Towards Places of Opportunity?
A literature study into rural-urban migration among young people in Tanzania
(Bron: Wikimedia)
With cities, it is as with dreams: everything imaginable can be dreamed, but even the most
unexpected dream is a rebus that conceals a desire or, its reverse, a fear. Cities, like dreams, are
made of desires and fears, even if the thread of their discourse is secret, their rules are absurd, their
perspectives deceitful, and everything conceals something else.
--Italo Calvino
1
Towards Places of Opportunity?
A Literature study into rural-urban migration among young people in Tanzania
Extended Essay: RSO- 80912
By: Marije van der Kruk (851011483010)
Chairgroup: Rural Sociology (RSO)
Wageningen University
Supervisor: Bettina Bock
August 2009
2
Preface
The process of writing this thesis was one of linking bits, pieces and ends. In between
incomplete, contradicting information- driven by enthusiasm, frustration and inspiration- I
managed to find my way. A word of thanks to my supervisor, family and friends for their
support, comments, insights and above all, patience.
It is better to know some of the question than all of the answers
--James Thurber (1894-1961)
3
Abstract
This extended essay is a literature review investigating rural-urban migration patterns in
contemporary Tanzania, using a Push-Pull model combined with an Actor Oriented
Approach. This essay investigates migration in relation to the complex links between push
and pull factors, rural and urban areas, local and global influences and the way in which
young people actively respond to these influences and engage in these interlinkages. The
way in which these linkages either encourage or discourage migration among youth is
discussed in relation to the aspect of agency. In this way, several interesting findings about
rural-urban migration in contemporary Tanzania are presented which call for a new
conceptualization of contemporary migration patterns.
Key words: Rural-urban migration, Urbanization, Rural Urban Continuum, Globalization,
Sub Saharan Africa, Tanzania, Push and Pull Model, Actor Oriented Approach, Youth
Culture
4
Table of Content
Title page……………………………………………………………………………… 2
Preface…………………………………………………………………………………… 3
Abstract………………………………………………………………………………… 4
Table of Content……………………………………………………………………… 5
Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………………………………
1.1 Migration Theories…………………………………………………………
1.2 Urbanization and Globalization………………………………………….
1.3 Framework of this Thesis………………………………………………….
1.4 Research Questions and Structure of this Thesis……………………….
1.5 Methods and Limitations………………………………………………….
6
7
10
10
11
12
Chapter 2: A Literature review : Explaining migration and Urbanization in Sub Saharan
Africa…………………………………………………………………………………… ………
2.1 Migration and Urbanization in Africa in a Modern Era……………….
2.2 Urbanization……………………………………………………………….
2.3 Changing Migration Patterns…………………………………………….
2.4 Youth in Contemporary Africa: the role of Migration and Globalization…
2.5 Concluding Section………………………………………………………..
13
13
14
14
17
19
Chapter 3: Migration and Urbanization in Tanzania………………………………………
3.1 General Characteristics…………………………………………………….
3.2 Historical Patterns………………………………………………………….
3.3 Nyerere’s African Socialism……………………………………………….
3.4 Recent Decades: From Ujamaa to Ubinafsishaji?.....................................
3.5 Urbanization and the informal sector ……………………………………
3.6 Who Migrates?...............................................................................................
3.7 Concluding Section………………………………………………………..
20
20
20
21
22
23
25
26
Chapter 4: Leaving Boringville………………………………………………………………
4.1 Rural Areas in Tanzania: a process of de-agrarianization……………
4.2 The Rural-Urban Continuum……………………………………………
4.3 The role of small and intermediate towns………………………………
4.4 The Rural Urban Continuum and Migration (Push factors)…………
4.5 Concluding Section……………………………………………………….
27
27
28
29
29
31
Chapter 5: Towards BongoLand……………………………………………………………..
5.1 Pull factors: beyond economics…………………………………………..
5.2 Expectations versus reality………………………………………………
5.3 Representations of the city and young urbanites …………………….
5.4 Feeling Urban……………………………….…………………………….
5.5 The informal sector, social networks and remittances…………………
5.6 Concluding Section………………………………………………………..
32
32
32
35
35
36
37
Chapter 6: Conclusion and Reflections………………………………………………………
6.1 General conclusion ………………………………………………………
6.2 Reflections…………………………………………………………………..
38
38
39
Bibliography………………………………………………………………………
41
5
Chapter 1
Introduction
Our world is characterized by movements, human migration has been present since the
beginning of our days and has been a subject of research and debate throughout the decades.
Recently, debates and public concern in Europe regard illegal migration and integration
issues. In South Asia, (female) labour migration to Arabic countries has intensified, making
remittances an important livelihood strategy. In South Africa, xenophobia towards economic
refugees has resulted in violent attacks. Worldwide, trends of urbanization change the socioeconomic landscape, and scholars like Mike Davis expect the related boom in slum
population to lead to a tense situation.
When focusing on migration in Africa, a continent characterized by intensive migration, a
familiar image is that of migrants trying to reach ‘Fortress Europe’, this dangerous journey
reflecting their desperate desire or need to move to a place where life could be better.
However, Adepoju (2000) argues that most migratory movements in Africa take place on a
regional level, where migration patterns consist of intra-regional or frontier migrant workers,
undocumented migrants, nomads, refugees and the circulation of professionals. Thus, both
international as well as regional migratory movements are characterized by a variety of
forms, that all take place against a specific background or context.
My interest in the subject of migration in relation to Africa was sparked off during a course
in African History, where migratory patterns throughout history were discussed and after
reading an article by Helgesson, focussing on rural-urban migration among young people in
Tanzania and Mozambique I decided to dig into this subject. Throughout the years and
Sociology courses, I have found myself increasingly fascinated by rural-urban linkages and
the global-local interface as well as migration. Therefore, this thesis will reflect on the
interrelations between these interactions and migration among young people.
Dar es Salaam, the capital of Tanzania is one of the fastest growing capitals in the region,
predictions indicate that by the year 2015, 47% of the Tanzanian population will live in urban
areas (Helgesson, 2006:48), and this is likely to increase in the subsequent years. Moreover, a
large share of the population is under 25 years old, and youth is a group characterized by a
high mobility. Chigunta (2002) shows that this group migrates three times as often as
migrants belonging to other age groups. These indications make young people an interesting
category to study in relation to migration.
Looking into push and pull factors of migration and urbanization, unemployment and lack
of educational opportunities and a ‘rural crisis’ seem to be push factors. As urban
unemployment rates are soaring, the experience of urban life seems to be a pull factor. These
explanations must be seen in relation to each other, as well as against global processes and
their effects on different localities. Although migratory movements in Africa mostly take
place on an intra-regional level, as migration is becoming part of the global process,
migration has to be studied from a global perspective as well: “Globalization, and with it
economic, political, demographic, social and cultural transformations have profound influence on the
dynamics of migration in various parts of Africa” (Adepoju, 2001:44). Patterns of globalization
have affected different aspects of migration in a variety of ways, and according to Akokpari
(2000), the two are increasingly interconnected.
6
The overall aim of this thesis is to gain insights into processes of rural-urban migration
among young people in Tanzania against a background with increasing global
interconnectedness. How is regional and rural-urban migration linked to globalization
processes? In order to look into this aspect of migration in Tanzania, I will use a theoretical
framework that will outline several theories on migration, urbanization, youth and
globalisation and will explain interlinkages between these.
1.1 Migration theories
The phenomenon of human migration, “the movement of people and their temporary or
permanent geographical relocation” (Held, 1999:283) is nothing new: people have always been on
the move and they moved great distances” (Held, 1999: 283). From a historical perspective, these
movements included those of nomads, traders, missionaries, as well as those caused by
European conquest, slave trade, and mass movement of labour. Many types and forms of
migration exist, spurred by a variety of reasons differing for different groups and societies
(Held et al, 1999, Baker et al, 1995). Forces that drive migration are situation specific and are
often a combination of circumstances (Amin 1995). Migration patterns, differing in duration,
destination, motivation, and related to contextual factors such as socio-economic and
political situation as well as individual characteristics, change over time and are continually
shaped by endogenous and exogenous influences. As Mafukideze (2006) argues, there is no
single, universal definition of migration that is able to explain all these different aspects and
forms of migration. Nor can migrants be seen as a homogenous group (Held, 1999)
Different models and theories try to explain migration, discussing all of them would be too
extensive, a short overview will provide us with a general overview. Most migration theories
deal with international migration, however, they can be partly relevant for studying regional
migration also.
Neo Classical economic models.
These models are founded upon the view that migration is an individual, rational choice;
driven by utility maximization. When a specific place has a higher ‘potential advantage’ in
comparison with the current place, the individual decides to migrate. Migration can lead to
development as it redistributes resources through remittances and moves labour to places
where it is needed (Mafukidze, 2006). Massey et al (1993) argue that these “geographical
differences in supply and demand” underlying migration, lead to a new equilibrium in wages,
demand and supply for labour (Massey et al, 1993:433). Important assumptions underlying
this theory are that in a case of equal wages, migration will no longer take place and that
governments can thus regulate migration by focussing on the labour market (Massey et al,
1993). The more recent theory of new economics of migration, argues that family, household
and community levels have an important role in the migration decision making process.
Migration, rather than being a maximization of utility, is also shaped by “needs to minimise
risks and loosen constraints threatening individuals, families and communities” (Mafukidze, 2006
:107 ). This model acknowledges the importance of the social context, where social relations
influence migration patterns.
Dual labour market theory focuses on forces at the macro level, underlining that the
demand for labour is an inherent feature of modern industrial societies. In this theory, the
pull factor of these societies cause migration, instead of the push factors of unemployment
7
and poverty in the ‘periphery’. World system theory also focuses on a macro level,
migration is seen as a “natural consequence of economic globalization and market penetration across
national boundaries” (Massey et al, 1993 :442). As capitalism becomes the dominant economic
structure of the world and enter non capitalist societies, “a mobile population that is prone to
migrate abroad” emerges (Massey,1993 :444). The capitalist influences in the periphery affect
resources such as land and labour as well as raw materials as they become part of the global
market. According to this theory, this political and economic organization inevitably leads to
migration streams (Massey et al, 1993).
Structural and institutional models
As a reaction to the shortcomings of Neo Classical theories, new theories emerged in the
1970’s. The dependency model took into account structural and institutional elements.
“dependency theorist argued that migration result from economic forces of a western-dominated
world system characterised by structural inequalities, including the continued underdevelopment in
the excluded periphery” (Mafukidze, 2006:106). As such, they positioned themselves against the
neo classical model’s individual decision based on maximizing utility. The dependency
model argues that migrants move from peripheral places to the core, that possess more
opportunities. This relationship is unequal and exploitative, as the core profits from
resources that the periphery already lacks. Related to rural-urban migration, Mafukidze
argues that “rural to urban migration disadvantages rural areas because it is characterized by the
departure of younger, more innovative, educated, ambitious, skilled, more resourceful and more
enterprising people and represents a form of brain drain” (Mafukidze, 2006:106). In this way, rural
areas (periphery) are drained of ‘human capital’ which is used to empower the urban centres
(core). The Network theory sees networks as a form of social capital that are “ sets of
interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former migrants and non migrants in origin and destination
areas through ties of kinship, friendship and shared community origin” (Massey et al, 1993 :448).
These links reduce costs and risks of migration and at the same time, the ‘expected net
returns’ of migration increase (Massey et al, 1993). Cummalative causation theory refers to
the process by which migration sustains itself: “each act of migration alters the social context
within which subsequent migration decisions take are made” (Massey et al, 1993 451). Six socioeconomic factors that can be changed by migration processes and result in increased
migration have to do with the distribution of income, natural resources and human capital as
well as with the organization of agriculture and culture and changing social meaning of
work. These can reinforce already existing push and pull factors (Massey et al, 1993).
Shortcomings
Some of the shortcomings of most of the Neo Classical Economic models include the
assumption of a completely rational and economically motivated individual that chooses to
migrate (Mafukidze, 2006). A decision to move is made weighing hardships in source areas
(push factors) against ‘perceived comparative advantage’ in destination areas (pull factors).
However, this choice can be an inevitable one because of for instance war, natural disasters
or marginalization (Tacoli, 2001). Moreover, these models do not acknowledge the possible
push factor of social origin, nor does it pay attention to unfavourable structural or
institutional circumstances (Mafukidze, 2006). The structuralist models, tend to describe
migrants as vulnerable victims of historical, national and international processes. Migration
is seen against the unavailability of other options (Tacoli, 2001). Both the Neoclassical and
the Dependency model focus on external forces influencing people’s lives and are “tainted by
8
determinist, linear and externalist views of social change” (Long 1992:20). Both Amin (1995) and
Akin Aina, (1995) argue that theories explaining migration should acknowledge “complex,
multi-faceted interaction and interconnection of structure, agency and consciousness” (Akin Aina,
1995; 43). This new model should be flexible and open ended, and also focus on individual
characteristics. I will explain later on how I attempt to include some of these issues in the
framework of this thesis.
