Hadrian`s Heir - Scholars at Princeton

Hadrian's Heir
Author(s): Edward Champlin
Source: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Bd. 21 (1976), pp. 79-89
Published by: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn (Germany)
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20181085
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HEIR
HADRIAN'S
There has been of
late considerable
to his throne.
succession
with Antoninus
Pius,
son
realized
eventually
the ultimate
of an historical
?n the year
is an adjunct
note
nor with
but with
his claim,
for Fuscus'
will
"might-have-been"
the unfortunate
existence
yield
to secure
attempts
to that discussion,
the forgotten
or ?IIappreciated.
is has been neglected
man,
will
Aelius
more
a valuable
clue
whose
Caesar,
Fuscus. A mere
Pedanius
little
for what
the consideration
important,
to what
neither
dealing
prove beneficial,
However,
the
did occur
actually
138.
Fuscus
This Pedanius
it as ?nept conspirator,
the senatorial
little mark
leaves
in the literary records of Hadrian's
foolish dupe or ?nnocent victim.
matter of his fall whether
emperor:
heir,
of the slight evidence
collection
there
The present
of Hadrian's
discussion
Dio's
reaction.
from an
it derives
account
'official',
(in epitome)
and the end of Hadrian's
the beginning
all but obscures
Prejudice
is brief,
reign,
consistent
he asserts,
the
or from
version
Hadrian-inspired
and hostile
were
be
reign,
stained
to the
by the
blood of the leading men of the state.
In the early months the emperor's agents slew the
and at the end Servianus - that is, his sister's husband L. lulius Ursus
Four Consular*,
Servianus,
found
III in 134 - and the old man's
cos
in an early part of the account,
fell seriously
that year,
?II and
L. Ceionius
of their resentment
1). Two anecdotes
Servianus
Commodus.
at the adoption,
are added:
his brother-in-law
Thus, Hadrian
Caesar
in his nineties,
in the first Servianus
death;
in the proper place.
and his grandson
Servianus
a lingering
This remark,
as Aelius
in 136 named andadopted
calls down upon Hadrian
had considered
is developed
Fuscus
(69.2.6).
grandson,
Fuscus were
imperil
consul
to his innocence
it is suggested
in palmier
of
slain because
Fuscus aged eighteen
swears solemnly
in the second
to be capax
the ordinary
(69.17.
and
that the emperor
days
(17.2-3).
The
chez
REA 51 (1949) 262-321 = (in expanded form) Passion et politique
1) J.Carcopino,
SBAW
REA 52 (1950) 258-77;
les C?sars (Paris, 1958) 143-222; P.Grenade,
1953.2,
E.Hohl,
JRS 57
T.D.Barnes,
1963.95-122;
Pflaum, Bonner Hist. Aug. Colloquium
31-54; H.-G.
N.
Historia
17
67
REA
(1968)
84-98;
(1965) 67-79; R.Syme,
(1967) 74-79; J.Carcopino,
of
Aelius
the
7
67-100
Anal.Rom.
Caesar).
(on
Hannestad,
(1974)
iconography
An earlier version of this paper profited greatly by the comments of Professor T.D.
Barnes and Sir Ronald Syme.
of Dioisskeletal
epitome
a blameless
lore. When
Severus
same
(and his innocence)
into senate
entered
Caesar was slain under the reign of Septimius
2)
the same prayer that Servianus made for Hadrian."
of Aelius
descendent
"I make
the Historia
shared what was apparently
that the historian
curse
for Servianus'
he simply remarked,
By contrast
the
leaves no doubt
but
of his class,
the prejudice
to
?n
E . Champ?
80
is repetitious
Augusta
and confused.
Four passages
refer
event:
1. (In a register of friends against whom Hadrian
virum
imum
nonages
annum
iam
later turned) Servianum
ne
agentem,
sibi
sororis
superviveret,
mor?
(HA Hadr.15.8)
coegit.
illness confines him to bed) Factusque de successore sollicitus primum
2. (Hadrian's
de Serviano cogitavit,
mori
<item>^'
quern postea, ut diximus,
coegit,
et
ostentis
Fuscum, quod imperium praesagiis
(23.2-3)
agitatus speraret.
