Chapter 1
Introduction: Studying Land Relations in a
Tribal Society
This study deals with the changing land relations in a
tribal society, namely, the Angami Naga tribe of Nagaland.
In
this Chapter, we shall begin by defining and clarifying the term
"land relations" and other allied terms.
Then we shall briefly
review the literature on the study of land relations. In the third
section, we shall state the problem and determine the objectives
of this study.
Finally, we shall explain the methodology
adopted in this study.
1. Meaning of Land Relations and Allied Terms
In general, the term "land relations" refers to the
relationship of people to land in an agrarian society.
By
agrarian society is meant a society that depends primarily on
agriculture as the principal economic activity. Agriculture itself
is a complex activity, and we shall deal with different types of
agriculture later in this section.
In an
agrarian
society,
the term "land"
itself
is
comprehensive because it includes different types of land used
for different purposes, as also forests and water resources. In
an agrarian society, land can be of two basic types, namely,
agricultural land and non-agricultural land. While agricultural
land is used for cultivation, non-agricultural land includes house
sites, grazing grounds, and land set aside for other nonagricultural activities. Forests of all type have a direct bearing on
agriculture because they are essential for an ecological
balanced use of land. Water resources may be in the form of
rivers and streams, springs and wells, canals and drains.
In an agrarian society, land is of fundamental importance.
One can understand the significance of land in an agrarian
society when a comparison is made between the perspectives
of an urban citizen and a villager. For an urban citizen, land is
the space for building houses, offices, factories and other
structures.
However, for a villager, land is his most prized
possession because it is the source of his livelihood.
His
survival depends on agriculture, and his social life revolves
around it.
While land is of fundamental significance in an agrarian
society, everybody does not have the same relation to land.
This is because there are differences in ownership, control and
access to the use of land. Thus, different people or categories
of people have different relations to land. We shall now look at
these relationships.
The most important form of land relation is ownership of
land. Ownership means the right to control, use and dispose off
the thing owned. Ownership involves socially recognised
economic rights (Carruthers and Ariovich 2004:23). Ownership
implies exclusiveness because it limits access to the owners
and denies it to others. There are different types of ownership.
They are ownership by individuals, by households, by groups
such as clans, and even by a community such as a village. In
simple terms, therefore, ownership
communal and individual.
can be collective or
Communal ownership implies that
individual members of the community have access to the land
owned in common. On the other hand, individual ownership
implies that the land belongs exclusively to the individual and
others have no access to it. The law usually recognises the
nature of ownership and the rights implied by it, whether such
law is only traditional and unwritten, or enacted and codified.
It is possible that a villager does not own any land either
individually or as a member of a group. In such a case, he may
acquire the use of land through the institution of tenancy, A
tenant uses the land owned by someone else by paying a rent.
The rent itself can be in the form of a fixed amount of money or
a share of the crop. The duration of tenancy can also be fixed.
It can be permanent or for a pre-determined period. Thus, the
institution of tenancy gives rise to a set of land relations distinct
from ownership. These are permanent tenancy, tenancy for a
fixed number of years, or even tenancy at will.
There is also another possibility.
It can happen that a
villager neither owns land nor is capable of becoming a tenant.
He may then work on the fields of someone else for wages.
Then he becomes an agricultural labourer. It is also possible
that an agricultural labourer will have some land, which he
cultivates. But it is also possible that he has no land at all. In
the latter case, he is a landless agricultural labourer.
Different types of land relations are closely related to the
type of agriculture.
There are different types of agriculture
practised in different parts of the world. B. H. Farmer (1968)
classifies the types or systems of agriculture into four broad
categones.
They are: (1) shifting cultivation; (2) simple
sedentary cultivation with hand tools; (3) simple plough
cultivation (4) cultivation dominated by the use of more
advanced mechanical tools.
Shifting cultivation is the system under which temporary
clearings of land, usually forest land, are done and cultivated for
short periods. When a clearing or plot is cultivated for a couple
of years, it is left fallow for some years so that it regains its
natural vegetation and fertility. Meanwhile the cultivator shifts
his agricultural operations to new clearings.
Because of such
shifting from one plot or clearing to another by the cultivator, this
form of agriculture is known as shifting cultivation. It is also
known as "slash and burn" cultivation because the cultivator
cuts and slashes the vegetation and burns it before sowing the
seeds.
