Hadrian's Heir Author(s): Edward Champlin Source: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bd. 21 (1976), pp. 79-89 Published by: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn (Germany) Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20181085 Accessed: 23/03/2010 17:59 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=habelt. 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Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn (Germany) is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. http://www.jstor.org HEIR HADRIAN'S There has been of late considerable to his throne. succession with Antoninus Pius, son realized eventually the ultimate of an historical ?n the year is an adjunct note nor with but with his claim, for Fuscus' will "might-have-been" the unfortunate existence yield to secure attempts to that discussion, the forgotten or ?IIappreciated. is has been neglected man, will Aelius more a valuable clue whose Caesar, Fuscus. A mere Pedanius little for what the consideration important, to what neither dealing prove beneficial, However, the did occur actually 138. Fuscus This Pedanius it as ?nept conspirator, the senatorial little mark leaves in the literary records of Hadrian's foolish dupe or ?nnocent victim. matter of his fall whether emperor: heir, of the slight evidence collection there The present of Hadrian's discussion Dio's reaction. from an it derives account 'official', (in epitome) and the end of Hadrian's the beginning all but obscures Prejudice is brief, reign, consistent he asserts, the or from version Hadrian-inspired and hostile were be reign, stained to the by the blood of the leading men of the state. In the early months the emperor's agents slew the and at the end Servianus - that is, his sister's husband L. lulius Ursus Four Consular*, Servianus, found III in 134 - and the old man's cos in an early part of the account, fell seriously that year, ?II and L. Ceionius of their resentment 1). Two anecdotes Servianus Commodus. at the adoption, are added: his brother-in-law Thus, Hadrian Caesar in his nineties, in the first Servianus death; in the proper place. and his grandson Servianus a lingering This remark, as Aelius in 136 named andadopted calls down upon Hadrian had considered is developed Fuscus (69.2.6). grandson, Fuscus were imperil consul to his innocence it is suggested in palmier of slain because Fuscus aged eighteen swears solemnly in the second to be capax the ordinary (69.17. and that the emperor days (17.2-3). The chez REA 51 (1949) 262-321 = (in expanded form) Passion et politique 1) J.Carcopino, SBAW REA 52 (1950) 258-77; les C?sars (Paris, 1958) 143-222; P.Grenade, 1953.2, E.Hohl, JRS 57 T.D.Barnes, 1963.95-122; Pflaum, Bonner Hist. Aug. Colloquium 31-54; H.-G. N. Historia 17 67 REA (1968) 84-98; (1965) 67-79; R.Syme, (1967) 74-79; J.Carcopino, of Aelius the 7 67-100 Anal.Rom. Caesar). (on Hannestad, (1974) iconography An earlier version of this paper profited greatly by the comments of Professor T.D. Barnes and Sir Ronald Syme. of Dioisskeletal epitome a blameless lore. When Severus same (and his innocence) into senate entered Caesar was slain under the reign of Septimius 2) the same prayer that Servianus made for Hadrian." of Aelius descendent "I make the Historia shared what was apparently that the historian curse for Servianus' he simply remarked, By contrast the leaves no doubt but of his class, the prejudice to ?n E . Champ? 80 is repetitious Augusta and confused. Four passages refer event: 1. (In a register of friends against whom Hadrian virum imum nonages annum iam later turned) Servianum ne agentem, sibi sororis superviveret, mor? (HA Hadr.15.8) coegit. illness confines him to bed) Factusque de successore sollicitus primum 2. (Hadrian's de Serviano cogitavit, mori <item>^' quern postea, ut diximus, coegit, et ostentis Fuscum, quod imperium praesagiis (23.2-3) agitatus speraret. 