
To be admitted to a Higher Pedagogical Institute, students must
pass entrance exams in history, mathematics, and Spanish. They also
have to take aptitude tests and undergo interviews that determine if
teaching is an appropriate career option for them. Among the qualities
that interviewers look for are ethical values and the ability to act
professionally under all circumstances. Students are ranked according
to the results of their exams and interviews. The highest ranked
students are admitted to the teacher education programs. These tests
and interviews are comparable to those in any other area of academic
study. Successful applicants come from all working sectors of society.
Persons already working in educational institutions in Cuba who
do not hold teaching licenses are given national priority for admission
to Higher Pedagogical Institutes. These “educational workers” do not
have to take competitive entrance exams. Their classes are scheduled to
accommodate their work hours. The number of openings in the Higher
Pedagogical Institutes is determined by the estimated number of
teachers that will be needed in the country.
99
Important changes have taken place in teacher education during
the past few years. These changes reflect the reforms that have been
implemented throughout Cuba’s educational system. One of the most
important of these changes is in the area of technology: computer use
has been infused into all education levels. Another improvement is in
class size reduction: elementary classrooms are now limited to 20
students, and basic secondary classes can only have 15 students.
Smaller class sizes have made it necessary to educate a larger pool of
teachers in a relatively short period of time without sacrificing the
quality of previous programs and while providing teachers with new
skills in technology.
The demands of such rapidly developing educational programs
have prompted other changes in teacher education. The year 2000 saw
the establishment of the first School for the Education of Elementary
Teachers in the provinces of Ciudad de la Habana and Matanzas. By
2005 all other provinces had followed this example. Also in 2000, a
new Basic Computing program was started for teachers. All new
elementary school teachers, not just those who have studied in the Basic
Computing program, are required to use technology skills at the
elementary school level. This new training was all conducted by the
Higher Pedagogical Institutes.
Students in the final years of their senior high school education
were the target group for these plans. While finishing their college
preparatory work, these students became qualified to teach by following
an intensive program. In this way, all of them were guaranteed the
immediate right to a smooth and immediate transition into university
studies once they had finished high school.
The Structure of Teacher Education Programs
There are three basic components of the curriculum for
obtaining a teaching license as part of a degree in education: academic
work (general studies, professional studies, and specialized studies),
field experiences (practical training that includes practice teaching), and
research projects. Teacher education programs take five years for
students taking regular daytime classes and six years for students who
attend classes while working in educational institutions.
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Academic Work
All students must take the following classes as part of their
general studies at the Higher Pedagogical Institutes: Spanish Language,
History of the Cuban Revolution, Physical Education, English,
Mathematics, and Art Appreciation.
There are a number of core education classes that must be taken
as part of their professional studies by teacher education students
regardless of their area of specialization: Educational Development,
History of Education, Teacher and Society, Adolescent Development,
and Educational Psychology.
Other classes in teacher education programs vary according to
specialization. Following is a list of degrees, some of which offer more
than one specialization:
 Special education
 Preschool education
 Primary education
 General Integrated Teachers (PGI): Basic Secondary Education
(with specializations according to subject areas)
 Pre-university education (three specializations): exact sciences,
natural sciences, and humanities
 Language education
 Technical sciences: construction, agriculture, mechanics, and
electronics
 Psychology and pedagogy
 Speech therapy
 Computer science (only for computer science teachers)
Field Experiences and Practice Teaching
Field experiences (including practice teaching) are recognized
as the framework upon which teacher education is built. Hands-on
work in schools takes on increasing complexity and importance during
the program and accounts for about 50% of the curriculum.
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The following is a general outline for traditional field
experiences common to all Higher Pedagogical Institutes. During the
first and second years, students spend a day each week, as well as an
extended one-month period, working in schools. During the third and
fourth year, the number of field experiences is expanded to 50% of
students’ coursework as designated in the prescribed curriculum. These
structured and focused experiences vary according to regions. Students
spend the entire fifth year doing supervised work in schools. During
their last year in the program, students attend lectures at the
Pedagogical Institute once each week to complete their required
coursework and to prepare for their culminating project.
In August 2001, a new degree was added on an experimental
basis, a B.A. in Education for General Integrated Teachers of Basic
Secondary Schools. These teachers must teach all subjects at this level
except English and physical education to a group of up to 15 students,
working with the same group from seventh through ninth grades. This
degree is already offered by colleges in all of the Pedagogical Institutes
in the country. Cuba is now experiencing a transition period during
which this integrated program is offered at the same time as traditional
programs.
This new program has specific features. During the first year,
all participants take core classes to insure that they have adequate
foundations in psychology, pedagogy, and sociology. This enables
them to develop their cultural awareness and to develop the selfdiscipline they will need to continue their university studies and to
begin their teaching activities in a responsible way.
Starting in the second year and continuing through the rest of
the program, students are placed in a school in the city where they live.
This school is meant to serve as a “micro-university” where
experienced teachers become mentors to students in the areas of
professional preparation while also helping them with their university
studies and their general development. This mentorship takes place at
the same time that students are taking classes taught by professors of
the Higher Pedagogical Institute at satellite campuses created in all
participating cities.
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The features of the teaching/learning process in these satellite
campuses include an appropriate combination of face-to-face
interactions with university professors with the use of video-recorded
materials and computer technology. The other important component is
an evaluation system that takes students’ professional performance and
development into account. Graduates of this program play an important
role in its future growth.