It is also known as swidden cultivation because only
simple hand held tools are used in agricultural operations. In
North East India, it is known as jhum cultivation. This type of
cultivation is found in many parts of the world.
It is widely
practised in the hilly areas of North East India, including
Nagaland. The main objective of shifting cultivation is to grow
food crops, particularly rice and maize, though various types of
vegetables are also grown.
Simple sedentary cultivation represents the fixation of
shifting cultivation. In southeast Asia, the most ancient and
surviving type of cultivation is the use of permanent gardens to
grow banana, yam, and tree crops like coconut.
In parts of
Africa, there are "women's gardens" in the village. All kinds of
vegetables are grown by hand on a permanent basis. The
gardens are kept fertile with the manure of the goats, chicken,
household refuse and ashes.
Such a type of cultivation of
vegetables is usually done close to the residential site of the
village, and is often found along with shifting cultivation.
In the system of terrace cultivation, food crops are grown
in permanent terrace fields with an assured supply of water for
irrigation. A basic feature of terrace cultivation is that all the
work is done by hand. The main purpose of terrace cultivation
is to grow paddy or rice and other food grains, while shifting
cultivation
provides
important
cash
crops
like potatoes,
cabbage, beans and other vegetables. We shall deal with the
nature of terrace cultivation in detail in Chapter 3 while dealing
with the agricultural practices in the Southern Angami area.
Simple plough cultivation refers to the use of plough in
cultivation, especially to improve the fertility of the soil. Over a
vast area of the world, stretching from the Mediterranean and
the Balkans to the Japanese archipelago and from central Asia
to Sri Lanka, agricultural technology is still dominated by simple
traditional plough cultivation. The same is the case in India,
China and the Middle East. This is the type of agriculture found
in most parts of India, including the plains of Assam.
The fourth type of agriculture is dominated by the use of
modern technology.
Extensive use of machines and artificial
fertilisers, along with assured irrigation through canals and
pumps has turned this form of agriculture almost into an
industry. It was this type of agriculture that led to the so called
Green Revolution. In India, this type of agriculture is found in
Punjab, Haryana and some parts of Uttar Pradesh.
As already mentioned, there is a close relationship
between the type of agriculture and land relations.
shifting
cultivation
and
simple
sedentary
Where
cultivation
predominate, communal ownership tends to be the norm. The
community owns Land and an individual household is either
allotted a plot or selects a plot for cultivation. Land is usually
abundant, and a household can cultivate as much land as it can
or needs. In such a situation, there is no question of tenancy of
any type. Hence, there are no significant economic inequalities.
But with plough cultivation, individual ownership becomes
significant. Some form of tenancy can also emerge. This, in
turn, leads to significant economic and social inequalities and
results in class formation.
As the importance of plough
cultivation increases, land relations become more complex
leading to greater inequalities and the emergence of other
classes like that of agricultural labourers. Thus, differences in
types of agriculture give rise to different types of land relations,
which in turn result in the formation of different agricultural
classes and different forms of agrarian structures.
8
In this study, we are concerned with land relations and
agrarian classes in a tribal society in North East India.
Therefore, we need not examine the nature of land relations and
agrarian structures found in different parts of the world. At the
same time, we need to have some understanding of the land
relations, agrarian classes and agrarian structures as they exist
in a society. For this reason, we shall look at the situation found
in India.
It is not easy to make an inventory of all the agrarian
classes found in India and to arrange them in a hierarchy
because agrarian structures vary from region to region and
complex systems of land relations exist in different regions. As
Beteille points out, these variations are due to different modes
of productive organization leading to the emergence of a
number of social categories such as landlords, ownercultivators, tenants, sharecroppers and agricultural labourers
(Beteille 1974:32).
Thorner (1956 :4-6) has provided a model of agrarian
class structure in India consisting of three major categories,
namely, Maliks, Kisans and Mazdoors, with sub-categories in
each of them. Dhanagare (1983:15) has modified this model
and identified the following agrarian classes in India:
(1).Landlords: holding large tracts of land, usually absentee
owners.
(2)
Rich peasants: consisting of rich landowners and rich
tenants,
both with considerable
holdings and employing
labourers to carry on cultivation under their personal direct
supervision. Rich tenants often sub-let land to others.
