THE DEMOCRATIC DEFICIT:
SHOULD THIS BE PAUL
MARTIN’S NEXT BIG IDEA?
Thomas S. Axworthy
After successfully erasing Canada’s fiscal deficit as finance minister, Paul Martin has
identified “the democratic deficit” as one of the most urgent issues as he becomes
prime minister. Thomas Axworthy, Chairman of the Centre for the Study of
Democracy at Queen’s University, agrees that Martin has identified three critical
issues — low election turnouts by a disengaged public, a lack of accountability in
government and relevance of Parliament, and the need for international governance
in a globalized economy. Axworthy, himself a former principal secretary to a prime
minister, offers some pertinent suggestions on how Martin might flesh out his ideas
for eliminating the democratic deficit.
Après avoir épongé le déficit public à titre de ministre des Finances, Paul Martin a
fait du « déficit démocratique » l’une des questions à régler d’urgence au poste de
premier ministre. Avec raison, estime Thomas Axworthy, président du Centre for
the Study of Democracy de Queen’s University, pour qui M. Martin a
judicieusement identifié trois domaines critiques en la matière : faible participation
électorale d’une population désengagée ; imputabilité du gouvernement et
pertinence du Parlement ; gouvernance internationale dans une économie
mondialisée. Ayant lui-même été premier secrétaire d’un chef de gouvernement,
l’auteur y va d’intéressantes suggestions sur les moyens d’étoffer les idées de Paul
Martin sur l’élimination de ce déficit démocratique.
I
n an important speech delivered to Osgoode law students on October 21, 2002, Paul Martin articulated a
central theme of his leadership campaign — the democratic deficit — and how he proposed to reform Parliament
“because under our democratic tradition, it is the House of
Commons where our greatest debates should occur; where
duly elected Members of Parliament come together from
every corner of our country and represent every community and constituency in between.” Martin’s emphasis on parliamentary reform was tactically brilliant because his core
supporters in the Liberal caucus had long been dissatisfied
with their treatment by Jean Chrétien’s PMO, but more fundamentally, Martin also recognized that “democratic and
institutional renewal” was a “vital precondition to our
future success as a country.” If Martin is serious about democratic renewal and willing to extend his agenda beyond
parliamentary reform to a much wider canvas, he might be
promoting the most galvanizing political idea since Pierre
Trudeau’s advocacy of a “Just Society.”
As democracy was first being invented, classical Greece
developed a concept of citizenship that we are still far from
attaining. In his famous funeral oration to Athenians,
Pericles declared, “we do not say that a man who takes no
interest in politics is a man who minds his own business: we
say he has no business here at all.” The classical idea was
that political community was a good in itself, and that our
humanity would be diminished if we were not engaged in
civic business. Aristotle claimed that by nature we were
political animals and therefore that without full membership in a self-governing community we would live a life less
than fully human, no better in fact than slaves.
S
ince classical times humankind has invented representative institutions — parliament — as a means of achieving self-government in large communities when it is no
longer possible to draw every citizen to the Pnyx hills to
vote in a direct assembly, and mass democracy where the
United States in 1828 first extended the vote beyond the
property-owning class to include farmers, labourers, and
mechanics. Our ideal today is an engaged citizenry on a
mass scale, an ambitious goal, much like our ideal of universal public education. Just as we strive for mass literacy in
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Thomas S. Axworthy
1970. Novelist Douglas Copeland has
described his generation as “Generation
X,” and among Generation X-ers, nonvoting increased by 14 points between
1993 and 2000. In the 2000 election,
for example, 83 percent of those over
68 voted, while only 22 percent of
those 18-20 voted. In short,
Slowly changing macro-forces rarely force political attention
only 25 percent of youth
voters 18-20 participate in
until it is too late and a crisis hits us with a gale force: Thus
rising prices slowly start to accelerate bit by bit and suddenly elections compared to 75
percent for those 40 years
you are in an inflationary spiral or deficits begin to
old and up. We have a disaccumulate and eventually you are in a debt trap borrowing
engaged, if not disaffected,
youthful generation that has
money to pay interest on yesterday’s loans. With the
turned off politics.
democratic deficit we are in a similar situation today.
Reasons for nonvoting
are complex but there are clear correlaFull participation in self-rule is
gale force: Thus rising prices slowly
tions between knowledge, personal
seen as being able, at least part
start to accelerate bit by bit and sudefficacy, and voting. The more people
of the time, to have some part
denly you are in an inflationary spiral
know about our history and political
in the forming of a ruling conor deficits begin to accumulate and
institutions the more likely they are to
sensus, with which one can
eventually you are in a debt trap borparticipate in political life. If this
identify along with others. To
rowing money to pay interest on yesassumption is correct we should not be
rule and be ruled in turn means
terday’s loans. With the democratic
surprised by the decline in youth parthat at least some of the time
deficit we are in a similar situation
ticipation because there has also been
the governors can be ‘us’ and
today — all the trend lines on voting,
a generation of educational neglect in
not always ‘them.’
the easiest form of civic engagement,
our schools about history and civics.