3. (Hadrian suffers a serious attack) Tune libere Servianum quasi adfectatorem imperii, quod servis regiis cenam misisset, quod in sedili regio iuxta lectum p?sito sedisset, quod erectus mori ad stationes multis coegit, sidias. (23.8) (Hadrian adopts Commodus 4. Servianum fusion of the context. reported that Hadrian and that he had several its lack of repetition, biography ruin. portents successor, and that a certain the unique source to hope for the empire. supra passage "mori coegit" It introduces tempore et sibi et ob Fuscus (otherwise for a third item, The HA this desire the con account by various 2 stands apart, not (and the clause "quern. himself absent considered unidentified) that Fuscus was is surely operating leves (25.8) Servianus wished two assertions that is that Hadrian in per ne est, from a single derived to have betrayed less hostile insertion). Dio, dictum that the nonagenarian the ubiquitous beyond but noted by Cassius It is also feared The supporters. looks like a clumsy coegit" possible in his illness Sub ipso mortis coegit imperaret, mori reservavit. quos Antoninus 1, 3 and 4 are clearly Passages processisset, vel aperte but hardly surprising when we consider that Servianus was alleged after his death, ut agentem, is complete, confusion vel in turn, Antoninus) and, ut putabat, atque, superviveret occidi iussit offensas plurimos The chronological nonagenarius interfectis annos nonaginta senex militum aliis was which to rule actions, least in in the elsewhere Servianus involved as a in his spurred on by signs and in this matter from two in the period The senate's hatred of Hadrian is well attested 2) Dio 76.7.3-4. 70.1.2-3. Pius 5.1; Dio 69.23.3, HA Hadr. 27.2, his death: after mediately im read simply: "... mori coegit. Fuscum, edition. E.Hohl subsequently summa habuit." in detestatione et But, ostentis agitatus speraret, quod imperium praesagiis is better applied a pair, slain together, and (2) the detestation are and Servianus Fuscus (1) to Platorius Nepos who follows in the text and who survived. 3) Thus H.Peter's 's Hadrian r Hei 81 a senator Marius Maximus, 4) and with Sir Ronald Syme's more sober Ig no tu s . (2) Further, passage 2 might - Hadrian's memoirs or derived narrative evident elsewhere the apologetic there* sources which (1,3,4) reflect are temptingly from? - which had been when Hadrian vir) had purposely ambitious messenger treated him and then tampered with detained won Thus, we are told by the biographer, ingrate. to inform Trajan of the death of Nerva, hurrying And previously through.) his extravagance the kinsmen by betraying the emperor as an envious Servianus portrayed the scandalous with identifiable the inveterate his carriage. (sororis the (Nevertheless had stirred up trouble between Servianus to Trajan and his debts Servianus However Hadrian (2.6). intriguer with magnanimity: cui tantum detulit ut ei venienti de cub?culo semper sororis Serviano viro, nee secum tarnen, cum il le bis ante Hadr?anum tertium consulatum, occurrerit, ne non petenti ac sine precatione esset seeundae sententiae, concessit. fuisset, (8.11) for two sources divergent Ifwe allow confusion in favour of Dio's must have stood out. at the least the obvious hence capax in the veins of Servianus' obvious ultimate figurehead. However only too well could be construed "compelled in their fall. to die" in fact, founded as treason (whatever 4) See especially R.Syme, each other serious in illness as would be Servianus, guess, but two factors narrative for Aelian light. Grandfather Ill 100 A.D.: Fasti Ostienses 5) L.lulius Ursus, cos. VI Akt. Epigr. Kongress (M?nchen, reported by F.Zevi, ined. Ceionius them were acceptable were involved from the historians, (Oxford, the and grandson were and unnamed associates Emperors and Biography flowed confirmed against formerly perfectly can be elicited blood his mind and adopted charges him had dubbed to Fuscus merely revealed for what were in the new himself consideration, The subsequent that might mean) Thus far a consistent into line with Hadrian's And Hadrian the emperor changed to the dismay of his own kinsmen. Commodus probably successor. can be brought chronological the HA never (which than an educated The portents grandson. account reconstructed. there was a dynastic Second, imperii. ignore the wild man in the senator was by far the most distinguished 5) son of a consul and the emperor's brother ter, the aged First, if we to the fore: the first choice of succession thrice consul and the adopted in-law, actions is easily informs us. This need be no more the biographer state, of events The sequence the question 136 brought straightforward and and plausible the fragments of the biography quite contradicts), and with Dio. in attitude, 1971), but many 113-117. (confirming 1973), 438. CIL VI.1432), E . Champ? 