1.2 Urbanization and Globalization
In this thesis I will also use the concepts of urbanization and globalization, I will briefly
introduce them here, subsequent chapters will elaborate on these concepts in the specific
context of Sub Saharan Africa and Tanzania.
Urbanization
Urbanization refers to the process “by which cities grow or by which societies become more
urban” (American Heritage Dictionary, 2007). Worldwide, cities grow at astonishing rates.
According to predictions, by the year 2030, 60 percent of the world’s population will live in
urban areas. 60% of this predicted urban population is expected to be under the age of 18.
The majority of this urbanization process will take place in the developing world, against a
situation of high poverty rates as “rapid urbanization in the 20th century left the majority on the
fringes of urban society with limited access to basic services, employment and housing” (Tulchin,
2003:1). Besides a place of opportunity, against a situation of poverty, unemployment but
also criminality, cities are also seen as ‘a kind of Darwinian universe’, where one has to be
tough in order to survive (Tulchin, 2003, 2). According to Helgesson, urban development and
urban contexts in Sub-Saharan Africa as a research area did not receive a lot of academic
attention so far. This is about to change because of the growing share of the urban
population, which leads to urban issues getting on the agenda of both national governments,
researchers and international donors.
Globalization
Defining globalization is not an easy task, there is no single widespread, universally
accepted definition. Defining globalization is matter of debate among scholars, disagreement
about cause, impact and trajectory of globalization is widespread, although most do agree on
certain characteristics and dynamics of globalization (Held et al, 1999).
-
-
Integration of financial markets and institutions across the world, making capital
highly mobile. The spread of Neo liberalism is seen as dominant element (Akokpari,
2000).
Increasing power and reach of international institutions and declining sovereignty of
nation-states (Akokpari, 2000).
Technological innovations, amongst others in infrastructure and communication
aspects. These impact connectivity and mobility (Akokpari, 2000).
All aspects of contemporary social life are increasingly becoming interconnected
(Held, 2000).
Global flows of information, people, artefacts, symbols and a general compression of
time and space dimensions (Held, 1999).
9
According to Akokpari (2001), globalization can be seen as an opportunity for development,
in the sense that free trade is by some assumed to be an ‘engine for development’ as well as a
threat, as some point to deepening disparities between regions and people. Global economic
change, inequality between regions, technological innovations and the flow of information
and ideas are some aspects that are important when looking into migration processes. Sub
Saharan Africa has been largely marginalized in the process of globalization, as their role on
the global market is unequal, and faced with challenges rather than opportunities that
globalization can offer (Akokpari, 2000). What globalization further means in an African
context, and its relations to migration will be discussed in the next chapter.
1.3 Framework of this thesis
This thesis will be partly based on the push-pull model. The push-pull model to migration
has been dated back to Ravenstein, who because of his work Laws of Migration (1889) was
considered revolutionary for his time. Broadly speaking, when investigating reasons and
motivations for migration, they are often divided into push and pull factors. Push factors are
related to the place of origin, they are negative, unfavourable, disadvantaged aspects or
situations that drive people away from these areas. On the other side of the equation are the
favourable, beneficial, positive aspects and advantages of these destination areas that pull
people like a magnet (Bach, 1982 and Parnwell, 1993). It is thus basically the repulsive factors
of the origin versus the attractive forces in the place of destination (Parnwell, 1993). Lee
(1966) has based his theory of migration partly on this push-pull model but introduced
neutral factors and intervening obstacles. However, both Ravenstein’s theory as well as Lee’s
renewed interpretation have been subject to much criticism. They are criticized for
overlooking the heterogeneity and complexity of the migration process and its motivations
and therefore simplifying the phenomenon. The process of decision making for example, is
seen as an individual, rational calculation or measurements of advantages versus
disadvantages, assuming identical responses and fully knowledgeable subjects. Throughout
the years, a lot of other theories have been based on push and pull factor theory, although
many have incorporated other aspects (such as a combination of structural, local and
individual circumstances) as to paint a more complete picture of the migration experience
(Parnwell, 1993, Tacoli, 1998). Several studies have investigated phenomena that further
undermine the push-pull model, these include the variety of interlinkages between origin
and destination and changing household structures. However, during my literature research,
I often found that many articles used this model without explaining the theory underlying it,
turning it into a universal law of migration.
In this thesis I will use the term push and pull factors, but these will be explained as part of
the same rural-urban migration flow. They will not be treated solely separate, although I do
try to emphasize both the rural and the urban ‘side of the story’. However, I will emphasize
interactions, interlinkages, as well as socio-cultural aspects of push and pull factors and will
also point towards aspects of social networks, urban slums, the informal sector and the ruralurban continuum that complicate making rigid divisions (push/pull, urban/rural,
local/global). This push and pull model will be supported by the Actor Oriented Approach.
The Actor Oriented Approach starts with the conviction that external influences “enter the life
worlds of individuals and social groups affected, and in this way are mediated and transformed by
these same actors and structures” (Long, 1992, 20). Norman Long proposes an actor oriented
approach that acknowledges the interplay between internal and external factors and
10
relationships. Attention has to be given to the ‘larger frames of meaning and action that shape
choices’ while acknowledging the role of ‘human action and consciousness’. Such a
framework combines a focus on the actor and a focus on structures. Structural, larger scale
circumstances (economic, institutional) can change life experiences and circumstances and
can both enable and constrain life strategies. Action is thus embedded within these structures
and processes. Within this larger arena (regional, national and international), actors are
capable of moving within these limits. An important notion in this framework is thus that of
human agency; individuals and social groups are ‘within the limits’ of their information and
resources and the uncertainties they face,’ knowledgeable and capable’, they devise ways of
solving problematic situations (Long, 1992: 23 ). Long underlines that it is important to pay
attention to different (local) discourses and multiple realities- people respond differently to
structural circumstances and change as they employ their own ways of defending and
creating space within their circumstances. Another important aspect of agency is the
centrality of social networks. Long’s model looks into the interrelations between power,
structure and action; actors struggle for room for manoeuvre within structural arena’s. Their
life strategies can both reproduce and change these arena’s.
By combining a push and pull model, an actor oriented approach while also paying attention
to global processes and by taking bits and pieces from other theories, I hope to paint an
interesting picture. By incorporating aspects of globalization and of the Actor Oriented
Approach I will treat migrants as agents that actively and creatively shape and reshape the
world in an increasingly global structure that surrounds them. This combination ensures
acknowledging the limits of individual choice, but does not treat actors as passive
respondents to outside influences. Moreover, it acknowledges local variety and
differentiation. A focus on aspects of globalization reveals the global nature of structure and
flows. In this way, actors can thus engage in migration as a strategy to create more space or
‘room for manoeuvre’ within the broader, global context. Structures and their translation
into push and pull factors enter the life worlds of individuals and can either limit or open up
possibilities for migration.
So far, we have seen that migration is a complex, multifaceted, diverse and dynamic process.
The focus in this thesis will be on rural-urban migration of young people in Tanzania and
therefore, migration processes in Africa will be the main focus from now on. As we will see,
youth is an important category when studying migration processes, and globalization
processes increasingly impact such migration processes and experiences. In this thesis, I will
use the framework described above to combine macro and micro explanations and thus use
different aspects of these theories in order to look into both aspects of structure and agency.
1.4 Research question and structure of the thesis
The foregoing resulted in the following research question and sub questions:
What push and pull factors can be identified in contemporary rural-urban migration among
young people in Tanzania?
11
Sub questions
1. What are important factors in contemporary migration and urbanization patterns in
Sub Saharan Africa?
2. What migration and urbanization processes characterize the history and present of
Tanzania?
3. What push factors can be distinguished, driving young people away from rural areas
in Tanzania?
4. What factors pull young people to urban areas in Tanzania?
5. How is migration of young people in Tanzania linked to globalization processes?
Structure of Thesis
In order to answer my research question, a subdivision that will deal with different facets of
rural-urban migration resulted in four chapters. Chapter 2 will deal with sub question one,
providing a literature review about migration and urbanization in Africa and its
explanations, focusing on youth and using the push-pull model and a global perspective.
Chapter 3 will answer sub question 2, by shortly outlining relevant general and historical
information about contemporary Tanzanian, migration and urbanization as well as the
current situation. Chapter 4 deals with question three and explains the interlinkages of rural
and urban areas in Tanzania in a situation of migration and globalization. Several push
factors of and in rural areas are identified, I will explore the concept of de-agrarianization
and the rural/urban continuum as well. Chapter 5, following question four, investigates the
pull of urban areas and urban life. It will address aspects of urban life and culture, its
difficulties and themes such as the informal sector and slums. Chapter 6 will encompass a
concluding section, in which the interrelations of migration, globalization and youth are
reviewed and will end with some reflections. Throughout this thesis I will refer to the
framework outlined above.
1.5 Methods and limitations
This bachelor thesis is based on literature research. The existing literature and theories are
analyzed and critically reviewed, linked wherever possible and combined with my own
insights. In this thesis is try to combine a social theoretical perspective with a case
(Tanzania), in order to deepen my understanding of migratory matters. This ensures a
balance between theoretical level and a more practical level, which make the subject of
migration more tangible and concrete. An important limitation is the lack of recent scientific
research as well as statistics regarding this subject. Data concerning migration patterns in
Sub Saharan Africa is “fragmentary and incomplete” (Adepoju, 2000: 384) due to the
irregular and undocumented patterns of migratory movement. Moreover, migration in
Africa is often ‘informal and undocumented’, adding to the problem of data availability
(Akokpori, 2000: 72). Therefore, this thesis does not reflect reality and might not be able to
address recent transformations. However, I feel that within the limits of this research, I will
be able to present important findings that might be a foundation for further research. Besides
using scientific information, I also draw from earlier courses on sociology and research
methods. Because of limited time, resources as well as pages, this thesis will by no means be
exhaustive. This thesis merely reflects on some of the trends and issues that are present.
12
Chapter 2
Africa.
Literature review: explaining Migration and Urbanization in Sub Saharan
In this chapter, an overview of existing literature explaining rural-urban migration experiences in
Africa is presented. It will also address some recent trends in migration processes. It addresses
important factors in migration and urbanization, elaborates on concepts introduced in Chapter 1 and
will serve as a background for the subsequent chapters.
2.1 Migration and urbanization in Africa in a Modern Era
Migration in Africa is not a contemporary phenomenon, like in all societies, movements have
characterized its history and present. It is, as Helgesson underlines, not a static phenomenon,
its form and dynamics change over time along with the changing of structures and processes:
“it has responded to and has affected changing social, economic, political and ecological conditions and
processes”(Akin Aina and Baker, 1995: 11). Amin argues that among these transformations
are: colonization, the construction of modern nations, modernization, monetization of the
economy and the development process (Amin, 1995). Migration in Africa is by some authors
seen as being marked by wars and refugee movements (Held et al, 1999). The migration
pattern in Africa is however also marked by other migratory movements: Adepoju argues
that Africa is home to not only movements of refugees but also to intensified movements of
labour, undocumented migrants, nomads, temporary contract workers and the circulation of
professionals. These ‘diverse circuits’ mostly take place on a intra-regional scale but must
however not only be studied regionally: “Migration is increasingly becoming part of the global
process and can no longer be handled solely within a regional set up”(Adepoju, 2001: 44).
Amin (1995) argues that migration in Africa is characterized by a depopulation of stagnated
rural areas towards urban areas. However, this does not lead to accelerated industrialization
or urban development, as was envisaged by modernization theorist. Migration to urban
areas, according to the UNFPA Population Issue report reflects a “rural crisis rather than
urban-based development”. This rural-urban migration has a wide array of reasons.
Adepoju (2000) distinguishes several push and pull factors in the Sub Saharan region.
These can be roughly divided in
• Economy. Since the 1980’s the region has experienced economic stagnation. Adepoju
(2000) argues that political and economic mismanagement, as well as effects of
structural adjustment programs (Box 1) and the negative effects of the globalization
process have resulted in economic decline and instability. These circumstances hit the
rural regions and sector hard. A crisis in agriculture came into being because jobs in
the agricultural sector are characterized by low productivity and instability. Farmers
often seek wage labour in town and cities (Adepoju, 2000).
• Demography. Population growth rates have been increasing. Against a background
of economic decline, this results in unemployment issues and increasing poverty
rates (Adepoju, 2000).
• Environmental conditions. Ecological problems are a push factor; they include
depletion of resources and increased competition over them (Adepoju, 2000), often
seen aggravated by globalization processes that put pressure on land and other
resources (Bryceson in Helgesson, 2006).
• An overall deterioration of social services, poor living conditions and instability, both
in rural and urban areas.