The experiences of this new system will reinforce the principles
that have been in effect in the last few decades, namely that teachers
learn to teach while working in and for schools. There is a natural
relationship between study and work. Students learn best by doing.
Paolo Freire referred to this pedagogical theory as praxis, putting theory
into practice.
During the entire teacher education process, the Pedagogical
Institute and the school share the responsibility of planning, shaping,
and directing the students’ field experiences. This work in the schools is
completely integrated into requirements for students’ academic
disciplines and research.
Research Projects
The research component of teacher education takes on greater
significance because students, from their very first years, develop their
research skills while engaged in field experiences. They learn to apply
research skills to the real problems that exist in their surroundings,
namely the school, the family, and the community.
Students in all majors have to complete two projects related to
their programs. These projects can be planned and evaluated as part of
their discipline, as part of a specific class, or independently. As part of
these culminating activities, students have to defend a diploma project.
The defense of program and diploma projects takes place at the end of
the academic year.
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Job Opportunities and Support for New Teachers
After completing their teacher education program and defending
their diploma project, all graduates of Higher Pedagogical Institutes are
guaranteed a job, the details of which depend on openings available
within the social services system. If there are no teaching positions
available, recent graduates may be assigned to work at the municipal
and provincial level to cover the positions of educators who have been
selected for full-time faculty development opportunities. From an
administrative point of view, recent graduates of teacher education
programs have a guaranteed income that can be increased through
successful annual evaluations.
Pedagogical Institutes that have educated new teachers and
municipalities that welcome recent graduates both have the
responsibility of following their progress through coordinated
classroom visits, as well as through periodic workshops, and
postgraduate courses or training.
Faculty development through courses, seminars, or teaching
workshops usually takes place during working hours, often by releasing
teachers from their normal duties while giving them their regular pay.
This frees teachers from having to use their vacation time for faculty
development.
The graduates of these teacher education programs have begun
to form a special group of educational leaders from which future
advisors and inspectors can be drawn. These persons can be used at
various levels to lead and assist other teachers.
Programs at the Higher Pedagogical Institutes continue to be
organized in collaboration with leaders in each city or province,
following the models used in undergraduate and graduate courses and
workshops, including those delivered as part of M.A. and doctoral
degrees. All of these programs can be used simultaneously with regular
work activities resulting in a complete course of study that does not
affect salaries or paid vacations. These programs can be used with all
active teaching personnel, including the administrative and technical
104
support services in the provinces, cities, and teaching centers who also
receive ongoing professional development.
Challenges Facing Teacher Education in Cuba
The Ministry of Education is committed to initiatives that will
improve Cuban teacher education programs.
These areas for
educational reform include vocational education, decentralization, and
educational quality.
Vocational Education
Cubans are naturally drawn to study in prestigious academic
programs which has led, for example, to an oversupply of doctors and
architects and a shortage of technicians. An initiative is underway to
increase interest in vocational careers starting in elementary schools.
Pre-University Vocational Institutes for Pedagogical Sciences were
formed in 1994-95. These Institutes provide regular programs at the
secondary level while establishing articulation with the Higher
Pedagogical Institutes to ensure that their graduates enter teaching
careers in vocational education.
Decentralization
Cuba's educational programs have been organized and
standardized at a national level. Although this system has produced one
of the most highly educated populations in the world, there is a need to
increase flexibility in the operation of teacher education programs that
would permit institutions to maintain principles, goals, and essential
content while decentralizing the decision-making process.
Decentralization would make each educational center responsible for
considering local conditions and needs when applying national
standards.
Educational Quality
In addition to raising the level of class content, especially in
scientific areas, changes in teaching methods are also needed. Cubans
recognize that, "methods with their tendencies toward the simple
transmission of knowledge are inadequate" (Borroto López, p. 199).
The major obstacle toward educational quality used to be a lack of
105
technological equipment. The situation has changed somewhat,
however, since all elementary and secondary schools now have
computer labs, and all classrooms have television monitors and VHS
players. Cuban educational software is also being developed. All of
this has required proportionally large expenditures for education.
Because the computer is recognized as an invaluable tool for students’
intellectual development, technology is viewed as a critical component
of public schools and teacher education. Current economic conditions
continue to be challenging, but there has been progress made in efforts
to provide educators with the hardware and software they and their
students need to function academically in a global society.
Final Thoughts
Throughout periods of economic challenges, Cuba has
maintained one of the most highly educated populations in the world.
Teacher education, imprinted with the spirit of the 10-day preparation
provided to brigandistas in early literacy campaigns, relied on
utilitarian models to meet the demands of teacher shortages.
Experimental programs in Cuba today, such as professional
development schools, action research, student-centered instruction,
flexible pre-service and in-service coursework, community linkages,
mirror best practices in teacher education in the Western world.
Additional research is needed to explore the results of these
experimental programs and the reasons for their successes. This
chapter is part of an ongoing attempt to encourage collaboration
between U.S. and Cuban educators in order to examine the
similarities and differences between our educational programs with
the goal of mutual understanding and development. These dialogs
between educators in Cuba and its Spanish-speaking neighbors have
been underway for decades, but this same type of collaboration
between Cuban educators and their counterparts in the U.S. are long
overdue. It is the view of the authors that educators in the U.S. and
Cuba are eager to have increased opportunities to communicate with
each other.
106
Reprinted with permission from Karras, K. G., & Wolhuter C.C. (Eds.)