(3) Middle peasants: consisting of landowners of medium size
holdings and tenants with substantial holdings with tenurial
security.
The middle peasants normally depend on family
labour, but may hire-in seasonal labour.
(4) Poor peasants consisting of landowners of small holdings,
tenants with small holdings with some tenurial security, and
tenants at will and share-croppers.
(5). Landless labourers.
This inventory of agrarian classes is said to be applicable
to the whole of India.
But it may be only partially applicable to
an understanding of the situation in the tribal belts of the country
10
because of the tradition of communal ownership of land and an
egalitarian ethos.
There are further variations between the
different tribal areas. In the case of the tribal areas of central
India, the agrarian structure of the past has changed over the
decades due to massive land alienation to outsiders and
development induced displacement (Fernandes 1998:287).
Even in North-East India, the situation varies considerably
between different areas in terms of socio-economic settings and
economic change. (Kama 1990 : 31). Therefore, it is necessary
to find out the situation with regard to land relations, as it exists
in the tribal societies in North-East India.
It has been mentioned above that, land is of fundamental
significance in an agrarian society and that a villager considers
land as the very source of his livelihood. It follows therefore that
land relations and agrarian structures are of vital significance in
an agrarian society.
In fact, Thorner (1956:2) has observed:
"The agrarian structure is after all, not an external framework
within which various classes function, but rather it is the sum
total of the ways in which each group operates in relation to the
other groups". Dorner says the same when he states that "land
tenure embodies those legal and contractual or customarily
11
arrangements whereby people in farming gain access to
productive opportunities on land. It constitutes the rules and
procedures governing the rights, duties, liberties and exposures
of individuals and groups in the use and control over the basic
resources of land and water". (Dorner 1972 :17-18). Similarly,
Biebuyck notes: "Land tenure is concerned with the complex
relationships that exist between categories of individuals and
groups in reference to land, water, and their respective
products. These relationships can be analysed in terms of sets
of rights and obligations held by these categories of people with
regard to the acquisition, exploitation, preservation, and transfer
of specific portions of terrain and products
the particular
situations and social context in which these activities are
performed may differ according to occasion, person, purpose,
and time period. These rights are not merely concerned with
exploitation, disposal, or control of land, but include also the
sharing of products, the levying of tribute, the inauguration of
economic activities, the performance of rites, and the claim to
settle disputes. (Biebuyck 1972: 562-563).
From what has been said so far, it is clear that in an
agrarian society land relations, or the relations of the different
12
categories of people to land, constitute the very foundation of
economic activities and social relationships. Consequently, any
change
in
land relations
is bound
ramifications. As Kama says, "Land
to
have significant
constitute not only the
structural feature of the Indian countryside but changes in land
relations act as the prime mover of social, economic and
political transformation as well". (Kama: 2004:1)
In this Section, we have clarified the concept of "land
relations" and examined its relationship to different systems of
agriculture.
Then we have seen how different types of land
relations give rise to different agrarian classes and agrarian
structures. We shall now proceed to make a brief survey of the
literature on land relations.
2. Review of Literature
There is a vast amount of literature on the agrarian
question and land relations in different parts of India, most of it
in the form of essays and articles in professional journals. It is
impossible to survey all that literature.
Therefore, we shall
present here only a brief survey of some of the significant
writings. We shall first examine some of the writings at the all
13
India level and then examine those writings, which deal with the
agrarian questions in North East India.
Finally, we shall
examine the writings on the agrarian questions in Nagaland.
1. Studies on Land and Agrarian Relations in India
Some of the earliest studies on agrarian relations in India
are to be found in the writings of British administrators like
Baden-Powell who wrote on the land systems in British India.
Later, other British administrators wrote extensively on the
Indian villages in the Gazetteers. Therefore, their writings are a
rich source of information on Indian villages, castes and
communities.
Nevertheless, due to their colonial perspective,
they did not pay much attention to the changing nature of the
agrarian structure and to agrarian problems.
Some leaders of the Nationalist Movement, and scholars
inspired by the nationalist sentiment paid some attention to the
problems faced by the rural population. Political parties like the
Indian National Congress and the Communist Party of India also
took notice of the agrarian situation and even mobilised the
peasants through organisations like the Kisan Sabha.