13
•
Political instability and conflict. Sub Saharan Africa is home to large flows of refugees
(Adepoju, 2000). In the case of South Africa, independence, combined with a
booming economy and democratic change processes lured many migrants
This scenario, combined with expected work- and educational opportunities as well as a the
availability of services (pull factors) partly explains why migration is increasing against a
situation of urban unemployment. When looking at migration from this perspective, it is the
push of poor living conditions combined with the pull of (expected) opportunity.
2.2 Urbanization
According to Helgesson, urban development and urban contexts in Sub-Saharan Africa did
not receive a lot of academic attention so far. This is about to change because of the growing
share of the urban population, which leads to urban issues getting on the agenda of both
national governments, researchers and international donors. Sommers (2003) argues that
Africa’s situation regarding urbanization is special; since the 1970’s urban growth has
soared and has become the largest urban growth rate in the developing world. East Africa
has the highest urban growth rate in the world, with Dar Es Salaam as fastest growing city.
By 2025 nearly half of the population of Africa will live in cities. This urbanization is largely
a result of rural urban migration: Dar es Salaam’s urban growth is for 80% made up for by
migrants- of whom a large part from rural areas. Several authors point towards issues of
unemployment and unsafety. The UNFPA Population Issues report for instance stresses that
urbanization usually goes together with socio-economic development but: “rapid urban
growth on today’s scale strains the capacity of local and national governments to provide even the
most basic of services such as water, electricity and sewage”. The emergence of mega slums, home
to tens of millions of people has not stopped the migrant influx, nor did the stimulation for
urban-rural migration among young people succeed (UNFPA 2007). How this situation is
linked to varied urban attractions will be explored in Chapter 5.
Migration to urban areas has increased over the past couple of decades. During the colonial
period cities were often privileged in terms of labour opportunities as well as in availability
of services and goods and during independence, most states were characterized by greater
rural-urban migration because of spatial unevenness (Adepoju 1995 and Salih, 1995). After
independence, many continued to migrate to cities in search for better economic conditions,
many migrants found jobs in the expanding public sector (Helgesson, 2006). After
independence, urbanization was seen as causing underdevelopment and rural development
was promoted but migration prevailed. As economies collapsed from the 80’s on, economic
survival strategies have still included migration. According to Adepoju (1995), migration in
the 90ies, increased in volume and new types of migration emerged such as migration of
professionals and females. As we will see in later sections and chapters, among recent
migrations are many young people, often attracted by modern city life and moving away
from agricultural activities (Helgesson, 2006).
2.3 Changing migration patterns
In general, changes in migration patterns include the increase of irregular and
undocumented migration, a diversification in destinations, as well as an increase in female
migration and migration as a family survival strategy. These trends are related to detoriating
socio-economic conditions created by unemployment, poverty and by negative effects of
14
SAP’s. Migration as a family survival strategy is based on the essential (economic) links
between migrant members and the family in rural areas. A situation of unemployment and
declining remittances, according to Adepoju (2000) puts pressure on the African family
which resulted in an increase in female migration. Moreover, the increase in female
migration can be seen as a break with the ‘traditional’ pattern of male, long term, long
distance migration for economic motives. Nowadays, significant proportions of females (..)
migrate independently to fulfil their own economic needs rather than simply adjoining a husband or
other family members” (Adepoju, 2000:385). This must be seen against a background in which
women’s access to credit, land and modes of production are shaped by social and political
structures. Women can experience migration as an escape from these structures that
according to Adepoju (2000), limit their autonomy.
Moreover, a diversification of destinations can be identified, as “the unstable economic situation
provoked different patterns of migration, traditionally to the cities, but increasingly to other
countries” (Adepoju, 2000:389). However this is only one side of the story, against a situation
of global economic downturn and political and economic constraints on international
migration, migrants have diversified their destinations within regions and countries as well.
Migrants can engage in so called ‘step wise migration’, where a move to the city is followed
by migration to another country. This makes room for new rural influx in the cities. Regional
migration is still widespread, this is also related to cultural similarities (for example, similar
language). Furthermore, there is evidence that circular or temporary migration has
increased, due to unstable economic conditions and high living costs in urban areas
(Adepoju, 2000 and 2006). There are also patterns of return migration (rural-urban) and
migration to small towns, these tendencies will be discussed in the Chapter 4 and 5. Theses
changes in destination have to be seen against a situation in which permanent rural-urban
migration is still widespread.
Globalization
An important aspect that is often mentioned in relation to (changing) migration patterns is
globalization. The modern migration processes, according to Amin (1995), is unique in terms
of its connection to the globalization of the capitalist economy. Economic globalization is
seen as catalyst for labour migration, which has risen to unparalleled levels over the last two
centuries (UNFPA, 2007), but this is not the only link between migration and globalization.
Held et al (1999) argue that migration is now geographically more extensive and that
globalization has also led to increased velocity, intensity and impact of migration
movements. The development of modern communication and transportation means clearly
attributed to this (Held et al, 1999). Migration is now characterized by the ability to remain in
contact with the places that were left. Migrants have their feet in two worlds now: their place
of residence and the places they migrated from. Since the 1960ies, new technologies in
transportation and communication have created new types of communities that exist in more
than one place at the same time (Gilbert et al, 2004).
Gilbert et al (2004) argue that in the last 130 years, Africa has gone through considerable
economic change and became part of the integrated global economy through, among others,
the availability of technologies such as telegraphs, fax machines, steamships and shipping
containers. Global markets mean that a lot of African products can be found abroad, but
many Africans have imported products as well, as free trade and the lifting of trade barriers
mean increased competition with highly efficient Western producers (Gilbert et al, 2004).
15
Gilbert et al also underline that Africa has become of less importance to the world economy
while the continent is now even more dependent on trade: “Most Africans wear imported
clothes, drive imported cars with imported fuel and eat imported food or grow food for export”
(Gilbert et al, 2001:). Moreover, free movement of capital and services between borders is a
consequence of globalization and liberalization, however, states increasingly close their
borders to free movement of people. This imbalance between increased migration and
diminishing migration opportunities has resulted in the adoption of alternative migration
strategies and routes (Akokpari, 2000).
Although regional migration must be studied related to the regional context, a global
perspective is as important as migration is becoming part of the global process (Adepoju,
2001); “Globalization, and with it economic, political, demographic, social and cultural
transformations have profound influence on the dynamics of migration in various parts of Africa”
(Adepoju, 2001:44). Moreover, as Akokpari (2000) argues, ‘conventional’ causes of migration,
such as economic crisis, environmental factors and conflict have been reinforced by processes
of globalization. Migration streams are facilitated or enlarged by pressure of the global
project, as the two become increasingly interconnected. An example of a push factor of
migration that is influenced by globalization is environmental decline. Globalization
pressures the environment because of increased production and competition which may lead
to pressure on natural resources. Moreover, issues over control and redistribution of land is
another factor that can result in migration (Akokpori, 2000).
Besides the reinforcement of causes of migration, globalization worsens economic disparities
between regions. Already existing disparities are accentuated and deepened as regions differ
in their ability to ‘tap the advantages offered by globalization” (Akokpari, 2000: 78 ). This is
also true for rural and urban areas. Globalization generally benefits urban areas as, rather
than only widening existing inequalities in social classes within countries, disparities
between regions are also deepened. Declining attractiveness of farming due to falling prices,
rising costs, increased competition with imported products because of liberalization and a
free market system, as well as the withdrawal of subsidies drive rural dwellers to urban
areas. Structural Adjustment programs are often mentioned as causing or deteriorating this
situation (see box 1).
16
Box 1: Structural Adjustment Programs and their effects on Migration
One of the transformations that is often mentioned among scholars is that of Structural
Adjustment Programmes and their effects on migration. Intended to deal with the
economic crisis, it proposed a neo liberal package focusing on macro economic stability,
price and market reforms, the curtailment of the public sector. Many scholars now agree
that the SAP’s were not able to address other important causes underlying the economic
crisis and they are now believed to have caused severe damage. Salaries dropped
combined with cuts in public spending deteriorated socio-economic conditions for many
Africans, moreover, the curtailment of the public sector, a major employment sector,
caused even more unemployment (Adepoju, 2000). This spurred migration movements,
Baker argues that structural adjustment programmes have ‘reordered’ migration trends
towards urban areas (Baker, 1995: 16). Gould emphasises that during macro economic
adjustments in Tanzania, urban economies seemed to have been strengthened more than
the rural economy. In urban areas, markets were more effective and therefore,
liberalization of markets, privatization of state enterprises and incentives to entrepreneurs
and business had a relatively larger impact on these areas. This has caused the attraction
of migrants from poorer areas, some of which were damaged by the Ujamaa policies
(Gould, 1995). Although many aspects of the SAP’s were designed in order to strengthen
the rural sector and discourage migration, the latter is exactly what happened. Moreover,
urban residents saw employment opportunities decline, resulting in an boost of the
informal sector (Helgesson, 2006).
2.4 Youth In Contemporary Africa: the role of Migration and Globalization
Another concept that is important in this thesis is that of youth. As we have seen, a large
share of the (urban) population of developing countries is under the age of 25 and in a
‘dynamic phase of their lives’. Characterized by high mobility, young people are an
important category to research, also in relation to migration as young people are important
‘actors’ in the process of urbanization (Helgesson, 2006). Youth, sociologically speaking
means an interface between childhood and adulthood (Chigunta, 2002); “However, what
characterizes this phase, when it begins, and when it ends, varies between countries, actors and
interests” (Helgesson, 2006:7). It is important to underline that youth is a social construction,
for instance through education, history, culture and media that produce several discourses
about youth. Africa’s population has the largest share of young people compared to other
regions in the world: in Tanzania youth and children below the age of 25 account for 70% of
the population (Chigunta, 2002) and projections of population growth indicate that this ratio
will increase in the 21st century. As the structure of the population is, and will be young, and
mobility among this group is high (Adepoju, 2000), rural-urban migration inevitably is made
up for a large part by young migrants. Therefore, the urban population largely consists of
young people and they are perhaps, according to Tulchin (2003), most affected by urban
transformations as they are two or three times as likely to be unemployed. The government
often fails to provide for young people and this has led to a situation where: “the urban youth
are not only caught up in economic crisis that have blighted Sub Saharan African countries, but are
also going through a process of ‘social dislocation’. A situation of increasing unemployment
affects young people: “these are pools of potential, destitute and desperate migrants whose numbers
are set to double within 25 years” (Adepoju, 2001:45). Sommers (2003) argues that youth as a
17
category is often associated with violence and a lack of control. We will return to this topic,
representations of youth in relation to urbanization, in chapter 5
Helgesson (2006) shows that life strategies of young people are influenced by national
governance and this in turn is influenced by the international developments agenda which is
connected to wider global trends Moreover, young people have global goods and
information available in both rural and urban areas and global tourism, development aid
and a global commodity market have also helped establish what Helgesson calls a ‘new
urban experience’ (Helgesson, 2006: 175). Many young people in Tanzania see the modern
era as filled with more possibilities and opportunities to study, work, go to different places
and to get information. Mobility is seen as a consequence of modern times. This is of course
connected to the increase of access to information (mass media) and the availability of
transport and other technological innovations. Information about other places is available in
a number of ways according to Helgesson among which music, TV and mobility experiences
(Helgesson, 2006).
Helgesson underlines the similarities between European and Tanzanian youth. In both,
young people are moving away from rural areas and in both this is perceived as a problem.
Older generations express their worries as they see societal order threatened by outside
influences. Despite different contexts, the lives of young people around the world are in
many ways similar and this “makes it important to talk about globalized youth culture and
globalized identities of youth” (Helgesson, 2006:38). Cultural expressions and patterns of
consumption are characterized by interacting geographical scales; music, fashion, food and
lifestyles are influenced by globalization processes. In this respect it is useful to underline
again that this is not characterized by adoption or homogenization but rather by
heterogenization and a localization or ‘re-embedding’ of global influences. She takes on the
argument of Massey who argues that local youth culture and global youth culture interact,
the global is in this respect inside the local because of the interactions of youth culture on
different scales. Young people in Tanzania take aspects of foreign culture (not only Western
but also Indian) and give them new meaning. Helgesson refers to this the process as
‘creolization’. This also leads to the argument that young people are active agents who
actively organise their lives and cannot be seen as one homogenous category but as a
category where “various identities intersect, such as gender, class and ethnicity”(Helgesson, 2006:
38).
Helgesson argues that in the modern era, a process of individualisation has taken place. This
translates itself into young people having to take responsibility for their own lives and thus
to a high degree of reflexivity. The modern era is characterized by reflexivity and increased
opportunities and possibilities (because of new technologies, forms of media and so on), but
also by risks. The consequences of this is that there is a pressure from society on the
individuals to seize the opportunities. The individual has to take responsibility for his or her
own life and also comply with the ‘societal framework’. It is important to note that young
people in Tanzania experience a sense of frustration because they are not always able to take
on the strong sense of responsibility they experience. Another dilemma lies in the individual
strategy versus the family demands, which is a reflection of the individualisation process.