(2010). International handbook on teacher education worldwide.
Training, issues, and challenges for the teaching profession. Athens,
Greece: Atrapos Editions.
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Teacher Education in Colombia:
Past, Present, and Future
Mauricio Cadavid
California State University, San Bernardino
Diana Milena Calderón
University of Antioquia, Colombia
Luis Fernando Uribe
University of Antioquia, Colombia
Daniel Taborda
University of Antioquia, Colombia
Abstract
This paper describes education and the educational system in
Colombia. It begins with a review of the historical components,
challenges, reforms and decrees that have affected where education
began and where education currently is. This paper then takes a look
at different perspectives of teacher education during the 19th century,
its developments and achievements through the 20th century, as well
as highlights of some of the the challenges and expectations for the
21st century. As a platform for understanding the social, religious,
economical, political and cultural issues facing education, a statistical
review is also presented. The paper will conclude with a description
of the educational system, its birth and current status through the eyes
and experiences of teachers who have been prepared by both the
private and public sector of education. Some final thoughts present a
forecast of where education could be in the future.
110
History of Education in Colombia
Trying to outline the history of education in Colombia is not
an easy task, due to the fact that, according to Herrera (1994), “the
history of education has not occupied a privileged place within the
nation’s historical doing and only at very limited times has the
historical re-enactment of educational happenings been approached
with the tools pertaining to the discipline of history” (Londoño,
2001). This fact represents an unexplainable act of negligence if one
considers the vital role of education in Colombian history as the
driving force of economic modernization, territorial and cultural
integration, and the constitution of a modern mentality through the
diffusion of ideas and theories (Herrera, 1994). However, regardless
of the difficulties previously mentioned, this article attempts to track
the development of education and of the educational system in
Colombia in the nineteenth century, give a general view of education
in the twentieth century, as well as provide future perspectives of
education into the current twenty-first century.
Following this order of ideas, it is then necessary to mention a
Decree issued on January 26, 1822 by General Francisco de Paula
Santander who ordered the creation of the first Normal Schools of the
Republic, in Bogotá, Caracas, and Quito (Londoño, 2001). The term
‘Normal School’ refers to an institution that prepares future
elementary school teachers. Its name comes from norm, that is, to
homogenize, organize, standardize, and regulate the teachers who will
then be in charge of educating the children (Herrera, 1990). These
schools followed the Lancastrian method, and their mottos were “the
shedding of one’s blood makes learning permanent” (an
approximation of the Spanish ‘la letra con sangre entra’) and “no
pain no gain” (an approximation of the Spanish ‘y la labor con
dolor’) (Londoño, 2001).
In the beginning, future teachers in Colombia received their
training while working with the children who became their pupils.
There was only one teacher at each school who, being unable to have
direct contact with every student, designated advanced students as
class monitors who gave the teacher’s directions to their classmates.
The teacher’s roles would then be limited to directing, receiving
111
information, and applying the necessary penalties and punishments
depending on the case. Thus, future teachers lacked specific training
with regards to the academic subjects they taught (Herrera & Low,
1990; and Londoño, 2001). This system of using one teacher for a
thousand students was highly advantageous for the State that, as a
result of its political instability, did not have the necessary resources
to invest in education. Nevertheless, students suffered from the lack
of pedagogical preparation of their classmates who had been newly
converted into teachers (Londoño, 2001). According to Londoño
(2001), schools with these characteristics only required very limited
materials such as a blackboard, paper, and pencils, since all the
teaching was based on memorization. Unfortunately, these teaching
habits became deeply engrained in the system, and they can still be
found in today’s schools (Londoño, 2001).
A New Educational Decree
On November 8, 1825, a new Decree established Bentham’s
Principle of Legislation as a general text at the universities, arousing
great controversy between the Church and the State. This same
Decree also instituted free and sustained primary education provided
by the State throughout the Gran Colombia’s territory (Londoño,
2001).
In 1826 the organizational and administrative guidelines of the
General Division of Public Instruction were given. A Decree from
October 3 of the same year dictated the principles and norms that
regulated public primary education that could not be put into effect
due to the country’s political instability (Herrera & Low, 1990;
Londoño, 2001). Two years later, in 1828, a Decree dated March 12
prohibited teaching Bentham because of relentless pressure from the
Church. Likewise, it abolished the Study Plan of 1826. This situation,
according to Londoño (2001), left educational policy helplessly linked
to the political sways of the time. Each successive party that held
power would decide on different educational policies resulting in a
lack of continuity in academic standards.
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The Rebirth of the Normal School
During the decade of the 1840s, the Normal Schools received
a considerable boost by changing their name to “Normal School of
Primary Education” supported by the Division of Elementary
Education of the Department of Education. Another important
modification was the separation of the teacher from the school during
the teacher education process. This led to the institutionalization of
pedagogical learning that was based on teaching children general
knowledge and moral standards. The axiom that represented this new
movement stated that “the kind of man that desires a formal school
and wants to model the teacher is a man defined by political and
religious conviction” (Zuluaga, 1984, as cited in Herrera & Low,
1990). These convictions later defined the academic activities and the
formal training of teachers (Londoño, 2001).
In 1842, a new series of reforms were implemented based on
four pivotal perspectives: industrial development, political
consolidation, moral and religious structures, and pedagogical
innovations that combine humanities and vocations. Within the
context of this judicial irregularity, the preparation and training of
teachers could not be conducted in a clear and orderly matter.