But it
was only after Independence that the agrarian question received
14
attention from scholars. Many of these scholars focussed on
peasant movements during the British period and dealt with the
agrarian structure that gave rise to them. One such study was
that of Natarajan (1953). Since then a vast amount of literature
has appeared mainly in professional journals.
One of the important general works dealing with agrarian
society in India is the book Rural Sociology in India edited by
A.R. Desai (1949). It has been revised and reprinted at regular
intervals. Its fifth edition includes a large number of essays by
different authors on various aspects of rural social organisation
and structure, agrarian unrest, land reforms, cooperative
movement, panchayati raj, and so on.
In an analysis of the trends in studies on peasant
protests and agrarian relations In India, Kama (1989) identifies
different periods of history in which scholarly work has been
done. These periods are briefly examined below.
Writings on the agrarian scene during the British period
show that there were a large number of peasant uprisings and
movements against the exploitative system Introduced by the
British land revenue system particularly In the zamindari
15
This is brought out by Dhanagare (1983) and the anthology
edited by Desai (1979). As Dhanagare points out, the Moplah
rebellion and the Tebhaga movement were essentially against
the exploitative nature of land relations and agrarian structure
that was introduced by the British colonial commercial and
capitalist interests.
After Independence, far-reaching legislative measures
were adopted in the form of land reforms.
Chief of these
measures were the abolition of zamindari, ceiling on land
holding, and the consolidation of fragmented holdings. These
measures have led to an increase in tensions and conflict in
rural areas. While the administrators often saw them as law and
order problems, social scientists have seen them as the
consequence of the changing land relations resulting in greater
inequalities (Beteille 1974).
In his work. Studies in Agrarian Social Structure Beteille
examine the problems of social stratification in rural India from
the angle of ownership, control and use of land. He feels that
this is necessary to have a complete understanding of the
pattern of inequalities that are inherent in the relations between
different agrarian classes. As P.C. Joshi (1982) has pointed out
16
in his writings, the reason for the tensions was the emergence
of a new set of land relations because of various land reforms.
In fact, it is general knowledge that the number and proportion
of
landless
agricultural
labourers
increased
after
the
implementation of land reforms.
The Green Revolution also brought about new land
relations. For example, Patnaik (1987) has found two peasant
classes in Haryana.
The first class consists of the rich and
middle peasants who hire labour, and the second made up of
small and poor peasants. The former possess large household
assets, virtually monopolise modern agricultural equipment and
sell nearly three fifth of their produce in the market. The latter
own
meagre
household
assets,
traditional
livestock,
implements, and sell only a small fraction of their produce in the
market. This is a clear indication that the Green Revolution has
changed agrarian relations and the agrarian structure.
2. Studies on Land Relations and Agrarian Structure in the
North-East
In spite of its importance, there are very few studies on
agrarian questions in the North-East. As Kama points out, while
17
a large number of scholars conducted studies on various
aspects of the agrarian question in other parts of the country,
very few scholars have paid any serious attention to the topic in
North-East India (Kama 1987 : 5-6).
In a survey of literature on agrarian studies in the NorthEastern Region of India, Kama has critically examined the few
works that have dealt with the agrarian question. Kama sums
up the general features of the agrarian studies in the NorthEastern Region as follows:
1.
Broadly, the studies have failed to examine the agrarian
problems in historical background, which is a sine qua non for
understanding agrarian class relations in a changing economy.
2. Exaggerated importance attached to the geographical and
ecological factors of agricultural backwardness has thrown the
whole
question
of
institutional
transformation
into
the
background.
3. Inherent structural impediments of the customary land tenure
systems, which essentially go against the interests of the tillers
of soil, receive very casual treatment.
18
4. The portrayal of the traditional social structure in terms of
harmony of interests continues throughout, overlooking the role
of the new socio-economic forces, which are at work in the
countryside.
5. That the problems of land reforms and agrarian change have
not received adequate attention is natural within the framework
of the argument currently in vogue.
The advocates of
agricultural development in the North-East will, under the
circumstances, help the upper layer of the peasantry since the
benefits of development cannot percolate to the poor sections
as it is planned within the framework of an outmoded agrarian
structure.
6. The picture of the North-Eastern countryside, as presented
by these studies, is incomplete as all the aspects of the reality
have not been touched upon. The peasantry no longer suffers
from passivity and over tolerance.