Helgesson argues that for some young people a solution to these contrasts is distancing
themselves from their families by migrating (Helgesson, 2006).
18
Helgesson (2006) notes that in the case of Mozambique and Tanzania, markets are filled with
products from all over the world: globalization is ‘consumed, marketed and sold’. However,
globalization did not produce real employment opportunities in a lot of places. She also
point towards the power dynamic of globalization, some people benefit from the
globalization process while others (Helgesson calls them the ‘haves’ and the ‘don’t’ haves’)
do not and this increases the gap that was already there. She also notes that how global the
influences such as mobile phones, music videos and films might be, young people “negotiate
them locally” (202), young people actively deal with global influences.
2.5 Concluding section
Migration in Sub Saharan Africa comes in many forms, all with their specific motivations
and patterns. Push factors, of economic, social, demographic, environmental and political
nature must be seen in relation to pull factors of urban areas; job and educational
opportunities are among such urban attractions. Urban areas have grown considerably in
size and population due to rural-urban migration and cities in Sub Saharan Africa are among
the fastest growing cities in the world, soon hosting half of the population. Rural-urban
migration has always responded to changes on socio-economic levels and political changesreflected in the increase- or emergence of certain types and patterns of migration.
Globalization accounts for recent transformation, and has led to increased urbanization. The
intrinsic logic of globalization facilitates migration, as differences are accentuated between
countries, regions and groups of people. Technological innovations not only enable
migration, they offer new possibilities to be part of two localities and communities.
Globalization creates new or adds to existing push and pull factors. This results in the
emergence of new migration scenarios, that are characterized by an imbalance between
opportunities for, and pressure to migrate. Push factors remain or are being strengthened,
while opportunities diminish. Looking at these global and macro socio-economic aspects is
important, but they are translated in and combined with local circumstances that are
interpreted and reconstructed by agents. The emergence of new types and patterns of
migration and the diversification of destination thus reflect an active agent, looking for a
solution. Moreover, youth is an important actor in the migration process, representing a
large part of the population and highly mobile, they are confronted with and part of
processes of individualization and reflexivity. They are attracted by the new urban
experience, as globalization and cities seem to offer them more possibilities and
opportunities.
19
Chapter 3
Migration and Urbanization in Tanzania
Chapter 3 deals with the specific area; Tanzania. It shortly outlines general information about the
country and elaborates on the history of migration as well as the current situation. This chapter is
thus more case-based in which important concepts can be applied and can be further clarified. This
section will deal with geography and social, economic and political characteristics of Tanzania in order
to provide a picture of the context in which migration takes place.
3.1 General characteristics
The United Republic of Tanzania is home to 38,4 million people (BBC, 2007). The political
and official capital is Dodoma but the commercial capital and largest city is Dar es Salaam
(which translates to Haven of Peace in Arabic (Sommers, 2001)). The official language is
Kiswahili (Swahili) and English is widely used in education and commerce. Alongside these
two languages exist a whole array of local languages (website CCA, 2007).Tanzania is
composed of over 130 clan groups, making it the most diverse nation in Africa, but one of the
most peaceful at the same time (Website Absolute Tanzania, 2007). The Tanzanian economy
primarily depends upon agriculture which is important for exports as well as for
employment ( CCA, 2007). Agriculture is thus the main livelihood activity for Tanzanians,
estimates show that around 80% of the working population is active in the agricultural
sector. The second largest sector is trade and the third is services (Helgesson, 2006). Tanzania
is among the 25 poorest countries in the world, though health care and education are
improving and the political situation is stable (Website Absolute Tanzania, 2007).
3.2 Historical patterns
The early history of Tanzania is characterized by migrations with major impacts on the
region. With the arrival of the Bantu-speaking people (1000 BCE), an already diverse
population mainly occupied with agriculture, food production and cattle farming was
introduced to different agricultural techniques as well as iron working and steel production.
Other groups, among others the Nilotic people both integrated and battled with the Bantupeople. As early as 400 BCE, the coastal area was important for trade and was largely
inhabited by Bantu-people, in the first millennium in CE traders from the Mediterranean,
Persia and Arabia interacted with the Bantu population and Swahili (which translates to ‘of
the coast’) language and culture arose and the Islam spread (Website Absolute Tanzania,
2007, Gilbert et al, 2004). In the subsequent centuries trade in amongst others ivory and gold
proliferated and more than 30 Swahili city-states emerged, this era is known as the Shirazi
Era. In 1525 however, the Portuguese ruled nearly the entire coast and their control lasted
until the 18th century, when Omani rule was established which led to even more influential
trade networks. The 19th century was characterized by intense connections with the
hinterland (Website Absolute Tanzania, 2007). Moreover, the history of Africa and Tanzania
is characterized by vibrant trade and early urban settlement. The East Coast’s complex
systems of islands and reefs, natural harbours, bays and inlets combined with monsoon
winds provided a positive geography for trade on a large scale (Gilbert et al, 2004.) The
wealth attracted migrant from all over the region and a trade network with the hinterland
was established to provide the ivory and other products that were traded. The trade led to
the explosion of urban areas and to the spread of the Islam and Swahili culture and language
The thriving commercial world of the Indian ocean meant that East Africans not only took
part as merchants, but also as slaves(Gilbert et al, 2004)..
20
Slave trade
The existence and use of slaves was not unfamiliar in Africa before European arrival, but it
was differently organised and less extensive (Gilbert et al, 2004). Although the greatest deal
of the slave trade took place in West Africa, East Africa was also affected by the slave trade.
Zanzibar was a collection point for trade but also for slaves, by the time of 1839 more than
40.000 slaves were sold through Zanzibar each year. There were several ‘supply’ routes and
local inhabitants were crucial in supplying slaves. “ It is estimated that hundreds of thousands of
slaves were sold in the mid 19th century and still more died of disease and exhaustion before they even
reached the coast” (Website Absolute Tanzania, 2007). Plantation agriculture and demand for
slaves in Arabia was soon complemented by demands related to the industrialization of
Europe and North America; which made slave trade an even more profitable ‘business’
(Gilbert et al 2004). Regional and transatlantic slave trade represent a large, involuntary
migratory movement.
Colonialism
Between 1880 and the First World War, the ‘scramble for Africa’ took place (Gilbert et al,
2004) and the area now known as Tanzania was for a large part claimed by Germany. After
World War I, Tanzania fell under British mandate. The British were known for their system
of indirect rule, which meant that they wanted to built upon already existing African
structures and participation (Gilbert et al, 2004). This does not mean however, that colonial
days were easy. Britain used altruistic motives to validate colonialism, they saw it as a ‘white
man’s burden’ to “bring the benefits of Western Culture and technology to the ‘backward races’ of
the world” (Gilbert et al, 2004: 283 ). During World War II, colonies were used to meet
demands for raw materials and food. African troop were send to fight as well and a
generation was hereby introduced to a wider world, where democracy was worth fighting
for (Gilbert et al, 2004). During colonial years, most labour migration was directed towards
destinations and towns closeby. Towns were both the administrative and commercial centre
of the colonial economy, attracting migrants from poorer areas to these “islands of
developments”. This migratory movement was often circular instead of permanent. Gould
argues that “colonialism and their economic and spatial organization created a geography of
widening social and economic disparities within colonial territories” (Gould, 1995, 183). Tanzania
gained independence in 1961 partly owing to the TANU (Tanganyika African National
Union) of which Julius Nyerere was the leader. Tanganyika and Zanzibar formed a union in
1964: Tanzania (BBC 2007, CCA 2007).
3.3 Nyerere’s African Socialism
After independence, President Julius Nyerere (nicknamed ‘Mwalimu’ which translates to
‘our teacher’ (Gilbert et al, 2004) and who is by many referred to as ‘the Father of the Nation’
(Sommers, 2001), ruled Tanzania. Gilbert et al argue that Nyerere’s vision is an example of
new African states wanting to radically change their course of development after
Independence. Nyerere wanted to mix traditional African ideas with European ideas of
Socialism (Gilbert et al, 2004) and he stressed the need for self-reliance instead of reliance on
foreign countries in the form of large loans. In this way, as he saw it, the country would stay
out of debt and therefore limit the influence of foreign countries, moreover, he wanted to
create a consciousness of the Tanzanian identity, as individuals from various regions had to
work together (Gilbert et al, 2004). Nyerere is well known for his ‘Ujamaa’ philosophy (this is
the Swahili word for ‘family’) which amounted to the creation of Ujamaa villages, a sort of
socialist villages. The land and small scale manufacturing would be worked upon
21
cooperatively and each village would have a clinic and a school as well as a groups of
educated administrators who would actually run the cooperative. In the cities, businesses
and rental housing were nationalized. Nyerere’s idyllic vision soon proved to be a failure,
especially economically speaking, due to inefficient nationalized industries and failing state
owned housing (Gilbert et al, 2004). The people of Tanzania who lived in the countryside
experienced the hardship as well, they often had to be forced into the Ujamaa villages and on
several occasions revolts emerged. The price for food was at an all time depth and many
farmers who did not live on the collectives tried to smuggle their products out of the country
in an attempt to get a fair price. Many farmers went back to subsistence farming and
gradually, the country went ‘from poor to poorer’ (Gilbert et al, 2004: 280). The country now
faced again the big challenges for economic and social development. Moreover, an overall
agricultural stagnation and increased oil prices are seen as contributing factors to a poor
socio-economic situation (Helgesson, 2006). Despite of the failures of his vision, Nyerere was
and often still is applauded for it. His education system was “designed to encourage cooperative
endeavour, to promote social equality and responsibility, and discourage intellectual arrogance among
the educated” (Website Absolute Tanzania, 2007).
What did Nyerere’s course mean for migration? Sommers argues that the education system
prepared young Tanzanians to farm, not migrate. Moreover, the state’s position towards
migrants connected urban migration to crime, since it was seen as a form of resistance
against Ujamaa and as the cause of urban crime and unemployment. Myers (2005) argues
that Dar es Salaam was ‘ignored in plain view’. However, during the Nyerere years, an
explosion of migrant populations in urban areas took place, despite of campaigns that were
supposed to discourage migration (Sommers, 2001 ). Migrant were aware of the fact that they
were not supposed to be in the urban areas and this created suspicion and tension among
them.
3.4 Recent decades: From Ujamaa to Ubinafsishaji?
The 1970s and 1980s were decades of economic decline and the 1990s began with declining
incomes and quality of life as well as increasing debt burdens and cuts in social services. Life
for Tanzanians was tough (Gilbert et al, 2004). Helgesson attributes the economic crises to
increased oil prices, agricultural stagnation and the debt crises. Moreover, a drop in value of
important export products such as coffee and sisal, the war with Uganda and a severe
drought in the 80ies also contributed to the crisis (Website Absolute Tanzania, 2007, Gould,
1995). For many Tanzanians the effects of the 1980s Structural Adjustment Programs were
disastrous; losses of jobs, increased prices for goods and services and decreased wages
(Helgesson, 2006). Moreover, Structural Adjustment Programs often had an urban bias; they
proved more effective in urban areas regarding liberalization of markets and processes of
privatization. The rural areas, already affected by Ujamaa policies, did not receive a ‘specific
stimulus’. This situation resulted in large migration flows to urban areas and in decreasing
circular migration. Increased regional differentiation, deteriorating environmental conditions
and diminishing stable employment opportunities in rural areas increased permanent
commitments to towns. Bouare (2006) argues that Tanzanian rural-urban migration patterns
have steadily increased since the 1980s, with periods of temporary diminishing numbers of
urban growth. Myers (2005) argues that since the economic crisis, Tanzania has been
pursuing a course of Neoliberalism; which combined with SAP’s effects and regional
problems has led to a uneven new reality, a reality that is by many Tanzanians labelled as
the age of ‘selfishness’ (ubinafsishaji) (Myers, 2005). Myers states that: “the privatization of
22
culture, society and consciousness has reshuffled ethnic and family relationships towards a more
individuated, and fractured, sense of self and a commodification of many aspects of everyday life”
(Myers, 2005: 6). Foeken et al (2004) argue that although the economic situation seems to
have been strengthened in recent years, the situation for vulnerable groups, such as youth
and those with low incomes has not improved.