Londoño (2001) states that this politicized education slowly evolved
in response to changes in the role of the State.
Moving Past 1840
A great example of the lack of continuity in educational
reforms was the Law of 1850 that reduced the importance of all prior
rulings related to education, established absolute academic freedom,
and eliminated all academic titles. Londoño (2001) indicated that the
main premise of this law, the implementation of a new civil and free
education system, could not be implemented because of a lack of
infrastructure.
Starting in 1870, the new role of the teacher was limited to
being a transmitter of knowledge. The State still held all the power
and was in charge of designing curriculum and education plans
without consulting the teacher or ever taking into account the
113
classroom environment. The teacher’s only responsibility was to
recite norms and moral principles, with some academic content
scarcely embedded in the instruction. This led to teachers being
named apostolic-teachers, a perception that is still held in the
collective imagination of people in Colombia. Londoño (2001) and
Herrera & Low (1990) describe the philosophy of this era that was to
mold “men with healthy bodies and spirit, dignified, and capable of
becoming citizens […] of a free and republican society”. This meant
that education needed to be harmonious with the soul, the senses, and
the forces of the body.
The year 1881 was witness to the arrival of the first
pedagogical mission from Germany that was invited to help guide the
Normal Schools under the educational principles of Pestalozzi.
Londoño (2001) suggested that these principles were intertwined with
a consciousness of the interconnectedness with the environment (or
what they called Mother Nature), as well as with the
acknowledgement of the existence of harmony between liberty and
discipline and between the educator and the educated. It also paid
close attention to free education, the creation of a moral conscience,
the development of the self, the knowledge of personal values and
flaws, and the idea of belonging to a social class. This particular
movement further promoted the social differences of the time.
The weak point of this process was that the educational
principles from Germany were imported into the national standards
without considering the needs and demands of the Colombian people.
Londoño (2001) suggested that the clash of these two different
cultures made the implementation of these international academic
standards virtually impossible. This missionary pedagogy also
encountered great resistance from the ecclesiastic authorities.
Combined with the political instability of the country, this turmoil
gave rise to numerous civil riots that, in the end, prevented a better
utilization of the German recommendations.
In 1887, the judiciary body of the government suffered
another setback. The political Constitution enacted the previous year,
along with the agreement with the Holy See, gave way to the
abolishment of the attempt to create a free and civil education. It was
114
then determined that educational principles needed to be based on
those of the Catholic Church. This marked the beginning of the
dominance of Catholic pedagogy. Londoño (2001) and Herrera &
Low (1990) stated that this movement was reinforced even further by
the rise of several religious communities that monopolized the
preparation of educators and, in turn, education.
At the end of the 19th Century, in 1983, Decree 429, known as
the Zerda Plan, revised public instruction and declared a new standard
for all normal schools. This plan required five years of higher
education after elementary school in order to be certified as a teacher.
This decree, along with the later one in 1904 (Decree 491), made
these standards mandatory for future teachers and has not been altered
since (Herrera & Low (1991).
The 20th Century: New Vision, New Opportunities
In order to study the evolution of education in Colombia
during the 20th century, it is critical to acknowledge the support and
involvement of Agustin Nieto Caballero, who studied in Europe, and
upon his return to Colombia, founded what is known as the Gimnasio
Moderno. The term gimnasio should not be confused with the word
used for a sports building. Instead, it should be seen as a metaphor
for educational activities. This institution became a pioneer in Latin
America by putting into practice the premises of the New School.
According to Herrera & Low (1991), this new mentality brought a
much needed reform to the pedagogical belief systems of the previous
century. In addition, the institution invited a group of German
educators for a second missionary visit; these individuals brought
with them the theories of John Dewey, María Montessori, and Ovide
Décroly.
During the 1930s, with the assistance of the liberal
government, considerable progress was made in modernizing and
expanding education through the creation of more rural normal
schools and the reacquisition of some urban ones. In regards to
higher education, three new educational institutions were founded
with the sole purpose of educating teachers who would teach and
115
become administrators in secondary education system (Calvache,
2004).
The year 1991 brought a change to the country’s political
Constitution, or what was called the norm of norms. In this
Constitution education was defined as “a person’s right and a public
service that has a social function. With education, a man would be
able to search for access to knowledge, science, technology, and the
rest of goods and values of the culture” (Calvache, 2004; Colombian
Constitution, 2009). Education was also made mandatory for children
between five and fifteen years of age and included a year of preschool
and nine years of basic educational instruction. At the same time, it
was established that the State, the family, and society were
responsible for its implementation. It was also stipulated that all
public State schools needed to be free of cost, although some fees
could be charged to those who could afford them (Colombian
Constitution, 2009).
The General Law of Education, Decree 115 of 1994, defined
the organizational structure of formal, non-formal, and informal
education as, respectively: a. that education which is given in
approved institutions, in series, and with curricular parameters; b. that
education whose goal is to update knowledge outside the grading and
evaluative system; and c. that education which is understood as the
collection of concepts, as well as acquired information from people
and means not regulated by the State (General Law of Education,
2009).
A New Boost to Education: The Ten-Year Educational Plan
A new plan, the Ten-Year Educational Plan, was introduced
and implemented as an attempt to advance education. Its purpose was
to include all public suggestions about improving the educational
system. This decennial plan, the document governing the educational
period of 2006-2016, was the product of information collected from
several educational evaluations and reviews (Decennial Plan of
Education, 2009).