3. (Hadrian suffers a serious attack) Tune libere Servianum quasi adfectatorem
imperii, quod servis regiis cenam misisset,
quod in sedili regio iuxta lectum p?sito
sedisset,
quod
erectus
mori
ad
stationes
multis
coegit,
sidias.
(23.8)
(Hadrian adopts Commodus
4.
Servianum
fusion of the context.
reported
that Hadrian
and that he had several
its lack of repetition,
biography
ruin.
portents
successor,
and that a certain
the unique
source
to hope for the empire.
supra
passage
"mori coegit"
It introduces
tempore et
sibi
et ob
Fuscus
(otherwise
for a third item,
The HA
this desire
the con
account
by various
2 stands apart,
not
(and the clause
"quern.
himself
absent
considered
unidentified)
that Fuscus was
is surely operating
leves
(25.8)
Servianus wished
two assertions
that is that Hadrian
in
per
ne
est,
from a single
derived
to have betrayed
less hostile
insertion).
Dio,
dictum
that the nonagenarian
the ubiquitous
beyond
but noted by Cassius
It is also
feared
The
supporters.
looks like a clumsy
coegit"
possible
in his illness
Sub ipso mortis
coegit
imperaret, mori
reservavit.
quos Antoninus
1, 3 and 4 are clearly
Passages
processisset,
vel
aperte
but hardly surprising when we consider
that Servianus was alleged
after his death,
ut
agentem,
is complete,
confusion
vel
in turn, Antoninus)
and,
ut putabat,
atque,
superviveret
occidi
iussit
offensas plurimos
The chronological
nonagenarius
interfectis
annos
nonaginta
senex
militum
aliis
was
which
to rule
actions,
least in
in the
elsewhere
Servianus
involved
as a
in his
spurred on by signs and
in this matter
from two
in the period
The senate's hatred of Hadrian is well attested
2) Dio 76.7.3-4.
70.1.2-3.
Pius 5.1; Dio 69.23.3,
HA Hadr. 27.2,
his
death:
after
mediately
im
read simply: "... mori coegit.
Fuscum,
edition.
E.Hohl subsequently
summa
habuit."
in
detestatione
et
But,
ostentis
agitatus speraret,
quod imperium praesagiis
is better applied
a pair, slain together,
and (2) the detestation
are
and
Servianus
Fuscus
(1)
to Platorius Nepos who follows in the text and who survived.
3) Thus H.Peter's
's
Hadrian
r
Hei
81
a senator
Marius Maximus,
4)
and with Sir Ronald Syme's more sober Ig no tu s . (2)
Further, passage 2 might
- Hadrian's memoirs or derived
narrative evident elsewhere
the apologetic
there*
sources which
(1,3,4)
reflect
are temptingly
from? - which
had been
when
Hadrian
vir)
had purposely
ambitious
messenger
treated
him and then tampered with
detained
won
Thus, we are told by the biographer,
ingrate.
to inform Trajan of the death of Nerva,
hurrying
And previously
through.)
his extravagance
the kinsmen by betraying
the emperor
as an envious
Servianus
portrayed
the scandalous
with
identifiable
the inveterate
his carriage.
(sororis
the
(Nevertheless
had stirred up trouble between
Servianus
to Trajan
and his debts
Servianus
However Hadrian
(2.6).
intriguer with magnanimity:
cui tantum detulit ut ei venienti de cub?culo semper
sororis
Serviano
viro,
nee secum tarnen, cum il le bis ante Hadr?anum
tertium consulatum,
occurrerit,
ne
non petenti ac sine precatione
esset seeundae sententiae,
concessit.
fuisset,
(8.11)
for two sources divergent
Ifwe allow
confusion
in favour of Dio's
must have stood out.
at the least the obvious
hence
capax
in the veins of Servianus'
obvious
ultimate
figurehead.
However
only
too well
could be construed
"compelled
in their fall.
to die"
in fact,
founded
as treason
(whatever
4) See especially
R.Syme,
each other
serious
in
illness
as
would
be Servianus,
guess,
but two factors
narrative
for Aelian
light. Grandfather
Ill 100 A.D.:
Fasti Ostienses
5) L.lulius Ursus, cos.