Half-hearted reform
measures, instead of solving problems, have forced it to 'shake
off its attitude of resignation'. It has already adopted the path of
resistance in different parts of the region. Unfortunately, this
rural dynamics is yet to be taken into account.
19
Kama concludes by saying: "This is not to say that
agrarian studies undertaken so far in this region are of no worth.
They
have
definitely
provided
us
with
some
useful
understanding of the problems, and it is up to us to continue this
endeavour. (Kama 1987: 17).
After the preparation of this survey by Kama, a few other
studies have been published. Some of them are collections of
papers presented at seminars like Goswami (1986) dealing with
land reforms and peasant movements, Bordoloi (1986) on
alienation of tribal land and indebtedness, Datta and Kama
(1987) on land relations, and Das Gupta (1991) on the impact of
land reforms.
These collections have specialised papers on a variety of
thenfies related to the tribal societies of the North-East. Even a
cursory glance at the contents of these volumes is enough to
indicate the variety of problems found in the North-East with
regard to land relations. Among other things, this variety is due
to ethnic diversity. This only goes to show the need for taking
into account native or local understanding and perceptions of
land as a resource if land reforms are to be meaningfully
formulated and effectively implemented in the region, a point
20
that has already been made by Roy Burman (1987, 1990). In
brief, it becomes evident that there is a need for an analysis of
the historically specific nature and development of each tribe in
order to understand the changing agrarian scene in different
tribes and communities.
As far as we know, so far there is only one study
addressing this question and dealing with the agrarian situation
found in one single tribe.
It is the study by Ngaithe (1998)
dealing with the agrarian system found in the Zomi community.
Among the Zomi, one of the Kuki-Chin group of tribes, in the
past, the tribal chief exercised control over the land.
The
present situation is the chiefs are increasingly becoming
absentee landlords, and the actual cultivators are burdened by
rents
and
are
becoming
victims
of
moneylenders.
Unfortunately, Ngaithe does not go beyond a description of the
empirical
reality, and offers
no analysis of the factors
responsible for this situation.
As we do not know about any other study specifically
dealing with the agrarian question in a single tribe in the NorthEast, we shall now turn our attention to the studies on agrarian
questions in Nagaland in general and the Angami tribe in
21
particular.
This is because the present study deals with the
changing land relations among the Angami.
3. Studies on Land Relations in Nagaland and the Angami
Area
Economists like Hussain (1988), Saleh (1989) and
Imnayongdang (1990) have briefly touched upon the question of
land and land relatic
studies.
In general, their
treatment of land relations and agrarian questions is sketchy.
Further, all of them see land and relations from the perspective
of Economics.
We have noted above that a historical perspective is
important for understanding land relations and the agrarian
situation. We do not have recent historical studies. However,
Sema (1992) provides us historical information about the British
intervention in agriculture in Nagaland as a part of the British
policy and administration in Nagaland. We shall have occasion
to refer to this information in our concluding chapter.
There are a few studies specifically dealing with the
agrarian situation in Nagaland.
Ghosh (1985) describes the
patterns of land use and ownership of land in Nagaland r.. ..
22
concludes that there are no landless people in Nagaland
because of customary communal ownership. Barpujari (1987)
shows that community ownership is prevalent in Nagaland
because of the attitude of the Nagas towards land who consider
all land as community property. Notwithstanding the perception
that there is no landless person, Saikia (1987) points out the
need for land reforms in Nagaland for the sake of an equitable
distribution of resources. But these studies do not pay much
attention to recent trends leading to the emergence of individual
ownership among some Naga tribes.
The work of Ao (1991, 1993) apparently the only Naga
scholar to deal with the agrarian scene in Nagaland, deserves
special attention not because he is a Naga, but because of the
originality of his thinking.
He argues that land reforms in
Nagaland should be built on what he describes as "Naga Tribal
Socialism" in which community ownership is the basic principle.
Ao also points out that uniform land reform measures will not be
applicable for all the Naga tribes because the land ownership
system differs from tribe to tribe.
This brings us to a consideration of the published
material on land relations in the Angami area.
23
Sketchy
information on various aspects of the agrarian structure of the
Angamis is available in the classical monograph by Hutton
(1969) first published in 1921. Detailed information is also found
in Das (1993).