82 important facts are missing Hadrian interest of neither valuable a Greek in a Byzantine survives horoscope Bowersock without it is of prime a prominent but only its facts must be credible. The first is undoubtedly 5 April, 40, less likely) in the correct Servianus of astrological himself, for southern or (as Professor occurs of the piece in most suggestive of Antigonus concerns argue) Fuscus supplies of as unknown perhaps Hadrian's Barnes will (especial The authenticity from the collection the second it. the more so in the case of example Spain, to Pedanius that attributed detail together to exploit to be acceptable all verifiable. that of Hadrian, latitude noted by R. Syme and For a horoscope This particular The imperial dreams. has attempted F.H.Cramer the facts might be easily Nicaea. of the Apotelesmatica epitome it should be correct, compilation) in a group of three extracted company, a to produce may combine and recently F.Cumont, as evidence. importance figure where is irrelevant; in the the memory. must surely be that of the youth with comment, in a subsequent ly for use for it was to chance, documents three neglected was made by its editor, identification However to perpetuate of Thebes which of Hephaestio G.W. nor his successors least: "Why to the record of these events. supplement First, is hardly due however, fortunately, not remain unanswered, questions of the record The meagreness Commodus?". Most and several in Licinius born father or (far Sura. the following Stripped information: He (Antigonus), records a third nativity and says of this person that he was born to the ruin of himself and his antecedents about his twenty-fifth He year.... came of a powerful and illustrious family, that is both through his father and his He was born with great mother, who lived with great honour and died violently. to to and the forward looked acceding Through ill expectations monarchy. came to to and his he about being denounced grief counselling year, twenty-fifth the emperor he was destroyed with an old man of his family (who was falsely ac cused through him); moreover everyone of his family died miserably because of was him.He From the data supplied twenty-fifth year given to passion the subject's thus fell and birthday in 137/138. fond of has been This could gladiators.'* calculated as 6 April, 113. be no one but the ill-starred Pedanius VIII.2.85; 6) F.Cumont, Cat.cod.astr.graec R.Syme, Historia 17 (1968) 96 n.l Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (1969), 118-19; F.H.Cramer, G.W.Bowersock, in Roman law and politics 174-78, 267-69. (1954), Astrology 7) Hephaestio, Epit. IV.26.52, 55, 56 and H.B. van Heusen, 8) O.Neugebauer of the abstract is provided. horoscope (231-232 Pingree). Greek horoscopes (1959), 108-109; His 12; an English 's Hadrian 83 Heir Fuscus. must be abandoned (eighteen) one fifth year", surmised, (VI.26), Fuscus Salinator certain in 113. stop with the emperor soon thereafter At emperor. possible this point the contrary. The historians innocence Hadrian perhaps smoothing to his selected the event, heir employing the transition of power is a sound manoeuvre. been and the existence obvious is given charge, is a plot that found for an accusation. by and all of his family, of the aged not Servianus, tend to its support. of ruling after him. but a senior senator, from an emperor unpopular with The horoscope is suggested. supplies implement a respected the senate such a plan further dateil. And a pretext The HA speaks of his excitement in The youth was (at least) must have at "praesagia et ostenta", of a g en i tu ra might be surmised from the words of the horoscope. as Cramer observed, of a rather weak-minded logers. And what father was the tale related sense would In fact Hadrian did (118) and out at some time as reverses by the prominence ludicrous, not Fuscus Salinator his mother's and pointed Common From ancestors of the new reign dramatically to a actors. different by bad counsel, epistles they would Pedanius consulship have might the infant Pedanius that Servianus was capable emperor may be Thus the focus must shift to Fuscus. betrayed the Cn. command; while to confirm. sarcastically, The idea of a nonagenarian caretaker appears which of Pliny himself. succession down