VI
Akt.
Epigr. Kongress (M?nchen,
reported by F.Zevi,
ined.
Ceionius
them were
acceptable
were
involved
from the historians,
(Oxford,
the
and grandson were
and unnamed associates
Emperors and Biography
flowed
confirmed
against
formerly perfectly
can be elicited
blood
his mind and adopted
charges
him
had dubbed
to Fuscus merely
revealed
for what were
in the new
himself
consideration,
The subsequent
that might mean)
Thus far a consistent
into line with
Hadrian's
And Hadrian
the emperor changed
to the dismay of his own kinsmen.
Commodus
probably
successor.
can be brought
chronological
the HA never
(which
than an educated
The portents
grandson.
account
reconstructed.
there was a dynastic
Second,
imperii.
ignore the wild
man in the
senator was by far the most distinguished
5)
son of a consul
and the emperor's brother
ter,
the aged
First,
if we
to the fore: the first choice
of succession
thrice consul and the adopted
in-law,
actions
is easily
informs us. This need be no more
the biographer
state,
of events
The sequence
the question
136 brought
straightforward
and
and plausible
the fragments of the biography
quite contradicts),
and with Dio.
in attitude,
1971),
but many
113-117.
(confirming
1973), 438.
CIL VI.1432),
E . Champ?
82
important facts are missing
Hadrian
interest of neither
valuable
a Greek
in a Byzantine
survives
horoscope
Bowersock without
it is of prime
a prominent
but only
its facts must be credible.
The first is undoubtedly
5 April,
40,
less likely)
in the correct
Servianus
of astrological
himself,
for southern
or (as Professor
occurs
of the piece
in most suggestive
of Antigonus
concerns
argue)
Fuscus supplies
of
as unknown
perhaps Hadrian's
Barnes will
(especial
The authenticity
from the collection
the second
it.
the more so in the case of
example
Spain,
to Pedanius
that attributed
detail
together
to exploit
to be acceptable
all
verifiable.
that of Hadrian,
latitude
noted by R. Syme and
For a horoscope
This particular
The
imperial dreams.
has attempted
F.H.Cramer
the facts might be easily
Nicaea.
of the Apotelesmatica
epitome
it should be correct,
compilation)
in a group of three extracted
company,
a
to produce
may combine
and recently
F.Cumont,
as evidence.
importance
figure where
is irrelevant;
in the
the memory.
must surely be that of the youth with
comment,
in a subsequent
ly for use
for it was
to chance,
documents
three neglected
was made by its editor,
identification
However
to perpetuate
of Thebes which
of Hephaestio
G.W.
nor his successors
least: "Why
to the record of these events.
supplement
First,
is hardly due
however,
fortunately,
not
remain unanswered,
questions
of the record
The meagreness
Commodus?".
Most
and several
in
Licinius
born
father or (far
Sura.
the following
Stripped
information:
He (Antigonus), records a third nativity and says of this person that he was born
to the ruin of himself and his antecedents
about his twenty-fifth
He
year....
came of a powerful and illustrious family, that is both through his father and his
He was born with great
mother, who lived with great honour and died violently.
to
to
and
the
forward
looked
acceding
Through ill
expectations
monarchy.
came
to
to
and
his
he
about
being denounced
grief
counselling
year,
twenty-fifth
the emperor he was destroyed with an old man of his family (who was falsely ac
cused through him); moreover everyone of his family died miserably because of
was
him.He
From the data supplied
twenty-fifth
year
given
to
passion
the subject's
thus fell
and
birthday
in 137/138.
fond
of
has been
This could
gladiators.'*
calculated
as 6 April,
113.
be no one but the ill-starred
Pedanius
VIII.2.85;
6) F.Cumont, Cat.cod.astr.graec
R.Syme, Historia 17 (1968) 96 n.l
Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (1969), 118-19; F.H.Cramer,
G.W.Bowersock,
in Roman law and politics
174-78, 267-69.
(1954),
Astrology
7) Hephaestio,
Epit.
IV.26.52,
55,
56
and H.B. van Heusen,
8) O.Neugebauer
of
the
abstract
is provided.
horoscope
(231-232
Pingree).