Huttons work is rich in description of the
traditional practices of the Angami with regard to land ownership
and agricultural practices. Das did field work in Viswema village
and has provided a detailed description of the situation with
regard to land ownership. He has pointed out the importance of
land in Angami society. According to him, each clan is attached
to a particular piece of land within the residential site of the
village. He also provides detailed information on different types
of land and on the nature of ownership.
The collation of
Angami customary laws and practices under the editorship of
Goswami (1985) is an important source on Angami traditional
law on land relations. These studies are tribe specific because
they deal only with the Angami tribe. However, they deal with
the agrarian question within the framework of traditional law
considered
in
a
static
manner.
Therefore,
a
historical
perspective and a consideration of the changing nature of land
relations and the agrarian structure are missing. There are thus
gaps in our knowledge that this study aims at filling.
24
However,
in this study we shall extensively use the information provided
by Hutton, Das and Goswami.
3.
Significance and Objectives of the Present
Study
In this section, we shall look at the significance and
objectives this study. It will be seen that there is a relationship
between significance and objectives of this study.
1. Significance of the Study
As already noted, this study aims at filling gaps in our
knowledge about land relations and related questions in tribal
societies in general and Angami tribal society in particular. In
addition to this, there are other reasons for which this study is
important. We shall now look at these reasons.
It has been already noted that land relations are the
foundations of social organisation in an agrarian society. As
Chakravarthy (2001 : 1449) has pointed out, land relations
determine the status of different classes in the social, political
and cultural life of the village community. Land relations also
25
determine the access of different classes to such facets of life
education, health care, entertainment, and so on. Thus, in
agrarian societies land relations determine class relations. If
land relations play a basic role in all agrarian societies, it can be
assumed that they are of critical importance in tribal societies
that depend on subsistence farming. This is an indication of the
importance
of the present study because it aims at
understanding the nature of land relations in a tribal society.
Studies on agrarian relations in India have been of
considerable significance. They have remarkably enriched our
understanding of the dynamics of agrarian relations. They have
identified the numerous factors that shaped the character of
agriculture and its transformation and social relations of
production. They have also challenged portrayal of the Indian
peasantry as a passive collectivity. Further, these studies have
highlighted the issues of poverty, economic exploitation and
social oppression of the peasantry. It is hoped that the present
study will help us understand the situation in these aspects in
tribal societies of North East India.
Studies on the agrarian question in India have generated
debates on the mode of production in Indian agriculture and the
26
patterns of class formation and class alignment in Indian rural
society. The present study will look at these social phenomena
in tribal societies by examining and analysing the situation in the
Angami society.
A proper understanding of land relations is essential for
formulating
policies
for
legislative
and
developmental
interventions in the agricultural sector. To be more specific, an
understanding of land relation is essential for undertaking
reform measures.
It must be noted that there is a need for
reform measures even in tribal societies. They may have been
egalitarian In former times and may be upholding an egalitarian
ethos.
Nevertheless, they have not been immune to factors
leading to inequalities. Hence, there is a need to study land
relations in tribal societies.
There is a need for understanding the nature of land
relations in tribal societies also for planning and implementation
of plans for agricultural development in general and agricultural
infrastructure in particular.
This is necessary even in tribal
societies found in remote parts of the country because in the
face of advancing globalisation no society can remain isolated.
27
In the light of the above considerations, it is now possible
to identify the objectives of this study in a precise and definite
manner.
2. Objectives of the Study
Before framing the objectives of this study, it is useful to
keep two basic facts in mind.
In the first place, land relations and agrarian structures
are not static arrangements because they are affected by
various factors of change.
In fact, agrarian structures in
different parts of India have undergone changes over the
centuries.
It is well known that, the Indian agrarian scene
undenA/ent radical changes due to the Permanent Settlement
introduced by the British colonial rule.
After Independence,
agrarian structures in the country underwent further changes
due to Land Reforms and the Green Revolution. Further, these
changes in land relations and agrarian structures affected other
areas of social organisation and led to far reaching social
change. Within this broader context, it can be assumed that
changes in land relations and agrarian structures of tribal
28
societies also are not static and that changes in land relations
will lead to profound changes in different facets of tribal life.