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The opposition, however, continues to compare this ten-year
plan to those previously implemented. These critics persistently point
out the failures and limitations of the plan itself. These shortcomings
are reportedly related to equal access to education and to problems
with student retention in schools. As part of the teacher preparation
program, some questions are asked to assure that teacher candidates
understand the various components of the plan. Examples of these
core questions are: ''What guarantees that this plan will be
implemented, maintained and followed as it is proposed?'' and ''Who
is in charge of securing the execution of the projects and collection of
data proposed in the plan?''
Although it is understood that the educational system faces
considerable challenges, there seems to be a willingness from the new
teacher work force to improve this system. Some answers to the
before mentioned questions and others, as provided by those teachers
in preparation, are summarized in the following ideas:
1.
Guarantee an educational system that can respond to the
demands of the Colombian context, develop research
skills, and promote access to communication
technologies.
2. Educate in and for peace, civility, and citizenship.
3. Build pedagogical renovation that strengthens all aspects
of schooling.
4. Integrate science and technology with education while
developing human talent.
5. Provide an increased and improved investment in
education
6. Improve educational statistics
7. Make elementary education and child development a
priority at the national level.
8. Ensure access to equal education and student retention in
a high quality environment.
9. Provide leadership, accountability, and transparency in
the accreditation phase of the educational system.
10. Provide training, professional development, and
appreciation of scholars.
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11. Promote the active participation of the family, the labor
sector, the general society, the mass media, and cultural
institutions to ensure the relevance of education.
12. Improve teachers' working conditions.
Characteristics of the Colombian Educational System
Education in Colombia is a right as well as a requirement for
that part of the population between five and fifteen years of age. In
other words, a student at the age of fifteen can decide to leave the
general educational system and not be penalized by the State. It is also
important to mention that the system is divided into two levels:
primary (elementary) and secondary (basic education). The
elementary level goes from first to fifth grade, without including
preschool or kindergarten. The secondary level goes from sixth to
eleventh grades. In all, there are only eleven years of education, as
compared to the twelve years in other countries such as the United
States of America. What this means then is that a student in Colombia
who turns fifteen years of age can choose to leave school and join the
workforce. At fifteen, students are expected to be in the tenth grade.
This attrition problem has created a number of difficulties for
the social, economic and cultural systems of the country (Flórez,
2005). The main problem created by what is called student desertion
during or before the completion the last two years of basic education
(tenth and eleventh grades) is the lack of preparation for the world of
work. In 2004, only 47% of students who started school actually
finished, which means that an estimated 53% of school-aged
teenagers did not complete the cycle (Flórez, 2005). On an annual
basis, it was estimated that approximately 7% of students left school.
This problem is caused mainly by three specific factors. According to
some experts such as Flórez (2005), the first factor is directly related
to institutional structures in the educational service, in other words,
failing to keep promises and responsibilities to students. Some issues
in this area include lack of space in schools, rapid and unexpected
increase in fees, unequal access to opportunities, and in other cases,
lack of instructional quality. The second factor relates to the
pedagogical preparation of the teachers. It is believed that teachers
who are in charge of the integral development of the student fail to
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motivate students and keep them interested in high school (taken from
the Ten-Year Education Plan). Over-crowded rooms and inadequate
teaching skills result in teachers who become uninterested in teaching,
and even worse, caring for the students. Students' growing disinterest
in school drop was studied by the Departamento Administrativo
Nacional de Estadisticas de Colombia (National Administrative
Department of Statistics), better known as the DANE, which reported
that approximately 21% of students who leave school early expressed
a major lack of interest for staying in school.
The DANE also reported that the third main factor for lack of
student retention was, as one might guess, economic disadvantages. In
2003, approximately 40% of seventeen-year-olds who left school
early claimed some level of financial need that forced them to leave
school and look for a job. It is rather ironic and worth mentioning that
the school system in Colombia is currently designed with the last two
years of high school as the vocational years of basic education. It is
expected that a student who completes the full eleven years of
schooling, will have sufficient knowledge and skills to enter the
workforce. The issue is that, unfortunately, more than half of the
students who leave school early do so before they get prepared for a
vocational job.
In turn, it is harder for them to find employment
because most employers won’t hire someone who has not completed
high school (Flórez, 2005).
Problems with the Current Education in Colombia
Education in the twenty-first century should be concerned
with solving several issues that will be discussed in this section. To
begin with, teachers must have an active role in curricular planning.
Since the 1970s education has been viewed as a static process that is
centrally planned. This policy has resulted in making teachers the
administrators of curriculum rather than leaders or guides.
The
resulting educational policies have few or no connection at all to the
day-to-day realities of the classroom (Martínez & Alvarez, 1990).
Another legitimate question is that of educational quality
because, with the exception of Cuba, the quality of basic education in
Latin America does not meet minimum standards. The Segundo
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Estudio Regional Comparativo y Explicativo de 2005 Y 2006 (Second
Comparative and Explanatory Regional Study of 2005 and 2006)
studied third grade elementary school students and first year
secondary school students (i.e. grade 6) and found that education
achievements in Colombia only reach the regional average, with no
significant differences in students’ performance in mathematics and
language (Hommes, 2008).