Greek
horoscopes
(1959),
108-109;
His
12;
an English
's
Hadrian
83
Heir
Fuscus.
must be abandoned
(eighteen)
one
fifth year",
surmised,
(VI.26),
Fuscus Salinator
certain
in 113.
stop with
the emperor
soon thereafter
At
emperor.
possible
this point
the contrary.
The historians
innocence
Hadrian
perhaps
smoothing
to his selected
the event,
heir
employing
the transition
of power
is a sound manoeuvre.
been
and the existence
obvious
is given
charge,
is a plot
that
found for an accusation.
by
and all of his family,
of the aged
not
Servianus,
tend to its support.
of ruling after him.
but a senior senator,
from an emperor unpopular with
The horoscope
is suggested.
supplies
implement
a respected
the senate
such a plan
further dateil.
And a pretext
The HA speaks of his excitement
in
The youth was
(at least) must have
at "praesagia
et ostenta",
of a g en i tu ra might be surmised from the words of the horoscope.
as Cramer observed,
of a rather weak-minded
logers. And what
father was
the tale related
sense would
In fact Hadrian did
(118) and
out at some time as
reverses
by the prominence
ludicrous,
not
Fuscus Salinator
his mother's
and pointed
Common
From
ancestors
of the new reign
dramatically
to a
actors.
different
by bad counsel,
epistles
they would
Pedanius
consulship
have
might
the infant Pedanius
that Servianus was capable
emperor may be
Thus the focus must shift to Fuscus.
betrayed
the Cn.
command; while
to confirm.
sarcastically,
The idea of a nonagenarian
caretaker
appears
which
of Pliny himself.
succession
down his grandfather
have been misled
the horoscope
remarked,
the horoscope
it was who dragged
Dio and the HA: Fuscus
whose
to the Moesian
assigned
"about his twenty
sign of favour to the child's
in the first ordinary
himself
for the youth
bright even at the moment
the next kinsman,
clear
stand
of his daughter
favourite
prospects were
father was surely
Fuscus'
age
most polite
on the engagement
raised to the rare honour of a third consulship
eventually
a
he gave
Dio's
repeated
turned to a dynastic
but rather with
cannot
of his ancestry,
and a special
lineage
thoughts
Hadrian,
and maternal:
both paternal
perhaps
of patrician
detail
in one of Pliny's
attested
lulius Servianus
Hadrian acceded
Fuscus. And when
consul with
to stand explicitly
If Trajan's
the childless
historians:
The splendour
families was born a son whose
this union of great
of his birth
it must know.
to congratulate
written
the narrative
with
in the face of the horoscope's
item which
happens
the one contradictory
First,
coincidences
the accumulated
against
been
may be made.
observations
Several
little character
would
be ma
i estas.
young man swayed by evil
the horoscope
implies
More
important,
friends and dazzled
is an appropriate
one,
The
the impression
by astro
that of a man
in
E . Champ?
84
amorous and fond of gladiators,
One
and was confident
into great prospects
that an obvious
to these
be given
to be false.
it without
remarks, a nativity
Antigonus'
confidence
itwill
but
Bowersock
most useful
item.
philosopher
Secundus we are offered
In the Arabic
recognizing
in him the consul
fell
of age.
gremio",
son (who would
in 128/129
and
(1968/71)
qualify
on one of his several
i I iu m,
from a mutilated
9) B.E.Perry,
10) Bowersock,
a cousin
to discover
during
that in mind consideration
Beiblatt
encounter
to yield
with
for the title
visits
the silent
cousin,
to
As he sug
this not equally
"cousin")?
The interview
the last two of
to the city,
of Marcus
a
could
However,
In the latter year Fuscus would
Marcus was allowed
like the precocious
and perhaps of his cons
scription
si Ien t i o
indeed more
and
Fuscus Salinator.
ignored.
Perhaps he was brought up, as the HA alleges
and
be nineteen
Aurelius,
to shine on public
years
"in Hadriani
occasions.
of the emperor as a member
12)At
of his entourage,
the famous peregrinations.
should be directed
towards
the recently
published
in
at Ephesus (J?AI 49
turned up by the excavations
= AE
The text is bilingual,
Greek
1972.578).
photographs
statue base
with
31-34,
Secundus
Greek
the silent
Sophists
philosopher
(1964),
127.