Secondly, it is important to note that transformation in the
agrarian scene does not take the same form everywhere, nor
does it proceed with the same speed and intensity in every
society. In fact, the forces or factors of change do not take the
same form everywhere, nor do they operate in the same
manner. This is because every identifiable community has its
own unique characteristics and history.
This theoretical
assumption is fundamental in trying to understand change and
transformation in all agrarian societies including the tribal
societies. It is with this perspective in mind that this study will
attempt to understand the changing land relations in the Angami
tribe of Nagaland.
The present study is an attempt to examine, analyse and
understand the changing land relations among the Angami
Naga tribe by taking into account the unique features of the tribe
and its history. The main objectives are:
1.
To identify and describe the traditional pattern of land
relations among the Angami tribe.
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2. To understand the pattern of land relations and its linkages
with the tribal social structure.
3. To examine and analyse the nature of changes taking place
in land relations and agrarian structure in Angami society.
4. Finally to identify the factors and forces of changes and the
effects of these changes on Angami social organisation.
It can be seen that these are rather modest objectives,
with no pretensions to building up any theory and testing any
hypothesis. This is because the basic objective of this study is
to grasp reality as it is, and to understand the changes taking
place.
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4. Methodology
The objective of this present study is to examine, analyse
and understand the changing land relations among the Angami
Naga tribe by taking into account the unique features of the tribe
and its history. Therefore, it is essentially a case study. This
requires an appropriate methodology.
In order to study changing land relations in a society it is
necessary to take into account
historical developments.
Unfortunately, in the case of the Angamis historical material is
scanty. Whatever material is available at the various offices like
the village council office, the Block Development office and the
district office has been examined. Ultimately, given the limited
nature of historical material and written records, it is be
necessary to have recourse to oral traditions. Sanyu (1996) has
used this method in tracing the pre-British history of the Angami
Nagas. In this study, an effort has been made to reconstruct the
economic history of the Angami Nagas.
Secondly, there is a tendency in portraying the past of
Naga tribes as one of harmony and peace.
From this
perspective, the present is not always seen objectively. Hence,
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it is necessary to examine the real situation as it is found in the
day-tOHJay life of the villagers.
This has been done through
intensive fieldwork at the village level.
Intensive fieldwork was done in Jakhama village in the
Southern Angami area. This village was selected because it is a
typical Angami village. With regard to agriculture, it has both
terrace cultivation and shifting cultivation, a combination typical
of Angami villages. The social organisation of the village is also
typical of an Angami village.
Until recently, Jakhama was
relatively isolated. Jakhama is a very large village with an area
of about 4,300 hectares of land and a population of 1071
household and 5,680 persons.
Though observation as a method of data collection was
used to some extent, the chief method of data collection was
that of intensive interviews covering a wide range of topics.
However, the focus was on the changing nature of land
relations, the factors of change and the effects of change in land
relations on other aspects of life.
Two types of persons were interviewed. In the first place,
knowledgeable persons from the village were interviewed.
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Secondly, the head or an adult member of each of the sample
households was interviewed.
The sample consisted of 100
households. But it was not possible to get reliable information
from 18 of those households. At the same time, it was felt that
the information gathered from 82 households was adequate for
analysis and interpretation. The list of these 82 households is
given in Appendix 3.
Data collection in general and conducting interviews in
particular, have not been easy for various reasons. In the first
place, no reliable information 4s available in any office.
Secondly, people are not willing to give information without
hesitation.
This is because many are unwilling to share
information about their wealth or lack of it, lest it be used against
them.
Hence there was a need constantly to reassure the
respondents. As a result, many interviews took more than one
session. There was also a personal difficulty. The Angami are
patrilineal and patriarchal. Even when a woman inherits land,
she is under the control of a man, her husband, father or
brother.
Therefore, many respondents could not understand
why a woman should interest herself in matters pertaining to
property and land.
However, when they were told about the
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purpose and aims of this study,.they were willing to answer any
question that was posed to them.
The information gathered from various sources and
analysed from the perspective of change is presented In the
following Chapters.
Chapter 2. The Angami Nagas : An Overview
Chapter 3. Jakhama Village and Its Agriculture
Chapter 4.. Agrarian Structure among the Angamis;
Chapter 5. Change and Continuity in Land Relations;
Chapters. Conclusion.
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