3.5 Urbanisation and the informal economy
So far, we have seen that urbanization and trade have far outdated the modern era. And
though there have been cities for centuries, they grew rapidly in the colonial period. This is
remarkable because colonial governments tried to discourage migration to urban areas. But
there were many economic and social opportunities in the cities that attracted people. The
colonial cities usually grew out of cities that already existed and they were filled with the
emerging African middleclass. The cities need for labourers as divers as construction
workers, street sweepers and domestic servants attracted people with less employment
opportunities, mostly men who migrated to the cities without their families. The absence of
families, according to Gilbert et al, provided an opening for the creation of huge service
industries, mostly of an informal character. This informal sector provided needs for food,
shelter, clothing as well as entertainment and comfort, and this sector was mostly dominated
by women. Helgesson argues that these informal economic activities make up a considerable
part of the economy as a whole. The formation of an informal economy is by some authors
also seen as a reaction to structural adjustment programmes. Helgesson (following Tripp,
2006) for example argues that these programmes had a severe impact on people who lived in
urban areas since many of them depended on wages and were more involved in the
monetary economy than their rural counterparts who could to a certain extent rely on their
own production. Many urban people, turned to other activities seen as less formal as a
strategy to survive. Although Tanzania is among the poorest countries in the world, the new
millennium has brought economic growth. However, HIV/Aids rates have gone up to 8,8
percent (2003) and have caused life expectancy to drop from 51,2 in 1994 to 43,5 in 2004.
Economic deprivation is still the everyday reality for many young people in Tanzania and
this causes uncertainty and limits the ‘room for manoeuvre’ (Helgesson, 2006).
I already outlined the fact that urban growth is the highest in Sub Saharan Africa. The three
largest cities of Tanzania account for half of the urban population. From 1975 to 2002, the
urban population in Tanzania increased from 10 percent to 34,4 percent and in 2015, the
urban population is expected to make up 49% of the population (Helgesson, 2006, see figure
1). The urban population will for a large part consist of young people under the age of 25. As
we have seen, they make up a large part of the total population (65%) and are highly mobile.
23
Figure 1: Share of Urban population 1975-2015. (Helgesson, 2006 : 49)
Dar es Salaam
Dar es Salaam is known as ‘Bongo’ in Swahili slang expression, which translates to ‘brains’.
This is a legacy of the socialist years where one needed ‘bongo’ to survive (Website Absolute
Tanzania, 2007). Marc Sommers argues that ”Bongoland refers to the place where those with
bongo or brains – the cunning and the shrewd- thrive”( Sommers, 2001:2). Young people in
Bongoland find their own ways of being successful, this may mean selling coffee in the
streets or working for a very small wage as a day labourer. It represents that they have “the
smarts to make it” (Sommers, 2001: 2). Sommers argues that Dar es Salaam is about to become
a mega city because of the fact that it is the fastest growing city in East Africa with the fastest
urban growth rate in the world, moreover, predictions indicate even more urban growth
(Sommers, 2001). Figure 2 illustrates the urban growth. Not only rapid growth and
unemployment issues complicate urban life, a lack of investment in the public sector,
housing and infrastructure “has left more than 70% of Dar es Salaams population to make do for
themselves in terms of livelihoods and urban service provision” (Myers, 2005: 43)
Year
Population
1967
356,286
1978
843,090
1988
1,360,850
2002
2,497,940
Figure 2: Growth of the City of Dar Es Salaam (Myers, 2005:42)
As Myers (2004) argues, it is not the only fast growing city in Tanzania, but is at the very top
of Tanzania’s ‘urban hierarchy’, it is where ‘Tanzania takes place’ (p42). Dar es Salaam has
gone through significant changes the last decade; there are now internet café’s, mobile phone
networks, new shopping malls as well as houses and hotels. Global tourism, development
aid and a global commodity market have also helped establish what Helgesson calls a ‘new
urban experience’ (Helgesson, 2006: 175), “Dar Es Salaam has become a constantly churning
cultural engine, the heartland of Bongo Flava Swahili hip-hop, one of the most burglarized cities on
the planet and a fiercely contested space for politics and cultural difference” (Myers, 2005:42).
Moving to Bongo Land is one of the aspiration shared by many young people, who see the
modern era as filled with more possibilities and opportunities to study, work, go to different
places and to get information. Mobility is seen as a consequence of ‘modern times’, this is of
24
course connected to the increase of access to information and the availability of transport and
other technological innovations. Information about other places is available in a number of
ways according to Helgesson: through music, TV and mobility experiences (Helgesson,
2006).
3.6 Who migrates?
Although this section will not and cannot provide a full overview of personal characteristics
of young people who migrate, it will hint at aspects that are important for who is able or
likely to migrate. Moreover, it is important to acknowledge that seeing young migrants as a
category does not imply that they are all alike. Certain aspects play a crucial role in the
decision making process. First of all, aspects of availability and command over resources
influences a young person’s ability to engage in migration. It is often assumed that migrants
need a (economic) resource base to be able to move to urban areas. These resources can be
money to pay for transport and living costs in the city, but also information and social
networks. Cross argues (following the World Bank) that when ‘trapped in poverty’, people
are not looking beyond their situation because they cannot afford to do so, and are not aware
of opportunities outside. People who do migrate are most often those who “have begun to
raise their expectations and accumulated some resources and information and also have access to a
trans local network” (Cross et al, 2006: 6). It is therefore, according to the authors, not the
‘destitute’ but the middle poor and the better off that migrate. However, in the same
document, the authors argue that migration is often an ‘all or nothing strategy’. As we have
seen in previous chapters, economic conditions can leave a migrant or a family little choice,
migration becomes a survival strategy. Moreover, as rural-urban migration mobilises less
resources than international migration, it may well prove to be also the ‘destitute’ who
migrate to cities, since ‘skilled people’ who have the resources to travel a bigger distance,
often migrate internationally (Mafukidze, 2006). According to Mafukidze, it is also people
with an educational background that migrate. As we will see in chapter 4 and 5, the
educational system in Tanzania is believed to increase the awareness about opportunities in
the city.
Furthermore, social conditions also determine who is able to migrate; access to and
command over resources and connections differ per family and per family member. Tacoli
for example argues (1998) that young men with restricted access to land are likely to engage
in migration. They are experiencing a strong sense of responsibility, have to deal with social
and family constraints and at the same time, are striving for independence. This situation is
push factor for both male and female migrants. As we have seen, the independent movement
of women has increased, this also has to be seen against a rising demand for housemaids,
nannies, barmaids and work opportunities in the entertainment and tourism industry.
Related to ethnicity, May et al (2007) argue that the since the mid 1990’s a large number of
young Maasai migrate to urban areas-they are now ‘strikingly visible’ in Dar es Salaam.
Moreover, instability in neighbouring countries has led to large Ugandan and Burundi
migrant groups in cities (Sommers, 2003).
25
3.7 Concluding section
Migration patterns in Tanzania have been shaped by early trade and settlement, slave trade,
colonization, post independence policies and more recently, neo liberal policies. These
historical, structural relationships are related to patterns of movement and thus represent
continuities and discontinuities in migration and its explanations. External pressure resulting
from liberalization, an economic crisis, combined with internal and regional problems have
induced local coping strategies- rural youth migrate to urban areas. Urbanization must thus
be viewed against a global and a regional or local background. Not only economic factors are
important, social and cultural conditions have also changed and resulted in rural-urban
migration. Migration as a strategy is influenced by limited ‘room for manoeuvre’, but young
migrants, from different socio-economic and ethnic groups, use their ‘bongo’ to make it toand survive in Dar es Salaam, and take part in the ‘ new urban experience’.
26
Chapter 4
Leaving ‘Boringville’
What factors, processes and circumstances drive people away from rural areas? In order to understand
what pushes people away from rural areas, we have to understand what roles rural areas play in
contemporary Tanzania. Global and local changes have reconfigured rural and urban areas as well as
their interlinkages. This chapter will link this situation to rural-urban migration seen from a ruralpush perspective. Themes that will be addressed in relation to migration are the process of deagrarianization, a rural-urban continuum and the role of small and intermediate towns herein.
4.1 Rural areas in Tanzania: De agrarianization
In Tanzania, a large part of the population relies on agriculture, both as subsistence as well
as production for the market and export. However, throughout recent decades, an ongoing
process of deargrarianisation is taking place in Tanzania and many other Sub Saharan
African countries (Helgesson 2006 following Bryceson). This process is characterized by
several changes:
-
-
-
‘Occupational adjustment’, there is an increasing involvement in non farm activities
‘Income earning reorientation’: Because of rising costs and declining income,
agriculture is less attractive as an occupation. Diversification becomes a strategy for
survival.
‘Changing social identification’: There is a move away from the main identity of
being a farmer, amongst others through employment in the expanding informal
economy.
‘Spatial relocation of rural dwellers’: Combining rural and urban livelihoods
contributes to the process of urbanization. An important aspect is the increased
possibilities in transport.
Tacoli (1998) argues that this process is a long term process, increasingly driven by
environmental decline. Moreover, Krokfors (1995) argues that multi active and multi
localized households (see next section), engaged in migration between areas or circulation
between areas and activities, is part of a ‘process of adjustment’ to societal structures; among
which are command over and access to land and other resources and commodities, as well as
ties (kin, religion, ethnicity) that can be a basis for such entitlements. Through these
adjustments, new relationships are forged between people and their environment. Baker
(1995) argues that the process is an expression of risk spreading, by using rural and urban
strategies and using a variety of income generating activities, possible risks are spread
between areas and activities. A case study in Tanzania showed that 83% of the rural
economy was based on such a diversification.
The process of de-agrarianization has to be seen against a background of rural areas in Sub
Saharan Africa. They were negatively affected by recent global changes and deteriorating
living condition, social differentiation and poverty deepened. Living costs in urban areas
also increased, together with a decrease in employment opportunities. This situation has led
to changes in rural- urban interactions, as these local areas experienced transformations of
economic, political, social and cultural nature (Lynch 2005). The rural-urban continuum
offers ways to deal with these external influences.
27
4. 2 The rural-urban continuum
Tacoli (1998) argues that while urban and rural areas and issues are often treated separate,
multiple (inter) linkages between these two areas play an important role in the process of
both rural and urban change. The interactions between rural and urban areas are outlined as
follows by Tacoli:
1. Sectoral interactions: Households combine both farm and non farm activities. Rural
activities (farming) are increasingly taking place in urban settings and urban activities
(manufacturing) are taking place in rural areas. There is a spatial integration of
activities once characterized as rural or urban. Moreover, people commute or migrate
between the two areas in order to carry out these activities. Both rural and urban
populations rely on activities that can be characterized as urban and rural: Urban
agriculture is often seen as a response to escalating poverty and rising food prices.
High and medium income households also engage in urban farming for commercial
purposes. Non agricultural rural activities are an important livelihood diversification
for rural households who are also facing difficult circumstances.
2. Multi spatiality: Migrants are “straddling the rural-urban divide, which is in some cases
and for some groups an important past of survival strategies” (Tacoli, 1998: 149 ). They
engage in permanent, circular or seasonal migration. Most migrants have a strong
link with relatives in rural home area and use the rural area as a safety net. This
solves part of the ‘wage puzzle’ (Jamal and Weeks in Tacoli, 2001) that has fascinated
researchers for a long time. Lynch (2005, following Potts) underlines the importance
of the term ‘fluid domesticity’, which indicates that household members shift
residence in both rural and urban areas. Other spatial interactions between rural and
urban areas include: new housing developments (an expanding city) spilling over
official urban boundaries, bringing urbanization to rural areas (Davis, 2006). The city
influences land ownership and use, economic activities and labour markets, affecting
rural areas, production and livelihoods (Lynch, 2005).
3. Flows of goods, waste, information, money, capital, people and social transactions
link rural and urban areas. There is a constant exchange of rural and urban resources
and an interdependence of goods and material, technology and labour, supply,
demand and access to markets. These flows further blur the boundary between what
is considered to be rural and urban (Tacoli, 1998 and Lynch, 2005)
Helgesson (2006) argues that this situation is better described by using the term rural-urban
continuum, characterized by many interlinkages and interdependence, maintained by
frequent interactions of different nature (economic, mobility). Not only geographically
speaking is the view of divided and competing rural and urban areas problematic,
separating people who reside in either rural and urban areas does not grasp the complex
situation that characterizes the rural-urban continuum. Lynch argues that “home and identity
are ambigious and shifting notions where multiple identities can be simultaneously embodied” (2005:
123)
28
4.3 The role of small and intermediate towns
Small and intermediate towns constitute a crucial role in rural-urban interactions or
continuum. They link the ‘rural hinterland’ with urban centres and markets and are clusters
of services, facilities and infrastructure. Generally, they are accessible and form an important
nod in the network of cities and rural areas (Tacoli, 1998). They might be more accessible for
young people due to the local nature of their social networks and due to limited resources
than the larger cities (Helgesson, 2006). Although their role is crucial for both rural and
urban development these places are often overlooked in research and policy. The role of
these small and medium towns further blurs the distinction between what is rural and what
is urban (Tacoli, 1998). Tacoli (1998) uses the notion of the ‘Peri urban areas’: a space that is
characterized by facilitating flows between rural and urban areas. Moreover, they facilitate
the combination of urban employment and rural, peri urban or urban agriculture (Tacoli,
2001). Moreover, the urban-rural continuum and situation of multi-spatiality are major
manifestations of urbanity in small and medium sized towns (Helgesson, 2006). Davis writes
about peri urban areas as the place “where ruralized cities transition into urbanized countrysides”
creating an area that is “the societal impact zone where the centrifugal forces of the city collide with
the implosion of the countryside”(Davis, 2006:46). These small and medium sized towns, located
in peri urban areas, grew rapidly and became major migratory destination in Tanzania in
the 1980’s, however, since the 1990’s the main flow of migrants is again directed towards Dar
Es Salaam (Tacoli, 2001). However, Mike Davis (2006) underlines the importance of medium
sized towns as they are still a major destination for migrants and might soon be places with
exploding growth rates. As we will see in the next chapter: not only small and medium sized
towns expand quickly, so too do slum areas.