118-119.
text at Perry, 72.9ff.
Secundus taught and died at Athens:
Philo
11) See the Greek
I
26
with
Bowersock's
remarks. Hadrian at Athens: W.Weber,
stratus, Vit.Soph.
p.544-45,
zur Geschichte
des Kaisers Hadrianus (1907), 205-10,
268-75.
Untersuchungen
12) HA Marcus
to
that is that Fuscus'
source can be made
Pedanius
can be
better
certainly
131/132.
any rate it is most welcome
With
a neglected
of 118,
in the relationship
the slight muddle
which
proved
it advert
e
The argument
of the emperor Hadrian's
version
Hadrian was held at Athens
with
but could
the opinion of one present,
the king's
"Salan,
9)
and of pious aspect."
Bowersock has rightly called attention
who was very modest
be that man's
it in silence,
But is
significance
which
nativity
of the alternative,
justify exploration
Thanks to the care of Professor
gests,
pass over
of the HA.
can be discovered.
ostenta
this man,
a
seem
Itwould
If astrological
alone?
not from the stars but from the favour of Hadrian,
derived
mundane
and the ostenta"
on its gross error (as must be assumed)?
fragile,
Fuscus, we are told,
to the empire.
in 113 must be assumed,
might well
horoscope
commenting
is admittedly
cast
led astray.
attention.
of succeeding
from the text of the horoscope
assumption
be
easily
demands
to the "praesagia
should be made
that reference
patent
the sort who might
in the horoscope
(out of many)
ambiguity
was born
perhaps
4.1,
6.
85
Hadrian'sHeir
followed
by Latin,
is succeeded
honorand
donor.
by his brief
[.] Velleius
P.?
to mind an equally
calls
commemorated
with
no other
f. Brocc[hus] Aquilius
[...]
Agricola[.]
("Gnaeus")
and
polyonymous
information
on a stone from
in Da mat
I
ia:
Doclea
Cn.
C.
Serto[rius]
SalinatCor]
lulius Servianus.(CIL
the two men
Together
is immediately
are represented
in his name.
foreshadowed
The greatest
Blaesus
P. Sallustius
Next,
that he died
presumption
was published
ister
(although
unexpected
Tacitus betrays
no hint of any
- but
is absent
in the interval 91/101.
for his second
Epp.
the deathbed
genti
11.20.7)."
Pliny's
of Velleius
Blaesus,
the dying man had effected
13) The reader
the original
An arresting
certain
cf.
anecdote
Blaesus
the operations
exposes
the doctors
in his will
years between
It is a fair
this man
about
10.3),
?lie locuples
of Aquilius
"with
(e.g.)
consularis'
Regulus at
to keep him alive,
reproaching
78
but when
them for prolonging
his
in line lengths is urged to consult the photographs accompanying
no effect on the problems here considered.
They appear to have
interested
publication.
L.f. Ani. Graecinus
14) Thus he makes no mention of the quaestor M.lulius
a sepulchral inscription to Agricola's
AE 1946.94.
father, L. lulius Graecinus:
15) CIL VI p.588
Bla..."
the same as Sallustius
Dom.
(Suetonius,
'Velleius
at first exhorting
changes
conjecture
be polyonymous,
by Domitian
licium,
for several
in 101 and subsequently.
in 1958 by Professor Syme: he might
artistic
here by "Sallustius
represented
Arvalium
fratrum
the legate of Britain destroyed
'Velleius'
is surely
(cos. 89)
in the Acta
is registered
and 91 - from 89 as mag
Lucullus
and completely
surprise,
consulars
of his father-in-law,
but the biographer was not above
.14)
The nature of the link is beyond conjecture.
detail.
of inessential
This man
as some three or four Flavian
for Lucius,
apparent
to solve.
in his eulogy
connection
omission
than this note can pretend
is the item "lulius Agricola".
by Gnaeus),
FCuscus]
Ped[an]ius
111.13826).
raise more problems
High birth
(Pliny,
13)
Caesonius.