his grandfather have been misled the horoscope remarked, the horoscope it was who dragged Dio and the HA: Fuscus whose to the Moesian assigned "about his twenty sign of favour to the child's in the first ordinary himself for the youth bright even at the moment the next kinsman, clear stand of his daughter favourite prospects were father was surely Fuscus' age most polite on the engagement raised to the rare honour of a third consulship eventually a he gave Dio's repeated turned to a dynastic but rather with cannot of his ancestry, and a special lineage thoughts Hadrian, and maternal: both paternal perhaps of patrician detail in one of Pliny's attested lulius Servianus Hadrian acceded Fuscus. And when consul with to stand explicitly If Trajan's the childless historians: The splendour families was born a son whose this union of great of his birth it must know. to congratulate written the narrative with in the face of the horoscope's item which happens the one contradictory First, coincidences the accumulated against been may be made. observations Several little character would be ma i estas. young man swayed by evil the horoscope implies More important, friends and dazzled is an appropriate one, The the impression by astro that of a man in E . Champ? 84 amorous and fond of gladiators, One and was confident into great prospects that an obvious to these be given to be false. it without remarks, a nativity Antigonus' confidence itwill but Bowersock most useful item. philosopher Secundus we are offered In the Arabic recognizing in him the consul fell of age. gremio", son (who would in 128/129 and (1968/71) qualify on one of his several i I iu m, from a mutilated 9) B.E.Perry, 10) Bowersock, a cousin to discover during that in mind consideration Beiblatt encounter to yield with for the title visits the silent cousin, to As he sug this not equally "cousin")? The interview the last two of to the city, of Marcus a could However, In the latter year Fuscus would Marcus was allowed like the precocious and perhaps of his cons scription si Ien t i o indeed more and Fuscus Salinator. ignored. Perhaps he was brought up, as the HA alleges and be nineteen Aurelius, to shine on public years "in Hadriani occasions. of the emperor as a member 12)At of his entourage, the famous peregrinations. should be directed towards the recently published in at Ephesus (J?AI 49 turned up by the excavations = AE The text is bilingual, Greek 1972.578). photographs statue base with 31-34, Secundus Greek the silent Sophists philosopher (1964), 127. 118-119. text at Perry, 72.9ff. Secundus taught and died at Athens: Philo 11) See the Greek I 26 with Bowersock's remarks. Hadrian at Athens: W.Weber, stratus, Vit.Soph. p.544-45, zur Geschichte des Kaisers Hadrianus (1907), 205-10, 268-75. Untersuchungen 12) HA Marcus to that is that Fuscus' source can be made Pedanius can be better certainly 131/132. any rate it is most welcome With a neglected of 118, in the relationship the slight muddle which proved it advert e The argument of the emperor Hadrian's version Hadrian was held at Athens with but could the opinion of one present, the king's "Salan, 9) and of pious aspect." Bowersock has rightly called attention who was very modest be that man's it in silence, But is significance which nativity of the alternative, justify exploration Thanks to the care of Professor gests, pass over of the HA. can be discovered. ostenta this man, a seem Itwould If astrological alone? not from the stars but from the favour of Hadrian, derived mundane and the ostenta" on its gross error (as must be assumed)? fragile, Fuscus, we are told, to the empire. in 113 must be assumed, might well horoscope commenting is admittedly cast led astray. attention. of succeeding from the text of the horoscope assumption be easily demands to the "praesagia should be made that reference patent the sort who might in the horoscope (out of many) ambiguity was born perhaps 4.1, 6. 85 Hadrian'sHeir followed by Latin, is succeeded honorand donor. by his brief [.] Velleius P.? to mind an equally calls commemorated with no other f. Brocc[hus] Aquilius [...] Agricola[.] ("Gnaeus") and polyonymous information on a stone from in Da mat I ia: Doclea Cn. C. Serto[rius] SalinatCor] lulius Servianus.