4.4 Rural-Urban continuum and Migration (Push-factors)
As some responses to changing circumstances in rural areas include multi spatiality and
multi sectoral engagements, this may reduce the need for permanent migration. Moreover,
as this situation blurs the dichotomy that often existed (in literature) between rural and
urban areas, it is difficult to identify push factors solely related to rural areas. However, a
couple of authors provides some clues for me to start with: The adoption of multiple
livelihoods and multi spatiality is often seen in the light of a ‘rural crisis’. These measures are
thus a survival strategy or precaution. Not all households and individuals may engage in
these solutions and might prefer permanent rural-urban migration in order to seek
opportunities in the city. Rural-urban migration can be an escape to “get away from the grind
of uncertainty of their rural livelihoods” (Lynch, 2005: 114 ). Amin argues that the rural crisis has
intensified in the last two decades, spurring migration towards cities, leading to an
interesting situation where “the necessity becomes the ideal” (Amin,1995:32). This aspect of
rural-urban migration will be further elaborated on in the next chapter. Furthermore, rural
links and family ties act as safety nets and ‘cultural reference points’ and are part of one’s
social identity and livelihood (Owuor, 2004), a push factor related to this situation is young
people’s desire to escape from this very situation as it can be as much a system of obligation
and control as of safety (Tacoli 1998, 2001, Helgesson,2006). Tacoli (2001) underlines, that
obligations, control and demands on time and resources from their local community conflict
with wishes ‘to make money’. However, this situation has not been thoroughly researched
and there is conflicting evidence. One the one hand, young people are moving away from
rural areas and identity, as well as expressing aspiration to maintain links to agriculture and
rural areas. Helgesson shows that young people combine different livelihood strategies,
29
involving activities associated with urban as well as rural spaces (Helgesson, 2006).
However, Helgesson also finds that there is a common perception among young people that
in their rural areas nothing much happens. In interviews, their rural home areas were
referred to as ‘Boringville’ (Helgesson, 2006). It is thus not solely a rural crisis that is pushing
young people away from rural areas. In this light, urban farming might not be as widespread
among this specific group, and this is supported by indications that young people try to hide
expressions of rural identity once they are part of urban life (Sommers, 1999 and 2003).
Another related aspect identified by Helgesson is the ‘youth task’, helping your family is
very important and creates a ‘strong sense of responsibility’. A lot of young people are not
able to take on this responsibility and face a dilemma of choosing between individual
strategies and expectations from the family. One way of leaving this ‘space of frustration’ is
through migration, which enables young people to distance themselves from this space or
provides an opportunity to try to support the family through sending remittances from
urban areas (Helgesson, 2006). Whatever the case, migration to urban areas is still
widespread, as these to examples illustrate:
1. The movement of young males from Southern rural areas to Dar Es Salaam, looking for
opportunities to be a petty trader, is known as the ‘Wamachinga phenomenon’. They leave
rural home areas due to poor living condition as they are confronted with unemployment,
declining incomes from farming and a land shortage. The Wamachinga are a cultural
phenomenon and a symbol for rural-urban migration and moreover, economic liberalization.
They seldom engage in return migration, as it is difficult to return to their home villages
without the expected earnings. They stay in the capital, mostly working in the informal
sector (Helgesson, 2006).
2. In the Kilimanjaro area (North-Eastern part of Tanzania), rural livelihoods (banana groves)
are a symbol of ‘traditional local life’, which is by some community members seen as an
outdated symbol of tradition and history. They see schooling and education as a modern
practice, a symbol of modernity and moreover, as source of symbolic capital. Other
community members perceive education as a moral decline. Education is attracting many
young people, as they see it as a path way towards independence and a life as ‘city sister’
(Helgesson, 2006). Moreover, opportunities for education are more widely available in urban
areas. Lynch (2005) underlines that education system often have an urban bias in the sense
that they encourage young people to look for jobs in urban areas, “that will make use of their
skills and pay them more than farming or rural occupation”(Lynch, 2005: 123 ).
These two examples also illustrate regional differentiations, a very important aspect of
internal migration. An aspect, also, which I can unfortunately not address in this thesis.
These examples also show that young people are actively structuring their present situation,
as well as thinking about their future. In this respect, Helgesson makes another important
observation. Vulnerability limits space for present strategies as well as long term strategies
for the future as well as the creation of a buffer against uncertainty. This situation impacts
not only the individual but also the family and ultimately society. As living conditions for
many rural and urban residents have been difficult, they are increasingly vulnerable to other
influences (such as droughts) (Helgesson, 2006). Future aspirations and vulnerability to
social, economic, political and ecological factors can therefore also be considered as push
factors. On top of this, Helgesson notes that there is powerful “create your own employment
30
discourse” in Tanzania. Self employment is encouraged and promoted as a ‘solution to
poverty’ by not only the government but also by several other organizations. Helgesson
argues that “young people are told not to sit around and wait for the government to give them a job”
(2006: 231). Migration to urban areas can then be perceived as ‘essential’ for both economic
and social success. Tacoli underlines that young people who do not engage in some kind of
migration (whether permanent or circular), “are often considered to be shying away from hard
work and may become the object of ridicule” (Tacoli, 2001: 147)
As mentioned before, some aspects of the migration process are difficult to categorize in
either rural push or urban pull categories. For instance the aspect of the flow of ideas; rural
areas are through mass media and return migrants, confronted with aspects of urbanization.
(cultural) images that symbolize urban life circulate through the rural-urban continuum,
possibly influencing perception about the city and hence decision making processes
regarding migration. This is not a one way process of course, as rural images also reach
urban areas. Helgesson also argues that images of places that were not visited by her young
respondents influenced their lives, strategies and sense of self. The circulation of images of
places that flow through radio, TV as well as other people was identified as increasingly
important aspect in contemporary migration patterns (Helgesson, 2006). The flow of ideas
from urban areas can undermine or reinforce rural push factors but can also be seen in the
light of urban attractions. This situation of course occurs with other rural pushes and urban
pulls. This situation will be further explored in the next chapter.
4.5 Concluding section
A process of de-agrarianization is taking place in Tanzania affecting and changing
occupation, spatial location and social identification. In order to diversify income, minimise
or spread risks, people in rural areas engage in the possibilities provided by a rural-urban
continuum. They become multi spatial and have multi sectoral livelihoods. Circular
migration is one of the strategies to secure a stable livelihood. The rural-urban continuum is
connected to globalization processes in many ways. Globalization has been part of the
economic crisis that is often assumed to have shaped or changed (the need for) rural-urban
interactions and interlinkages. Moreover, flows of ideas and people have changed ruralurban interactions. Push factors are not only related to poor and uncertain economic
conditions, but also to boredom, and a wish to escape from family obligation. This has to be
seen against a situation of the desire for an ‘urban life’ and the pull of economic and social
success.
31
Chapter 5
Towards ‘Bongoland’
The previous chapter has outlined push factors that drive young people away from rural areas. These
push factors have to be seen in relation to pull factors- what attracts young migrants to the city? This
chapter will deal with these pull factors and will also go into aspects of urban life, urban
representations and other important aspects of the urbanization process in Tanzania: social networks,
remittances and slums.
5.1 Pull Factors: beyond economics
A search for employment, better living conditions and more opportunities of several kinds
are usually identified as constituting the biggest part of urban attraction. Cities do “offer the
tantalizing chance of better prospects ” and rural migrants might expect that “the streets of their
capital cities will be paved with gold” (Parnwell, 1993: 1-3). That reality of urban life does not
always match this expectation will be discussed in the next section. Parnwell (2003: 86) also
argues that as rural migrants keep joining ‘the floating mass or urban poor’, this signals that
other reasons than economics are important. He mentions oppression, boredom and
landlessness that can be present in their rural home areas. He also argues that the migrants
might be thinking of the long term: they strive for improved welfare on the long term and
therefore are willing to go through a phase of urban hardship. Just as it is not just pure
economic desperation that pushes people away from rural areas it is not the sole pull of
urban areas. As Sommers (2003) argues, urban attraction is varied and significant and that
there are ways in which urban areas “provide African youth with more than hope for some kind of
economic advancement” (31). One of these is the opportunity for coexistence, cities are a unique
place where different people cross each others paths. Such opportunities are scarcer in rural
areas. Second, young urbanites can feel empowered through alienation. Sommers argues that
young people see themselves as alienated outcasts in a society that overlooks and
marginalizes them. Although they constitute the majority of the urban population, they
themselves feel more like a minority as they are hardly connected to or accepted by civil
society. Sommers argues that “rather than accepting their sidelined social existence, many celebrate
it” (33). A way to express these feelings is through language, to which we will turn in section
3.3. Another attraction to the bright lights of the city is the portrayal of the city as “the place to
find fun and excitement” that “contrasts sharply with the generally slow and unexciting pace of life
in the countryside” (Parnwell, 2003: 89). The awareness of this attraction is an important
aspects that is increasing as media flows and urban representation from other migrants
easily reach rural youth. Not only improved communication but also improved
transportation have an important role in “informing remote rural dwellers of the opportunities of
urban lifestyles” (Lynch, 2005: 102). Dreams and hopes for the future can also be part of a
city’s attracting power. Helgesson’s (2006) research shows that young people, when thinking
about their future see urban places as ‘future places of residence’, her respondents indicate
that they expect to find more opportunities and that relative close distance and a family
network supports their desire.
5.2 Expectations versus reality
A lot of migrants face an urban reality that does not match their expectations, the golden
pavements might actually be rather grim. As Parnwell (1993:7) argues, “many who use
migration as a means of escaping poverty may find that their movement brings only a change in
location, not circumstances”. This situation has led some authors to question until what extent
such movement can be considered voluntary, as little other alternatives exist. Davis (2006)
32
(and young people themselves, as argued by Helgesson) argues that the term ‘economic
refugee’ might better suit part of the rural-urban migrants.
The economic difficulties in the city include growing unemployment because of declining
economic growth, population pressure, high geographic mobility, economic restructuring
and a stagnant formal sector. Youth unemployment in the cities affects young people from a
variety of different groups. This situation has moved many young migrants towards jobs in
the informal sector (section 5.5) and in what Chigunta (2002) calls ‘unorthodox livelihood
sources’. Besides economic difficulties, rural-urban migrants can be confronted with a
different economic and social organization in the cities. These differences between their rural
home area and the city might require making adjustments. A situation where hostility and
issues of acceptance towards migrants is not uncommon, combined with the harsh reality of
marginalization and exclusion from several sectors and aspects of urban life might create a
situation of uncertainty and insecurity (Parnwell, 1993, Chigunta, 2002). Moreover, Chigunta
(2002) argues that criminality, vandalism, gangs and illegality make urban reality not only
uncertain but also dangerous. “For many, also, the hustle and bustle and danger of the city provide
a very intimidating and frightening environment” (Parnwell, 1992:91). As not all migrants are
able to tap the urban opportunities, they may end up on the ‘margins of urban existence’
(Parnwell, 1992). As the bright lights turn out to be selective spot lights, issues such as
anonymity and marginalization can become part of a ‘counter narrative’ to the pull of the
city (Helgesson, 2006). Akin Ainia and Baker (1995) underline that migration processes know
‘winners and losers’. What the outcome will be is related to a combination of factors “that are
expressed in and through structure and agents” (11). Individual and collective capacities are
related to both structural and individual characteristics that affect the extent in which a
migrant can “command and deploy resources and to exploit circumstances either positively or
negatively” (12).
The Other of the city: slums
Another important aspect when talking about urbanization in Tanzania, that is part of the
difficult situation many young people find themselves in, the is the spatial hierarchy within
the city, or what Myers (2005) calls ‘the Other of the city’. As a grim contrast to the better off
(and often secluded) areas of Dar Es Salaam, are many other (often low-income) areas. This
Dar Es Salaam is a ‘contentious place’, with rising criminality rates, where cholera is endemic
and where visits of Majambazi (armed gang members) add to a situation of fear. Police
actions against unlicensed Wamachinga (street vendor) create more tensions. These places,
according to Diouf, are geographies (by some called ‘geography of resistance’ and by others
‘geography of delinquency’) that include the streets, the suburbs and the slums. In his book,
‘Planet of Slums’, Mike Davis (2006) paints a rather pessimistic and radical global picture of
the ‘mass production of slums’. He argues that slums are growing at twice the speed that
urban areas in Africa are growing, as global forces push people away from rural areas in a
situation where the urban pull has been weakened. In Tanzania, 92,1% of the urban
population lives in slums, which are basically a huge ‘spatial concentration of poverty’.