Likewise, nationwide educational coverage becomes a critical
issue both at the basic educational level and at the advanced level
because in many states there are no institutions in charge of advanced
education. This fact is reflected in Law 1084 (2006) in which the
State, as the institution responsible for education throughout the
country, strengthened advanced education in remote areas by means
of agreements with private and public institutions outside of these
areas. These schools agreed to reserve 1% of their quota for students
that come from less accessible areas (Law 1084, 2006). Even this
proved to be insufficient support because student retention should be
insured by programs that provide them with employment
opportunities and/or university subsidies, without having to drop out.
A universal educational system with full coverage needs
teachers who are qualified in their specific field of study and in
appropriate pedagogical methods. At the same time, it is also vital to
guarantee teachers' job stability, good working conditions, and
necessary materials to shape Colombian citizens (Hommes, 2008).
In terms of educational quality, Decree 230 (2002) provoked a
lot of controversy because it established that a maximum of 5% of an
institution’s student population could fail a grade. It stated that
having students repeat a grade was costly to the country, and the
process of failing adversely affected students' self-esteem (Ministerio
de Educacion Nacional). However, this Decree was revoked as part
of the Ten-Year Educational Plan in response to pressure from
teachers and the general population who perceived it as detrimental to
the quality of education.
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Some Helpful Statistics
Out of the 42.3 million Colombian citizens in 2000, 91.5%
knew how to read and write, and the educational competion level was
90.7% for primary education and 61% for secondary education
(World Bank, 2010). By 2007, based on figures provided by the
National Ministry of Education, more than eleven million students
attended basic primary education, secondary education, and middle
school. The basic education level reached 100.87%. There were
1,444,544 students enrolled in advanced education. The creation of
new openings had been achieved through three programs: credit,
modernization of the management of public advanced education
institutions; and the development of technological and technical
education. This effort enabled enrollments to increase from 20.6% in
2002 to 33.3% in 2008. The most significant growth was related to
the technical and technological levels.
Achieving these increases in educational enrollments was a
slow process because at the beginning of the twentieth century
Colombia had low educational levels compared to other Latin
American countries. Ramirez and Téllez (2007) analyzed the
evolution of both elementary and secondary education in Colombia
during the twentieth century. Their study discovered that at the
beginning of the century nearly 66% of children between the ages of
seven and 17 years of age were illiterate (World Bank, 2010). This
illiteracy rate decreased to 15.8% during the seventies and eighties,
and reached 8% by 2006, which was the lowest figure in one hundred
years. The efforts of the government, although limited at times, had
also increased the net scholastic participation from 103.1% in the late
1980s, to 114% by 2000 (Ramírez & Téllez, 2007). Even though these
numbers look promising, it must be considered that there are still 12%
of children in Colombia that lack the means to attend school. These
are troubling figures when compared to the 9% level in the rest of
Latin America (World Bank, 2010).
A promising spike has been present since 2000, where an
approximate 1.8% of elementary school enrollment has showed a
steady annual increase. There is a current increase of about five
million children enrolled in first to fifth grade. Secondary education
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has also experienced a considerable growth of almost 5%, and
retention has remained at the highest level it has been in years.
Additionally, the number of schools and teachers has doubled. Based
on a longitudinal study done by Ramírez and Téllez (2007), it can be
seen that the number of children enrolled went from 4.5% in 1905 to
more than 12% by 2000. Ramírez and Téllez (2007) also reported
that there has been an increase of teacher preparation schools and that
the teacher workforce has increased almost by 50%. Lastly, tuition in
most cases grew proportionally in high school by going from 61% in
the late 1980s to a little more than 70% by 2000.
Although the forecast is very promising, according to
Ramírez and Téllez (2007), after the impressive advances of the past
30 years, the government still needs to improve educational access,
quality, investment politics, and proper administration of the
educational sector. Regarding teacher salaries, the new Decree
enacted this year promises a pay increase of 14% for this year, and of
24% over the next three. This would benefit approximately 70,000
educators and administrators. This means that a high school graduate
from a normal school or vocational educator would make $1.013.000
($553), a lecturer or professional educator would make $1.983.948
($1084), and a licensed, credential teacher from a university would
make $2.367.092 ($1294). Lastly, a teacher with a Masters degree
would make an estimated $2.934.879 ($1603) and with a doctorate, an
approximate $3.904.519, or roughly $2133 dollars ("Salarios de 70,"
2009).
Teacher Preparation
In Colombia, the responsibility for the training of teachers has
been assumed by two types of institutions. The Normal Schools
prepare students during the last two vocational years of high school
and are responsible for teaching content knowledge (Calvache, 2004).
The colleges of education prepare teachers, not in content, but in
curriculum and pedagogical approaches at a higher educational level
(Calvache, 2004). Both institutions have always been under the
influence of diverse pedagogical models of instruction, as well as
multiple political reforms throughout history. These inconsistencies,
at times, have caused the educational system to project the idea that
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only the elite could afford an education. According to Calvache
(2004) education “is a privilege for some elite social classes, as well
as a representation of a political purpose whose agenda reflects the
dependency on external factors that contradict those internal factors
that are inherent to the organization.”
When it comes to the Normal Schools, teaching is based on
methodologies, and the predominant expectation for a teacher is
know-how. On the other hand, the colleges of education at universities
place great importance on training teachers in the administrative
components of education (Calvache, 2004).