[...]
Fuscus Sa[linat]or
Ped]anius
[...
of the
it stands at its fullest as
both much mutilated,
L. Sertorius
"Lucius")
the long name of the
and by the name and office
honorum
.] lulius Agricola
Bla[esus
nobleman
troublesome
cursus
f. Tro.[...]
this person hereinafter
Inevitably
in all but one respect:
identical
of his name,
the versions
By combining
Sallus[ti]us
versions
offering
for the references;
16) Tacitus (1958), 648.
for 101 etc.
pp.528ff.
who
raised
86
E .C h a m p I i n
is obviously
date
a senator,
the death of Sallustius
Suetonius
mentions
premature
dictum
The new
decease.
with
its first item,
P. Velleius
P.f.
Sallustius
of his demise
c.93
echo of the contemporary
of their names on the Ephesian
Regulus was
with
as he describes,
venal
In an age
...".
senatorial
Aquilii
Salinator
element
will
[Cn.]
it may
items, whence
cohered
confirm.
name Sertorius
Blaesus
that on the reconstruction
two other
is split by
Tro.[Lucullus?]L.
Sallustius
be noticed
Pedanius
P.f.
The or igo
inevitably
suggests
cos.
by Pliny,
And
the
The exact
is a notable
it is possible
bears
inscription
that the
so casual
neither
nor so
the word
restore
Sertorius
lulius Agricola
proposed
reasonably
Ped]anius
[Brocchus
...
"Aquilio
above
stone as
and the names of
in Tarraconensis,
and both families
first appear
191: "generosique...
VI11.38.
remarks of A.R.Birley,
XXXIX.5.27.
Blaesus
that the Sertorius/
of Velleius/Sallustius,
ILS 1075 and Diog.
Fuscus
the name of Velleius
be assumed
of the Pedan i i was Barcino,
19)
"[Regulo]"?
Caesonius.
(1973) 181, with n.12.
see
or
obiter
the full name on the Ephesian
18) For the structure of the name see the valuable
Reguli
suicide
and the conjunction
might we nevertheless
cf. 11.3. 77.
II.1. 189-207,
17) Statius, Silvae
"Auson?os inter proceres seriemque Quirini".
Martial
19) For later Aquilii
there
although
speculation.
distorted
Spain as well,
for Suetonius'
89.
suff.
of Britain,
ex-governor
the assumption
before
'terror'.
a new kind of spear to
support to Syme's
remain unclear,
for the third line of the Doclea
rife with
[P.] Velleius
Gnaeus
Blaesus,
stone may arouse
significantly
Blaesus.
in the latter years of the reign of Domitian,
can now restore with more or less temerity
We
Itwill
of another
death
Velleius
and a new figure can emerge,
f.",
Tro. Lucullus
date and circumstances
connection
P.?
that the
notice
remarks do not exclude
brings unexpected
". Velleius
be Pliny's
by the sources,
Pliny's
consulars who died
of three shadowy
composite
inscription
while
it clear
of Martial's
he allowed
Identity of the two is not excluded
need not imply execution,
notice
hostile
deceased
fit the time of the Domitianic
Lucullus would
cause of his downfall:
the alleged
be named after him.
viz.
The man could well
put the death around 93 A.D.
Similarly,
Statius makes
the book-date
while
The dramatic
captator.
refer to a recently
ior.
Mel
patron Atedius
is of noble birth and probably
would
left to the would-be
both Statius and Martial
Now
Domitianic
the friend of their wealthy
Blaesus,
man
for nothing was
to no purpose,
all
agony:
while
the
in the
Blaesi";
195:
Britannia
4
Hadrian's
senate under Claudius.
20)
[Se]rtorius.
Pedan i i with
successor
a member of the same group:
surely be
has been conjectured
of both Hadrian and Pedanius,
If the connection
118), whose
(ord.
22) Such
friend.
a man stood very close
the highest
in the Greek
version),
one
the occasion
item is absent,
legate of a proconsul
consul
A Cn.
of Asia
of 118, could with
second
20) CIL
Pedanius
would
111.12493,
21) R.Syme,
23) Cf. M.W.
brief
his
(suffect
the pontificate
aristocracy.
polyonymity.