These areas are often located at the edge of urban areas, acting as a ‘human dumps’. As the
majority of the urban population lives in slums, the dreams of early urbanists and
modernization theorists are shattered: ”The cities of the future, rather than being made out of glass
and steel (…) are instead largely constructed out of crude brick, straw, recycled plastic, cement blocks
and scrap word” (p19) This situation signals one of the many problems that have arisen or
33
aggravated because of rapid urbanization processes. The government is not able to provide
the necessary services that such massive concentrations of people requires (Davis, 2006). This
has created a living situation for many migrants without electricity, proper sanitary services,
a lack of infrastructure and a burden of disease.
5.3 Representations of the city and young urbanites
Urban African areas are by many residents, non residents as well as scholars (and the media)
seen as ugly and dangerous, a place full of lack of services, a lack of employment but full of
illness and crime, home to out of control young people (Chigunta, 2002 Sommers, 2003
Helgesson, 2006). Sommers gives a telling example of one of these scholar, Kaplan who refers
to African cities as ‘neoprimitive shanty domains’ and residents as ‘nature unchecked’; “Just
why anyone would choose to live in such a place, particularly the young and poor who make up most
of Africa’s urban residents, seems difficult for many to imagine” (Sommers 2003: 25).
Urban youth are thus often not viewed as vibrant, dynamic contributors to a city’s culture
and daily life, being perceived instead as carriers of disease and crime. Recently, young
people have increasingly been framed as a threat to security (Sommers, 1999). This situation
has led to or deteriorated a situation of youth isolation and marginalization (Sommers,2003).
As HIV Aids and other diseases, as well as subordination and marginalization are very real
aspects of urban life for many young people (Helgesson), this has to be seen against the other
side of a struggle for power and recognition, a struggle for living. Against a background of
lack of opportunities, a high level of uncertainty but high expectations and dreams, young
people can be prone to criminal behaviour. Moreover, young people as a category often
suffer from stereotyping and negative labelling. They are put together in the ‘Manchicha’ box
(unemployed youth roaming the streets). They are viewed with awe, sensitivity and
considered to be amoral. Without livelihood opportunities and confronted with this
labelling, things as joining a gang, as well as resorting to drugs and alcohol appear to have
become a ‘meaningful space’. This space is able to provide a ‘participatory expression’ for
youth and can carry features of a career path (Chigunta, 2002).
Sommers argues that the government and institutions make little efforts to understand urban
youth and usually consider them as a problem. Working on legal and illegal margins of
urban society and economy make them prone to government actions as they are still in full
public view. This in turn leads to suspicion, fear and uncertainty, leaving Sommers to
question this paradox: why are young people still drawn to this place?
5.4 Feeling urban
Sommers argues that young people who reside in urban areas consider themselves to be
‘urbanized’, being ‘urban’ has become part of their identity. They lack an aspiration of
returning to the rural areas they migrated from. Sommers (2003) points out that several
government campaigns designed to foster return migration from urban to rural areas have
failed. He sees this as prove that investment in the rural sector (a solution promoted by
several other authors) as to reverse the urban bias will also fail. Urban residents are
sometimes worse of than those in rural areas however, they wish to stay in the cities: “Most
of Africa’s urban youth, it appears, are very likely to remain in cities regardless of the degree of
investment in the countryside or the difficulties they face in cities” (Sommers, 2003: 30).
Remaining in Bongoland, a place filled with both difficulties and challenges, a place with
constants threats and a lack of services but also opportunities, can be quite difficult and
34
stressful. So many young migrants creates a situation of competition, but according to
Sommers, this challenging situation is a ‘starting point’. As May (2007:276) indicates, rural
migrants are confronted with the label of ‘alien’, ‘deviant’, ‘outsider’, and’ backward’- “people
out of place”. Rural-urban migrants want to become part of Bongoland, they must hide and
exchange their ‘mshamba’ (term used for ‘country hick’) that can lead to a ‘confused and
bushy’ image into the ‘modern, fit, top and fashion design’ of young urban residents
(Sommers, 2003). Another aspect of urban life is defining survival as success: “Sometimes
there are benefits to urban life beyond simple enduring. For many youth in Bongoland, for example,
success may simply mean the ability to survive, to stay afloat in an urban world teeming with
competition and danger” (Sommers, 2003:36). This quote signals that for many young (male)
migrants, the city becomes a challenge, a risky challenge but also a challenge that young
people are expected to ‘surmount’. Urban migration, according to Sommers (2003) can then
be a kind of ‘rite of passage’ into becoming or being a man. Not succeeding in this urban
challenge would then be a failure and returning home is unthinkable “without shillings in
one’s pocket” (Sommers,2003:36).
Faced with a difficult present and an uncertain future, a disjuncture between dreams,
aspiration and opportunity (Diouf, 2003), as well as being confronted with their marginal
status in society, young Africans become ‘agents of their own socialization’ (Chigunta, 2002).
They are creating a place that shows their difference, a place that can be located at the heart
or at the margins of society, embodied by young people that consider themselves victims as
well as active agents (Diouf, 2003:5) in which they can express ‘a desire for recognition and
presence’. They locate themselves outside the conventional image of success, as they try to
enter public space and access the world stage to ‘become actors in the theatre of
globalizaton’. The arena is the streets, where young people resist dominant cultures (Diouf,
2003:5-) and create several sub cultures. They express themselves in clothing, activities and
language (Chigunta), supported by new technologies that create an imagined community
“that offers new modes of being and belonging” They themselves manage this new urban space
(Diouf, 2003: 7), where they combine bits and pieces of ‘popular and modern Western
culture’ (and also Indian!) with local forms of expression (Chigunta, 2002). This informal
process of youth culture and identification has an interesting dynamic, the urban language
that many migrants and rural youth adopt.
Language
Dar Es Salaam’s urban language is known as Kidar and referred to by young people as
Language of the young, Community language and ‘angry Swahili’. Throughout the country
and among older generation, the language is referred to as ’language of the ignorant’ as it is
seen as a language spoken by out of control young urbanites that engage in illegal activities.
The urban language is mostly spoken in the Dar es Salaam, but throughout the rural areas
young people speak a local version in order to “indicate their connection to Dar Es Salaam’s
modern urban lifestyles and their striving towards upward mobility” (Sommers, 2003 and
2001:357) . English words have been incorporated, although sometimes carrying a different
meaning, as this language is considered to signal ‘modernity’. By using English words, a
young person ‘can signify a person’s connection to wealth, glamour and modern forward looking
ideas and activities”(Sommers, 2003:32). A constantly changing mix of Swahili, English and
invented words are used to refer to the difficulties of urban life in Dar Es Salaam, not only
communicating, expressing their connection to and fascination with Bongoland but also
35
spreading myths about the city and alienating themselves from elite society. The language is
thus used to describe how many young people in urban areas see themselves and adapting
to the changing vocabulary by rural youth signals their hope to migrate to Bongoland
(Sommers,1999 and 2003) .
5.5 The informal sector, social network and remittances
The informal sector in Tanzania makes up a substantial part of the economy. It is often
difficult to categorize activities as being formal or informal, the area in between is grey as the
two sectors overlap and interact. Activities in the informal sector are heterogeneous, often
located at the edge between legal and illegal activities and the sector is growing rapidly. In
the 1980s, the growth of the informal sector was one of the greatest changes in the African
continent, that influenced almost all people and ‘areas of life’ (Helgesson,2006). Migrants,
often without the right qualifications or links, face little opportunities for employment in the
formal sector. Due to this situation they make up a large part of the informal economy in Dar
Es Salaam, where they engage in activities such as selling goods, working as a day labourer
in construction or fishing or creating small enterprises, all looking for that niche of hope and
success. (Sommers, 1999). Engaging in the informal economy “became urbanites’ cushion
against economic hardship” (Helgesson following Trip, 2006: 145). Helgesson (2006: 32) argues
that informality is a social process, characterized by the importance of social relations in
which ‘members’ “negotiate their roles in order to obtain livelihoods and social security”.
Moreover, it is a way to resist state and market regulation (Helgesson, 2006), and combined
with fluidity and circulation, it becomes a tool of survival and ‘societal non compliance’,
which according to Myers, is a reaction to decades of state top down approaches ( Myers,
2005). Moreover, it can be a support system and important part of the social network of
migrants (Sommers, 2004). The other (not so romantic) side of this cushion, is summarized
by Davis (2006:185) who notes that: “urban space is never free”. The informal sector, that has
weakened the position of already vulnerable groups, is characterized by a high degree of
uncertainty, competition, illegality and clientelism (Helgesson, 2006). For many, it is
employment of a last resort, one that is reaching its absorptive capacity, in which young
people are vulnerable to exploitation, bribes and exclusion. This urban space is in some way
thus a cushion, an economy of resistance, a ‘soulless wasteland’ and an honour, where young
migrants refuse or celebrate their marginal status (Helgesson 2006, Chigunta 2002, Gugler
and Ludwar Ene 1995 and Davis 2006).
The informal sector is of course not the only urban life strategy that young people employ, as
we have seen, activities such as urban farming are also present. Farming in urban area has
increased considerably in the last decades. It occurs wherever land is available, and can
therefore be ‘backyard farming’, ‘open space farming’ and ‘peri-urban farming’. Both food
crop cultivation and keeping livestock for subsistence as well as commercial purposes are
common in and around Dar es Salaam, and are ways to deal with economic crisis and
uncertainty (Foeken et al, 2004). However, this situation has to be seen against the aspect of
young people who are trying to get rid of their ‘rural image’ and might therefore not engage
in farming as a complementary or diversification strategy.
Social networks and Remittances
Social networks are important for migrants as they offer and facilitate the move to the city
and are also a means to find a job and accommodation upon arrival. Family, kinship and
36
ethnic ties are important in social networks, but migrant networks are also of great
importance. These networks can provide opportunities for employment in both the informal
and formal sector and can be an incentive for other possible migrants. It can partly replace or
offer access to financial capital as well as provide a safety net, but can instead also be a space
of exclusion (Lynch, 2005). Sending home remittances is an important part of migration that
is currently a hot topic among scholars. It has become part of rural livelihoods and keeps
many rural economies going. Adepoju (2006) argues that the remittances, locally, are used to
pay for basic services, spend on education, health, agricultural production and setting up
micro enterprises. Besides benefiting the direct recipients, the community and regional level
can also profit through a sort of ‘trickle down effect’. Moreover, remittances are part of the
strong link between migrants and non migrants as well as between home and the city
(Tacoli, 1998), Owuor (2004) provides some other insights, as expectations of both migrants
and their rural counterparts are often high, migrants struggle in order to be able to send
home remittances. A recent discourse in Sub Saharan Africa is how to make these
remittances work, for poor recipients and entire communities. This is expressed in a call for
more research on this topic, but as remittances often go unrecorded and flow through
unofficial channels, this is not an easy task (Adepoju, 2006).
5.7 Concluding section
Pull factors of urban areas include employment possibilities and opportunities of several
kinds. Many young people see urban areas as a place with perspective for the future- where
they can meet their expectations of life and desires to be part of the global arena. Urban areas
can provide a feeling of empowerment, ‘modern life’ and identity. However, urban life is
filled with the lack of possibilities also, and difficulties that do not lead to an improvement in
living conditions. Unemployment, crime, social and spatial marginalization are among those
difficulties. Confronted with this situation and stereotypes lead to feelings of both
engagement and alienation, that are expressed through Angry Swahili and the creation of
‘meaningful spaces’. Migrants are thus ‘straddling’ the gap between opportunities, dreams
and difficulties and absence- the outcome of this related to individual capabilities and
capacities to act within constraining factors. Aspects of urban life, such as the informal
sector, social networks and remittances are part of young people’s life strategy. They are
ways to deal with urban life, provide a safety net and moreover, can empower young
migrants, as they actively negotiate their roles in urban life. However, these aspects also
create new vulnerabilities, due to new demands and investments, new power relations and
issues of exclusion.
37
Chapter 6 Conclusion and Reflections
This thesis started with the question what push and pull factors could be identified in contemporary
rural-urban migration among young people in Tanzania. The foregoing chapters have all aimed to
answer parts of this question. This chapter concludes this extended essay by summarizing my
findings, it also contains some thoughts on migration and research.