(CIL the two men Together is immediately are represented in his name. foreshadowed The greatest Blaesus P. Sallustius Next, that he died presumption was published ister (although unexpected Tacitus betrays no hint of any - but is absent in the interval 91/101. for his second Epp. the deathbed genti 11.20.7)." Pliny's of Velleius Blaesus, the dying man had effected 13) The reader the original An arresting certain cf. anecdote Blaesus the operations exposes the doctors in his will years between It is a fair this man about 10.3), ?lie locuples of Aquilius "with (e.g.) consularis' Regulus at to keep him alive, reproaching 78 but when them for prolonging his in line lengths is urged to consult the photographs accompanying no effect on the problems here considered. They appear to have interested publication. L.f. Ani. Graecinus 14) Thus he makes no mention of the quaestor M.lulius a sepulchral inscription to Agricola's AE 1946.94. father, L. lulius Graecinus: 15) CIL VI p.588 Bla..." the same as Sallustius Dom. (Suetonius, 'Velleius at first exhorting changes conjecture be polyonymous, by Domitian licium, for several in 101 and subsequently. in 1958 by Professor Syme: he might artistic here by "Sallustius represented Arvalium fratrum the legate of Britain destroyed 'Velleius' is surely (cos. 89) in the Acta is registered and 91 - from 89 as mag Lucullus and completely surprise, consulars of his father-in-law, but the biographer was not above .14) The nature of the link is beyond conjecture. detail. of inessential This man as some three or four Flavian for Lucius, apparent to solve. in his eulogy connection omission than this note can pretend is the item "lulius Agricola". by Gnaeus), FCuscus] Ped[an]ius 111.13826). raise more problems High birth (Pliny, 13) Caesonius. [...] Fuscus Sa[linat]or Ped]anius [... of the it stands at its fullest as both much mutilated, L. Sertorius "Lucius") the long name of the and by the name and office honorum .] lulius Agricola Bla[esus nobleman troublesome cursus f. Tro.[...] this person hereinafter Inevitably in all but one respect: identical of his name, the versions By combining Sallus[ti]us versions offering for the references; 16) Tacitus (1958), 648. for 101 etc. pp.528ff. who raised 86 E .C h a m p I i n is obviously date a senator, the death of Sallustius Suetonius mentions premature dictum The new decease. with its first item, P. Velleius P.f. Sallustius of his demise c.93 echo of the contemporary of their names on the Ephesian Regulus was with as he describes, venal In an age ...". senatorial Aquilii Salinator element will [Cn.] it may items, whence cohered confirm. name Sertorius Blaesus that on the reconstruction two other is split by Tro.[Lucullus?]L. Sallustius be noticed Pedanius P.f. The or igo inevitably suggests cos. by Pliny, And the The exact is a notable it is possible bears inscription that the so casual neither nor so the word restore Sertorius lulius Agricola proposed reasonably Ped]anius [Brocchus ... "Aquilio above stone as and the names of in Tarraconensis, and both families first appear 191: "generosique... VI11.38. remarks of A.R.Birley, XXXIX.5.27. Blaesus that the Sertorius/ of Velleius/Sallustius, ILS 1075 and Diog. Fuscus the name of Velleius be assumed of the Pedan i i was Barcino, 19) "[Regulo]"? Caesonius. (1973) 181, with n.12. see or obiter the full name on the Ephesian 18) For the structure of the name see the valuable Reguli suicide and the conjunction might we nevertheless cf. 11.3. 77. II.1. 189-207, 17) Statius, Silvae "Auson?os inter proceres seriemque Quirini". Martial 19) For later Aquilii there although speculation. distorted Spain as well, for Suetonius' 89. suff. of Britain, ex-governor the assumption before 'terror'. a new kind of spear to support to Syme's remain unclear, for the third line of the Doclea rife with [P.] Velleius Gnaeus Blaesus, stone may arouse significantly Blaesus. in the latter years of the reign of Domitian, can now restore with more or less temerity We Itwill of another death Velleius and a new figure can emerge, f.", Tro. Lucullus date and circumstances connection P.? that the notice remarks do not exclude brings unexpected ". Velleius be Pliny's by the sources, Pliny's consulars who died of three shadowy composite inscription while it clear of Martial's he allowed Identity of the two is not excluded need not imply execution, notice hostile deceased fit the time of the Domitianic Lucullus would cause of his downfall: the alleged be named after him. viz. The man could well put the death around 93 A.D. Similarly, Statius makes the book-date while The dramatic captator. refer to a recently ior. Mel patron Atedius is of noble birth and probably would left to the would-be both Statius and Martial Now Domitianic the friend of their wealthy Blaesus, man for nothing was to no purpose, all agony: while the in the Blaesi"; 195: Britannia 4 Hadrian's senate under Claudius. 