Unfortunately
100.
that he was
His son,
the future
if we assume a slight delay
That he was not
by his uncle.
of the late first and
legates before
their quaestor
17 (1968) 88-90.
favourites,
Pliny's
Hoffman
Lewis,
rivalling
The official
Senatoren
von Vespasian
each other:
Epp. VI.11.
priests of Rome under
bis Hadrian
23)
and an apt occasion
24)
near-contemporaries
to have been proconsular
(curiously
in the early years of Domitian)
be seen as his legate
for several
this
to the highest
relative,
consul
to the consulship
cu rsus
therefore was pre
the Julio-Claudians
(1955), 24-26.
24) Cf. W.Eck,
Fuscus himself
Tomi.
Historia
22) The two were
the mysterious
The answer may seem obvious,
be his father or a close
little difficulty
Lucius'
Similarly
at some time towards the year
are known
centuries
intimate
might go
of the vigintivirate
in his splendid
latent
for the statue.
no trouble,
that his
him to outstrip
enable
at an early age only
the promise
a swift advancement
before
yet a senator need cause
early
118).
contubernalis
youths.
Fuscus Salinator
Pedanius
as proconsul
in his career
went
who might well
21)One
indeed an old one
of the four offices
of patrician
which
be recalled
but was not yet quaestor,
twenties:
proportion
to confirm
is attested
(su f f .
princeps
of the
by marriage
to the throne.
lllvir a.a.a.f.f.
These serve merely
is available.
old
to the new
in his late teens or early
one attracts
absent
than Quadratus'
relationship
. He had been
sumably
[AJrtorius or
to have been another
reason)
and Pedan i i was
Sertorii
in the
in the consulship
it will
to the new stone from Ephesus we may next consider
Returning
honorum
(surely with
Ummidius Quadratus
C.
between
be none other
legate might
to have been a certain
and the honour reflected
the (Spanish) emperor Hadrian,
inMoesia
further.
one. Now
In favour of the latter name stands the near relationship
[SeJrtorius will
118.
87
then may have been an ancient
The connection
120 the legate of Mo es ?a Inferior is known
year
of
Heir
(1970),
155 n.179.
B8
ships.
25) However
and may
mutilated
factors must be considered.
other
of 118 was Gnaeus.
the consul
have
no other
stone exhibits
E.Champlin
This is hardly prohibitive,
included
"[Cn.
have
received
of the proconsul
member
connection
a lictor,
with
mission
"Flavius
As the editor
(of which
stone
man of the highest
proconsul
by a lictor.
attended
arrived
by sea from Athens.
likewise
young man,
succeeding
28)
to the empire.
at Ephesus. One
might
25) E.G.,
ILS 1038,
On
even
by
or the dedication
eius
on a special
important person.
Thus the
is his son, Hadrian's
great-nephew.
(And he could
every
count
conjecture
he
visit
have
to a very young
dedicated
a man who was neither
last attested
Fuscus, who
on the base of a statue
inscription
capital,
prince may well
The travelling
a Pedanius
I ictor
and one who was already
of his family,
The emperor Hadrian's
from Syria to Pontus.)
as a
is attended
the youth
26)
a bilingual
in the provincial
rank but not yet a senator,
nor a member
honoured
he must be engaged
either
of whom we know
on any view,
place
public
suggests,
surely
there need be no
legate nor relative
must be
is not
it in his cursus
that he is being
he is simply a very
or
, or
candidate
is anomalous
in a prominent
erected
lictor",
the man
27)
of 118 seems a non-starter.
The Ephesian
Bassus,
Pedanius
staff he would
father's
Third, and most surprising,
(D. Knibbe)
is no sign),
there
The only other possible
having
If he is neither
at all.
the proconsul
for the dedicator
loses all point.
consul
's family.
of the Doclean
Second,
did and displayed
is no indication
there
strange,
equally
is
known as Cn.
Fuscus.
on his
just as other pre-quaestorians
that title
as they did. And,
simply be L. Pedanius
in Asia
stone
the Gnaeus
just as he was probably
for if he were
This is very odd,
legate.