A Brief Revisit to the Normal School
It is important to note that the Escuela Normal, Normal
School, is the most important step in teacher preparation. As
described in the history of education in Colombia, the Normal School
dates back to 1821, and throughout its historical turmoil, it has still
proven to be an effective and productive institution for teacher
preparation. Its most influential reform came in 1970 with the
enactment of Decree 80, in which education was defined as an
instrument that would equip the teacher with practical knowledge and
with the use of technology as a foundation. From this point on,
teachers would become supervisors of knowledge using a better
developed curriculum and instructional guides that would assist them
with time management and administration (Calvache, 2004).
A Short Political Review
As was previously mentioned, education in Colombia has been
closely related to the political changes in the country. By observing
politically motivated educational changes it has been easy to tell
which political party was in charge. This was especially obvious
during the twentieth century. A good example was during the 19491957 period during which the conservative party regarded the normal
school as a vehicle for promoting its ideology. During this period,
conservative politicians sought to replace high level liberals in the
department of education. Once this was accomplished, the number of
teacher in elementary schools doubled, and political beliefs of these
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teachers became conservative. Unfortunately, this strategy backfired
and the quality of education fell drastically, as did the value and
appreciation for those in the field of education (Martínez & Alvarez,
1990).
Teacher Certification
When it comes to departments of education in universities,
known as Facultades de Educación, their origins date back to 1920
when the influence of the Escuela Nueva (New School) indicated the
need to train teachers with a different mentality from that of
traditional educators. These new teachers would depart from the
memorization methods used at the time in schools, as well as from
pedagogical dictatorship styles (Martínez & Alvarez, 1990). During
this time, it was imperative that teachers possessed the skills of a
professional educational administrator, in other words, the new
approach was that teachers should no longer be simple transmitters of
content, but motivators, communicators, and thinkers. From this
movement, the title Licenciado en Educación, or Certified Teacher,
was born.
One Last Historical Review
The history of teaching practices in Colombia has been filled
with contradictions both at the social and the state level. During the
nineteenth century, at the time of the reconstruction process of the
Republic, it was mandatory that all teachers be examples of virtue and
good citizenship. It was believed that teachers who could demonstrate
good behavior and judgment would be models of morality for
students. The educator during this period needed to posses moral
qualities, vocational skills, in addition to extensive knowledge of
teaching methodologies (Martínez & Alvarez, 1990). This is why all
aspiring teachers attended normal schools. Unfortunately, teaching
came to be regarded as a missionary endeavor that received
insufficient financial compensation.
Historically, there have been several functions assigned to
teachers. These have been defined as being first and foremost an
educational vocation, a State employee, and lastly, an administrator.
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Teachers have been responsible for providing all social classes with
high standards and a sense of responsibility, as well as taking the
blame for social problems such as teenage pregnancy or the existence
of criminal gangs. After several centuries of reforms, not much has
changed in the public’s perceptions of educators' roles.
What Current Teachers Think About Education in Colombia
To get a slightly better idea about the current situation of
education in Colombia, a short survey was conducted at the
University of Antioquia, recognized as one of the best universities for
teacher preparation in Colombia. When asked about their general
opinions of the educational system, the most dominant feeling was
that although there were substantial human resources, the State and
the government have not supported the system (Anonymous, personal
communication, April 24, 2009). Some respondents believed that still
more changes were needed in the perception of teacher quality and
that the government needed to re-evaluate the existing competitive
approach among districts, which have reduced the willingness for
teachers to participate.
Some of the other mixed responses dealt with too much
money being spent on the current drug war and not leaving enough
for education (A. Quiroz, personal communication, April 25, 2009).
Also, it was felt that the quality of education for teacher training has
been diminishing because there is too much attention paid to training
teachers who can do, rather than preparing teachers who can think.
Another point of agreement among teachers was that extensive
pressure is being put on teachers by the State in regards to their
discussions and teachings about the current socio-political, economic,
and cultural realities (J. Marin, personal communication, April 23,
2009).
In reference to the challenges of education in Colombia,
research indicates that there is a current lack of resources and
investment and that there is little to no attention given to research and
investigation. In addition, many believe that the teacher-student ratio
is much too high, especially in cases there are over 40 students in
elementary classes and close to 50 in high school classes. Most
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teachers still agree that the biggest challenge is equal access for all
(Ramírez & Téllez, 2007).
Final Thoughts
Colombian people are hard working, honest, dependable, and
resilient individuals. Teachers in Colombia want to teach; they
understand that they must overcome the current situations to open up
opportunities for the future. Teachers still have faith and hope for a
better, more accessible educational system. They feel they are
competent and believe that with the help of the local government and
the State they can become even better role models for young people.
They dream big and hope that in the near future the schools and the
government will offer more opportunities for research and studies.
They know that the support at this time is not ideal, but they also
know that history will not repeat itself.
All is not as bleak as it may sound. Vocational education in
Colombia has begun to take root, and the private sector is taking
notice. Current teachers are finally awakening from their sense of
helplessness in the face of the political forces that have oppressed
them for decades. Today's teachers have broader ideas, expanded
interests, and stronger motivation for equipping themselves with
better pedagogical tools. Finally, educators no longer think about
themselves as individuals. They have become a community of minds
and hearts that is ready to change the world.
Reprinted with permission from Karras, K. G., & Wolhuter C.C. (Eds.)
(2010). International handbook on teacher education worldwide.
Training, issues, and challenges for the teaching profession. Athens,
Greece: Atrapos Editions.
126
References
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de educadores a nivel superior en colombia durante el
“frente nacional”: Revista Historia de la Educación
Latinoamericana, 6, 105-126.
Colombian Constitution. Chapter 2. Article 67. (2009, April 23).