20) [Se]rtorius. Pedan i i with successor a member of the same group: surely be has been conjectured of both Hadrian and Pedanius, If the connection 118), whose (ord. 22) Such friend. a man stood very close the highest in the Greek version), one the occasion item is absent, legate of a proconsul consul A Cn. of Asia of 118, could with second 20) CIL Pedanius would 111.12493, 21) R.Syme, 23) Cf. M.W. brief his (suffect the pontificate aristocracy. polyonymity. Unfortunately 100. that he was His son, the future if we assume a slight delay That he was not by his uncle. of the late first and legates before their quaestor 17 (1968) 88-90. favourites, Pliny's Hoffman Lewis, rivalling The official Senatoren von Vespasian each other: Epp. VI.11. priests of Rome under bis Hadrian 23) and an apt occasion 24) near-contemporaries to have been proconsular (curiously in the early years of Domitian) be seen as his legate for several this to the highest relative, consul to the consulship cu rsus therefore was pre the Julio-Claudians (1955), 24-26. 24) Cf. W.Eck, Fuscus himself Tomi. Historia 22) The two were the mysterious The answer may seem obvious, be his father or a close little difficulty Lucius' Similarly at some time towards the year are known centuries intimate might go of the vigintivirate in his splendid latent for the statue. no trouble, that his him to outstrip enable at an early age only the promise a swift advancement before yet a senator need cause early 118). contubernalis youths. Fuscus Salinator Pedanius as proconsul in his career went who might well 21)One indeed an old one of the four offices of patrician which be recalled but was not yet quaestor, twenties: proportion to confirm is attested (su f f . princeps of the by marriage to the throne. lllvir a.a.a.f.f. These serve merely is available. old to the new in his late teens or early one attracts absent than Quadratus' relationship . He had been sumably [AJrtorius or to have been another reason) and Pedan i i was Sertorii in the in the consulship it will to the new stone from Ephesus we may next consider Returning honorum (surely with Ummidius Quadratus C. between be none other legate might to have been a certain and the honour reflected the (Spanish) emperor Hadrian, inMoesia further. one. Now In favour of the latter name stands the near relationship [SeJrtorius will 118. 87 then may have been an ancient The connection 120 the legate of Mo es ?a Inferior is known year of Heir (1970), 155 n.179. B8 ships. 25) However and may mutilated factors must be considered. other of 118 was Gnaeus. the consul have no other stone exhibits E.Champlin This is hardly prohibitive, included "[Cn. have received of the proconsul member connection a lictor, with mission "Flavius As the editor (of which stone man of the highest proconsul by a lictor. attended arrived by sea from Athens. likewise young man, succeeding 28) to the empire. at Ephesus. One might 25) E.G., ILS 1038, On even by or the dedication eius on a special important person. Thus the is his son, Hadrian's great-nephew. (And he could every count conjecture he visit have to a very young dedicated a man who was neither last attested Fuscus, who on the base of a statue inscription capital, prince may well The travelling a Pedanius I ictor and one who was already of his family, The emperor Hadrian's from Syria to Pontus.) as a is attended the youth 26) a bilingual in the provincial rank but not yet a senator, nor a member honoured he must be engaged either of whom we know on any view, place public suggests, surely there need be no legate nor relative must be is not it in his cursus that he is being he is simply a very or , or candidate is anomalous in a prominent erected lictor", the man 27) of 118 seems a non-starter. The Ephesian Bassus, Pedanius staff he would