Lucius:
for the Ephesian
However
Ped]anius".
and
praenomen,
Fuscus so the man at Ephesus would
called
the praenomen
First,
on the staff of the
a pont ifex and
apparently
to Ephesus was paid
stopped
in 132 en route
there
have been accompained
seems to have enjoyed
coalesces
that the occasion
every
very neatly with
was a meeting
in 129,
by another
of
prospect
the young man
between
uncle
and
1072, CIL VI.1440.
(if one be required) for lictors attending
26) A precedent
in Agrippina:
13.2.6.
be
found
could
Tacitus, Ann.
family
private
members
of the imperial
(com
27) I am inclined to identify him with the Gnaeus of the inscription from Doclea
At any rate Groag's
but the argument is inconclusive.
suggestion
memorating an exile?),
of Servianus and the ili
(PW Pedanius 5) that Gnaeus of Doclea was the great-grandson
the
vitiated
Dio
is
fated prince of 136/137
marriage of the consul of 118
(taking
by
loosely)
date
of
not
c.107
and Servianus' daughter
letter).
(the
antedating
Pliny's
28) Weber,
275.
Untersuchungen
zur Geschichte
des Kaisers Hadrianus(1907)
205-210,
268
'
Hadrian
of the family's
the apogee
The evidence
to suggest
respect.
and perhaps a place
in the emperor's
in the latter half of 136, Hadrian
"invitis
merely
a growing
circumstances,
was
a de
facto
Hadrian's
principle
arguments
proceding
succession
dynastic
end a new prince
the emperor's
Caesar
was
misreading
a
close
On any view
for denunciation.
for the new Caesar:
31) T.D.Barnes,
Fuscus and
Pedanius
have undergone
exhaustive
scrutiny
to be a caretaker
Commodus
through a prince
connection,
for the ultimate
(Lucius Verus).
31)Now
proved
unsatisfactory,
were
on a dynasty.
perhaps
a generation
comes
Itmight be necessary
Commodus.
even,
ago,
as
it appears,
Carcopino
Hadrian's
the startling
outrageously
bastard
JRS (1967) 74-79.
du principat",
and
in the
and end
inex
that Aelius
suggested
on
son.
Edward Champ? in
23.11.
"L'h?r?dit?
The emperor was
learned and
to deduce
if the
to secure a
At beginning
substituted.
In the interlude
in recent years.
had aimed
but a lesson was
successfully
illustrates
successor was
clearly
reared for that purpose.
of the blood
and a new caretaker
of Ceionius
Caesar,
also neatly
(he was only a decade
emperor
that from an early date Hadrian
are accepted,
J.B?ranger,
the situation
arrangements
Pius was
in
136 or 137 can be explained
of
Princeton
30) Cf.
to his sudden change
nature of the princip?te.
of the evidence
29) HAHadr.
heir was
hereditary
thoughts were
selection
plicable
but
Fuscus,
the effectively
the experiment
duly cautious,
Com
of the empire,
to be the boy L. Ceionius
intended
rupture with
fashion
Thus far the events
for the son of Aelius
than Hadrian)
younger
of Ceionius
Then,
Fuscus Salinator
is that Antoninus
fact
his adoption
was made.
of L. Pedanius
final dynastic
The salient
heir presumptive,
part that his kinsman and favoured
a pretext
even providing
he was merely
in predictable
reacted
The youth
but the brief career
away,
was accorded
at an early age
privileges
no dramatic
for
of his great-uncle's
system); no commitment
need have been
his family and supporters must be removed.
or explained
special
However,
for his former patron and dangerous
intolerable
Fuscus was groomed
Pedanius
the world with
on the emperor's
conviction
perhaps
startled
29) There
omnibus".
to be inadequate.
proving
counsels.
terms from an alien
(if one may apply
modus,
lulius Servianus.
least from the beginning
He himself was granted
marks of exceptional
not apparent
at
134 marked
the year
a pillar of the new regime and his grandfather
His father was probably
reign.
that the younger
from an early age,
the imperial succession
of
the third consulship
with
position
converges
89
return to Rome from the Jewish War:
final
the emperor's
during
nephew
s Heir
REA 17 (1939)
171-87.
a
30)