Retrieved from:
http://www.banrep.gov.co/regimen/resoluciones/cp91.pdf
Decennial Plan of Educación. (2009, April 24). Retrieved from
http://www.mineducacion.gov.co/1621/articles124745_archivo_pdf9.pdf
http://www.plandecenal.edu.co/html/1726/article158442.html.
Colombia, Congreso. (2006, September 15). Ley 1084 de
2006. Legislación, 109(1294), 357.
Flórez, L. (2005, November-December). El problema de la
deserción escolar. Economía colombiana, (311), 4-7.
General Law of Education: Decree 115 of 1994. (2009, April 22).
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Sciences, Universidad Pedagógica Nacional: Colombia. 44-57.
Herrera, M., & Low, C. (1990, July). La historia de las
escuelas normales en colombia. Educación y cultura,
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Hommes, R. (2008, October 24). Calidad de la educación en colombia
y en la región. El Tiempo, Retrieved from
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About the Contributors
Mauricio Cadavid holds a B.A. in Psychology, an M.A. in Education
(Reading and Language Arts); and he is currently a doctoral student in the
Educational Leadership Program at Califorani State University, San
Bernardino. He has taught English in private and public K-12 settings, and
he has collaborated on a number of English-Spanish projects with
universities in Colombia. His research interests include elementary reading
comprehension and acquisition, Vygotsky’s social constructivism, and the
use of technology to create and deliver engaging content.
Diana Calderón currently teaches English and French in the private sector
in Colombia. Her academic interests include political history and the
relationship between language acquisition and cultural identification. She
also enjoys conducting research on pedagogical methodologies in second
language acquisition. Diana holds a Bachelor of Science degree in
veterinary science, and she is working on an M.A. in Foreign Languages.
Sergio Gómez Castañedo is an advisor and researcher in the Cuban
Ministry of Higher Education. He is also a professor at the University of
Havana. His career in education spans almost forty years, and he has
published extensively about the educational systems of his country. He has
traveled throughout Latin America and Europe.
Kent Dickson is an Assistant Professor of Spanish at California State
Polytechnic University, Pomona. He received his doctorate in Hispanic
Languages and Literatures from UCLA in 2005 with a dissertation on the
intersection of politics, esthetics, and masculinities in the work of Peruvian
poet César Moro (1903-1956) and the Mexican poet Xavier Villaurrutia
(1903-1950). His recent research has focussed on nostalgia in Mexican and
Peruvian letters, on post-2003 fictional portrayals of the armed conflict
between the Peruvian government and Sendero Luminoso guerrillas, and on
the public "emotion" of sympathy in Peruvian indigenista fiction.
Marina Estupiñan is a doctoral candidate from the University of San
Francisco.
Rosalie Giacchino-Baker is the Faculty Director of CSUSB’s International
Institute and a professor in the College of Education’s Department of
Language, Literacy, and Culture where she teaches courses and conducts
research in second language, multicultural, and international education. She
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has lived and worked overseas for thirteen years in countries that include
France, Italy, England, Belize, Mexico, Argentina, Cuba, Micronesia, China,
Thailand, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Vietnam, and Malaysia. She
has published four resource books and more than 40 articles related to her
research interests.
James Keese is an Associate Professor of Geography at California State
Polytechnic University, San Luis Obispo. He received his Ph.D. from the
University of Arizona in 1996. His research interests include small-holder
agriculture, non-governmental organizations, and sustainable development
in Latin America.
He has spent three years in Latin America and has
traveled to thirteen countries in the region. He is especially interested in the
economic and cultural issues that link California with Latin America.
Thomas Mastin is a faculty member in the Department of Bioresource and
Agricultural Engineering at California State Polytechnic University, San
Luis Obispo where he teaches engineering surveying, remote sensing,
photogrammetry, and advanced surveying with GIS applications. He is a
licensed land surveyor in the State of California.
Martha Bárcenas-Mooradian is Visiting Associate Professor of Spanish,
Pitzer College. She earned her Ph.D. in Education at Claremont Graduate
University. Her research interests include the preservation of indigenous
languages and cultures and pedagogies for underserved and marginalized
populations, among others.
Lia Nicholson is a student at Pitzer College, Claremont, California.
Andrea Reyes is a Visiting Professor at Scripps College in Claremont,
California. She received her Ph.D. from UCLA in Hispanic Languages and
Literatures in 2003 with her dissertation, “Privilegio y uso de la palabra:
los ensayos (extra)ordinarios de Rosario Castellanos.” In the course of her
doctoral investigation, she found more than 330 essays by Castellanos that
had never been collected in any of the author's anthologies. Those
previously uncollected essays have been published in three volumes by
Conaculta in México under the title, Mujer de palabras: artículos
rescatados de Rosario Castellanos." Andrea continues to study women
intellectuals and essayists, and her most recent research is on outspoken
female journalists in Mexico.
Daniel Taborda conducts research on culturally based teaching and
learning methodologies. He works in Colombia where he has collaborated
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on the production of creative and effective learning materials. His current
focus is on teaching and learning English and French as foreign languages.
Luis Uribe is a freelance educator, interpreter, and translator who has
taught EFL and ESL courses for the last 13 years in Central and South
America. His field of expertise is mainly adult education and the
implementation of the communicative approach based on real life situations
and reenactments within the classroom.
David Yun is a faculty member in the Department of Natural Resource
Management at California State University, San Luis Obispo.
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