father's Third, and most surprising, (D. Knibbe) is no sign), there The only other possible having If he is neither at all. the proconsul for the dedicator loses all point. consul 's family. of the Doclean Second, did and displayed is no indication there strange, equally is known as Cn. Fuscus. on his just as other pre-quaestorians that title as they did. And, simply be L. Pedanius in Asia stone the Gnaeus just as he was probably for if he were This is very odd, legate. Lucius: for the Ephesian However Ped]anius". and praenomen, Fuscus so the man at Ephesus would called the praenomen First, on the staff of the a pont ifex and apparently to Ephesus was paid stopped in 132 en route there have been accompained seems to have enjoyed coalesces that the occasion every very neatly with was a meeting in 129, by another of prospect the young man between uncle and 1072, CIL VI.1440. (if one be required) for lictors attending 26) A precedent in Agrippina: 13.2.6. be found could Tacitus, Ann. family private members of the imperial (com 27) I am inclined to identify him with the Gnaeus of the inscription from Doclea At any rate Groag's but the argument is inconclusive. suggestion memorating an exile?), of Servianus and the ili (PW Pedanius 5) that Gnaeus of Doclea was the great-grandson the vitiated Dio is fated prince of 136/137 marriage of the consul of 118 (taking by loosely) date of not c.107 and Servianus' daughter letter). (the antedating Pliny's 28) Weber, 275. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers Hadrianus(1907) 205-210, 268 ' Hadrian of the family's the apogee The evidence to suggest respect. and perhaps a place in the emperor's in the latter half of 136, Hadrian "invitis merely a growing circumstances, was a de facto Hadrian's principle arguments proceding succession dynastic end a new prince the emperor's Caesar was misreading a close On any view for denunciation. for the new Caesar: 31) T.D.Barnes, Fuscus and Pedanius have undergone exhaustive scrutiny to be a caretaker Commodus through a prince connection, for the ultimate (Lucius Verus). 31)Now proved unsatisfactory, were on a dynasty. perhaps a generation comes Itmight be necessary Commodus. even, ago, as it appears, Carcopino Hadrian's the startling outrageously bastard JRS (1967) 74-79. du principat", and in the and end inex that Aelius suggested on son. Edward Champ? in 23.11. "L'h?r?dit? The emperor was learned and to deduce if the to secure a At beginning substituted. In the interlude in recent years. had aimed but a lesson was successfully illustrates successor was clearly reared for that purpose. of the blood and a new caretaker of Ceionius Caesar, also neatly (he was only a decade emperor that from an early date Hadrian are accepted, J.B?ranger, the situation arrangements Pius was in 136 or 137 can be explained of Princeton 30) Cf. to his sudden change nature of the princip?te. of the evidence 29) HAHadr. heir was hereditary thoughts were selection plicable but Fuscus, the effectively the experiment duly cautious, Com of the empire, to be the boy L. Ceionius intended rupture with fashion Thus far the events for the son of Aelius than Hadrian) younger of Ceionius Then, Fuscus Salinator is that Antoninus fact his adoption was made. of L. Pedanius final dynastic The salient heir presumptive, part that his kinsman and favoured a pretext even providing he was merely in predictable reacted The youth but the brief career away, was accorded at an early age privileges no dramatic for of his great-uncle's system); no commitment need have been his family and supporters must be removed. or explained special However, for his former patron and dangerous intolerable Fuscus was groomed Pedanius the world with on the emperor's conviction perhaps startled 29) There omnibus". to be inadequate. proving counsels. terms from an alien (if one may apply modus, lulius Servianus. least from the beginning He himself was granted marks of exceptional not apparent at 134 marked the year a pillar of the new regime and his grandfather His father was probably reign. that the younger from an early age, the imperial succession of the third consulship with position converges 89 return to Rome from the Jewish War: final the emperor's during nephew s Heir REA 17 (1939) 171-87. a 30)
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