6.1 General conclusion
Sub Saharan Africa is a rapidly urbanizing region, a region that is experiencing global
interconnections and has a large share of young and mobile inhabitants. Factors explaining
rural-urban migration are of economic, demographic, environmental, political and social
nature. Global and local changes affecting explanatory factors of migration have resulted in
transformations of types and patterns of migration. Processes of globalization are associated
with increased urbanization: first of all, migration streams are facilitated by innovations in
technology and communication. For instance, transport and internet have influenced
migration patterns and experiences. Secondly, globalization processes have enforced push
and pull factors that already existed and have created new ones. It is assumed that push
factors have been strengthened, against diminishing opportunities in urban areas. Thirdly,
differences and disparities between groups of people and regions have deepened or
widened. For example, global economic and political discourses have created or fuelled
spatial biases that are reflected in migration streams. Globalization offers both possibilities
and threats for different groups of people, the outcome of which is related to the ability to
tap the opportunities. Fourthly, the flow of ideas, images and information about urban (and
rural) areas have led to increased awareness of opportunities in urban areas and a ‘modern’
urban lifestyle. This takes place, for instance, through media and migrants who share their
experiences. This situation, combined with processes of individualization and reflexivity,
with related opportunities, pressures, risks and frustrations have influenced youth life
strategies. They often find themselves in between a space of frustration and a space of
opportunity and engage in migration to escape, or meet their (future) aspirations.
Taking a historical perspective, Tanzania has experienced migration in many ways
throughout centuries and decades. An important aspect is the Ujamaa policy from post
independence president Nyerere. These polices negatively affected rural areas, and instead
of discouraging, encouraged migration to urban areas. An economic crisis and the
consequences of neo-liberal programs drove even more people to the cities, where informal
sectors boomed. Dar es Salaam, nicknamed Bongo land, became the fastest growing city of
the Sub Saharan region.
Recently, Tanzania witnessed a process of de-agrarianization, transforming rural-urban
interactions and interrelations. Livelihoods are now based on sectoral interactions and can be
multi spatial, making it more appropriate to speak of a rural-urban continuum. Livelihood
strategies, that can no longer be placed in a rural-urban dichotomy, thus take place in this
continuum, and can be an alternative to permanent migration or, act as a safety net for
migrants. As urbanization continued, also against a situation of urban unemployment, this
has shed light on other urban attractions. Cities provide young people with more than
employment, they offer a way of life. Young people, driven by dreams, hopes and
aspirations are attracted by the bright lights of the city, looking for both economic and social
success, however, they often find that their expectations are detached from reality.
Difficulties in the city, such as unemployment, crime, marginalization and stereotypes
38
confront them on a daily basis. Moving in between feelings and expression of attachment
and alienation, they engage in informal sectors, social networks and sub cultures, that
become meaningful places, and an important part of young people’s life strategies and youth
culture. As predictions indicate that urbanization will continue, and cities will be filled with
young people, it is about time that topics such as cities and youth rise on the agendas of
researchers and governments.
With regard to the Framework used in this thesis, I want underline that each migrant is
connected to a set of push and pull factors that is a unique combination of personal and
structural; global and regional circumstances. It is important to study push and pull factors
in relation to each other, as they constantly interact with and reinforce each other. Keeping a
local view when talking about globalization processes is important in order to explain
current migration experiences- they are the very sites where structural and global processes
take place. The role of agency is crucial, mobility is a strategy to actively look for niches of
opportunities of several kind or, survival. Using their Bongo, safety nets and social networks,
young migrants actively shape their present and their future, of course, within limits and
confronted with’ old’ and ‘new’ vulnerabilities. Without a doubt, new creative solutions will
emerge to deal with these and create yet another ‘room for manoeuvre’. I feel that a
sociological approach, combining a focus on structure and actors will help in comprehending
continuities and discontinuities in migration processes and experiences. Concluding, I am
convinced I have been able to address a couple of interesting aspects of and trends in
migration and urbanization in Tanzania and Sub Saharan Africa- albeit this thesis may
indeed have revealed more questions than answers.
6.2 Reflections
This thesis has shown that contemporary migration patterns and experiences have many
interesting and often overlooked dynamics. How influences of a rural-urban continuum, the
role of small and intermediate towns and also the emergence of mega cities and slums, are
interconnected with manifestations of mobility offer interesting starting points for new
research. Moreover, the pull of the city, also consisting of images, ideas, identity and culture
requires further investigation. Furthermore, a couple of paradoxes emerged when reflecting
on some of the conclusions of this thesis. Cities are places full of difficulties, but are still and
increasingly, able to attract young migrants from a diversity of socio-economic groups.
Confronted with a marginal position and negative labelling, they experience and express
feelings of both alienation and connection to a place that has been far from open and friendly
to them. Between intimidation and celebration, between dreams and fears, they are and
represent themselves as both victim and agent. A new urban experience, with new forms of
being and belonging seems to have emerged. Moreover, this thesis has addressed aspects of
identity in a global, mobile age. First of all, rural and urban areas are part of the same ruralurban continuum, in which occupation, location and identification transform. Circulation
between areas and sectoral engagement, imply that identity can no longer be fixed to one
locality or occupation, rather it is fluid. Different variations and aspects of identity may be
highlighted at different locations at different times- identity is on the move, it can be, as
Bauman has underlined, worn and changed like a T-shirt. Furthermore, migrants are now
able to be part of two areas because of these rural-urban interlinkages, they actively sustain
socio-economic ties between them, and they can be in both areas at the same time, facilitated
by technological innovations such as the internet and mobile phones. This situation raises
39
questions about sense of belonging and sense of place in relation to mobility and
globalization. Migrants have their feet in two worlds, are in between home and away, can be
part of multiple communities- making it interesting to speak of trans-regionality. What has
emerged is not only a new urban experience and a new rural experience but also a new
mobility experience, a situation that challenges ‘old’ notions and theories. A situation, also,
that is already getting more (academic) attention. Puzzled by the meaning of and
interrelations between identity, culture, space, place and mobility in a global world, I move
on to a Masters in Sociology, eager to find more questions.
40
Bibliography
•
Adepoju, A. Issues and Recent Trend in International Migration in Sub-Saharan
Africa. 2000 Unesco, Published by Blackwell Publishers, Oxford.
•
Adepoju, A. (2001). Regional Organizations and Intra-regional Migration in Sub
Saharan Africa: Challenges and Prospects. International Migration 39, (6) pp 43-57
•
Akokpari, J. (2002) Globalisation and Migration in Africa. African Sociological
Review, 4, (4), pp 72-92
•
Akin Aina, T; Baker, J.( 1995). In: Baker, J. and Akin Aina, T. (eds) The Migration
Experience in Africa. Published by Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Pp 11-28
•
Amin, S. (1995). Migration in contemporary Africa, a retrospective view. In: Baker, J.
and Akin Aina, T. (eds) The Migration Experience in Africa. Published by Nordiska
Afrikainstitutet. Pp 29-40
•
Akin Aina, T (1995). Internal Non Metropolitan Migration and the Development
Process of Africa. In: Baker, J. and Akin Aina, T. (eds) The Migration Experience in
Africa. Published by Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Pp 41-53
•
Bah, M., Cissé, S., Diyamett., B., Diallo, G., Lerise, F., Okali, D., Okpara, E., Olawoye,
J., Tacoli, C., (2003). Changing Rural-Urban Linkages in Mali, Nigeria and Tanzania.
In: Environment and Urbanization 15 (12). Pp 13-23
•
Chigunta, F. (2002). The Socio-Economic Situation of Youth in Africa: Problems,
Prospects and Options. via http://www.yesweb.org/alexandria_02/bgpapers.html
•
Cross, C and Omoluabi, E. (2006) Introduction. In: Cross, C., Gelderblom, D., Roux,
N., Mafukidze, J. (eds). Views on Migration in Sub Saharan Africa. HSRC Press,
South Africa. pp1-23
•
Davis, M (2006). Planet of Slums. Verso, London
•
Foeken, D and Owuor, S.O. (2001). Multi Spatial Livelihoods in Sub Saharan Africa:
Rural farming by Urban households- the case of Nakuru town, Kenya. In Bruijn, M
de, Dijk, Rijk van, Foeken, D (eds) Mobile Africa: Changing Patterns of movement in
Africa and beyond. Brill, Leiden. Pp 125-140
•
Foeken, D., Sofer, M., Mlozi, M. (2004) Urban Agriculture in Tanzania. Issues of
Sustainability. Published by African Studies Centre, Leiden
•
Gilbert, E., Reynolds, J.T. (2004). Africa in World History. From Prehistory to the
Present. Pearson Education, New Jersey.
41
•
Gould, W.T.S. (1995). Migration and Recent Economic and Environmental Change in
East Africa. In: Baker, J. and Akin Aina, T. (eds) The Migration Experience in Africa.
Published by Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Pp 122-148
•
Held, D., McGrew, A., Goldblatt, D., Perraton, J. (1999) Global Transformations.
Politics, Economics and Culture. Polity Press, Cambridge.
•
Helgesson, L. (2006) Getting Ready for Life. Life Strategies of Town Youth in
Mozambique and Tanzania. Doctoral Thesis, University of Umea, Sweden.
•
Krokfors, C (1995). Povery, Environmental Stress and Culture as Factors in African
Migrations. In: Baker, J. and Akin Aina, T. (eds) The Migration Experience in Africa.
Published by Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Pp 54-64
•
Long, N. (1992) From paradigm lost to paradigm regained? The case for an actor
oriented sociology of development. In: Long, N. and Long, A. (eds). Battlefields of
Knowledge. The interlocking of theory and practice in social research and
development. Routledge, London. pp 16-45
•
Ludwar-Ene, G and Gugler, J. (1995). Gender and Migration in Africa South of the
Sahara. In: Baker, J. and Akin Aina, T. (eds) The Migration Experience in Africa.
Published by Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Pp257-268
•
Lynch, K (2005) Rural-Urban Interaction in the Developing World. Routledge,
London
•
Mafukidze, J. (2006). A Discussion of Migration and Migration Patterns and Flows in
Africa. In: Cross, C., Gelderblom, D., Roux, N., Mafukidze, J. (eds). Views on
Migration in Sub Saharan Africa. HSRC Press, South Africa. Pp103-129
•
Massey, D.S., Arango, J. Hugo, G. Kouaochi, A. Pellegrino, Taylor, J.E. (1993)
Population and Development Review 19,(3). p431-466
•
Myers, G.A. (2005) Disposable Cities. Garbage, Governance and Sustainable
Development in Urban Africa. Ashgate Publishing UK
•
Sommers, M.(1999) Urbanization and its discontent: Urban refugees in Tanzania.
Forced migration review Volume 4.
•
Sommers (2001). Young, Male and Pentecoastal: Urban Refugees in Dar Es Salaam,
Tanzania. Journal of Refugee Studies 14 (4). Pp347-370
•
Sommers, M (2003). Youth, War and Urban Africa: Challenges, Misunderstandings
and Opportunities. In: Ruble, B.A., Tulchin, J.S., Varat, D.H., Hanley, L.M. (eds).
Youth Explosion in Developing World Cities. Approaches to reducing poverty and
conflict in an urban age. Woodrow Wilson International Centre for scholars,
Washington DC.
42
•
Sommers, M.( 2001) Fear in Bongoland. Burundi Refugees in Urban Tanzania.
Refugee and Forced Migration Studies Volume 8.
•
Tacoli, C (1998) Rural Urban Interactions: a Guide to the Literature. Environment and
Urbanization 10 (1). Pp147-166
•
Tacoli, C (2001). Urbanization and migration in Sub Saharan Africa: Changing
patterns and trends. In: In Bruijn, M de, Dijk, Rijk van, Foeken, D (eds) Mobile Africa:
Changing Patterns of movement in Africa and beyond. Brill, Leiden. Pp 141-152
•
Tulchin, J.S., Varat, D.H. and Hanley, L.M. (2003) Introduction. In Ruble, B.A.,
Tulchin, J.S., Varat, D.H., Hanley, L.M. (eds) Youth Explosion in Developing World
Cities. Approaches to reducing poverty and conflict in an urban age. Woodrow
Wilson International centre for scholars, Washington DC. Pp 1-8
Internet
•
UNFPA Population Issues Report via: http://www.unfpa.org/6billion/
populationissues /migration.htm. Visited 2007/2008
•
Absolute Tanzania Website via: http://absolutetanzania.com/history. Visited 2007/2008
•
Website CCA Report, via: http://www.undg.org/archive_docs/1691-Tanzania_CCA__Tanzania_2000.pdf. Visited 2007/2008
•
Website BBC via: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_profiles/1072330.stm.
Visited 2007/2008
Frontpage
•
Photo via : http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/ thumb/4/41
/Dar_es_Salaam_ before_dusk.jpg/560px-Dar_es_Salaam_before_dusk.jpg
•
Quote: Italo Calvino, Invisible cities, 1972, Published by Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. P
44
43