Jurgen Habermas, who has popularare down, and with youthful voters
Barely a majority of youth know that
ized the concept of “deliberative democthey are in a free-fall. For a generation,
Sir John A. Macdonald was our first
racy,” a citizen engagement beyond the
the young have endured a cycle of
prime minister, so it should not come
simple act of voting, writes that active
neglect and now they are opting out of
as a surprise that only 22 percent of
citizenship “no longer hinges on the
the political system in unprecedented
those 18-27 in 2000 could identify the
assumption of macro-subjects like the
numbers. The first item in any demominister of finance. The Council of
‘people’ of the ‘community’ but anonycratic agenda must be to end the disEducation Ministers needs to make
mously interlinked discourses or flows
engagement of our youth from
civic literacy as great an education priof communication.” Citizens should
politics. The way to do so is first to
ority as language arts or numeracy. The
vote but, just as important, deliberaincrease their basic civic literacy and
federal Department of Heritage would
tions within the decision-making bodies
next to put on the policy agenda issues
be much wiser making a financial conlike parliament should be open for and
that address their concerns about jobs
tribution to the Council of Education
sensitive to the values and contributions
and education access.
Ministers for civics education, rather
of ordinary citizens. This is a much
than giving away Canadian flags.
wider agenda than procedural democrahe 2000 election had the lowest
cy for it requires innovation in how our
recorded turnout in a federal elecdecision-making
bodies
operate.
tion since Confederation. At 61 perVOTER TURNOUT IN FEDERAL
Reducing the democratic deficit therecent, the turnout was 14 points below
ELECTIONS FROM 1988 TO 2000
fore requires action on three urgent
the 75 percent rate achieved in 1988,
reading or mathematics, so too must
we strive for mass civic literacy. Citizen
capacity is not only the ability to
secure our rights and influence decision makers, participation itself is a
critical good. As Charles Taylor
describes this ideal:
Democratic international governance to bring some measure of
political accountability to the
forces of globalization.
Slowly changing macro-forces
rarely force political attention until it
is too late and a crisis hits us with a
●
T
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DÉCEMBRE 2003 – JANVIER 2004
which was itself the average of elections
1945-1988. Turnout has declined from
75 percent in 1988 to 70 percent in
1993 to 67 percent in 1997 to 61 percent in 2000. The explanation for the
decline is quite straight/forward:
turnout has not declined in the electorate as a whole but it has fallen like a
stone among Canadians born after
80
70
60
Percent
fronts, not just the parliamentary focus
initially identified in Martin’s Osgoode
speech. They are:
●
Democratic civic literacy, especially
among our disengaged young
●
Democratic accountability in our
institutions of governance, including parties, the Senate, House of
Commons, and the public service
50
40
30
20
10
0
1988
1993
1997
2000
The democratic deficit: should this be Paul Martin’s next Big Idea?
CP Photo
Paul Martin’s world: the new Liberal leader meets reporters on Parliament Hill. In redressing “the democratic deficit,” Martin has promised to restore the pre-eminent role of Parliament as the place where the great debates of the day occur.
It is part of this vicious circle of disengagement that issues of primary concern to young people are seldom
discussed. Youth do not vote so politicians do not listen which further alienates the young and so it goes spiralling
ever downwards. Access to higher education, rising tuition fees, and student
debt levels must be part of any future
productivity agenda. Ireland has prospered not only by cutting corporate
taxes but by increasing access to higher
education. Thanks to Jacques Hébert,
Canada has private sector/philanthropic
initiatives like Canada World Youth and
Katimavik but no national youth service
program like AmeriCorp in the United
States. Giving a young person an option
of community service in the transition
from high school to work or high school
to higher education would be a concrete
way of showing our young people that
they matter as well as giving domestic
and international communities valuable
projects. Engaging young people in
their communities would be the best
kind of active citizenship.
A
ccountability — the requirement
to answer for the responsibility
of having been given power by citizens — is at the heart of democratic
government. Answering the question,
who is responsible to whom for what,
is the key concept in self-government.
For citizens to be engaged they must
know who to hold accountable for
what but in Canada this key requirement is hopelessly muddled. The electoral system no longer does a very
good job in translating voter preference into responsible government,
the parties no longer seem to be very
good at political education or articulating their value systems, the Senate
remains appointed , the House of
Commons no longer has the means to
hold the executive accountable for its
actions, and the public service has
forgotten the distinction between
clients and citizens. To reduce the
democratic deficit we must restore
accountability to every one of our
political institutions.
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Thomas S. Axworthy
A
think tanks and education foundations
Elections are not just about reprell six of his ideas, including an
to develop policy and debate ideas.
sentation, they are also about forming
independent ethics commissionGerman parties are more than electoral
an effective executive, and this central
er, a renewed system of private memmachines. As part of the subsidy
point is often lost in the critique of our
ber’s bills, fewer three-line whips
authorized by C-24, at least 10 percent
first-past-the-post electoral system.
(government confidence votes), the
of the total should be allocated to pubElections must be about aggregating
selection of committee chairman by
interests as well as articulating interests. Canada’s elec- Elections are not just about representation, they are also
toral system does this well about forming an effective executive and this central point is
and one of Canada’s interoften lost in the critique of our first-past-the-post electoral
national advantages is that
we have a parliamentary system. Elections must be about aggregating interests as well
system that enables our gov- as articulating interests.
ernments to take decisions.
lic education. Mr. Martin can especially
But any system can be improved and
the committee itself, committee review
lead here. In an enormously successful
our system, based on strong regional
of government appointments, and
fundraising appeal for his leadership
identities, has discriminated against
enhanced measures to review estimates
campaign, it is reputed that Martin
many Canadian voters. Thus Liberal
should be implemented. But even
raised $10-12 million. After paying off
support in the West is not translated
more needs to be done. Parliament
his campaign debts, the residue could
into seats, as is Conservative support in
needs sources of expertise and research
be used to create a Liberal Party
Quebec, or Green Party support anycomparable to the executive. The Privy
Education Foundation.
where. One reason for declining
Council Office and the Department of
Senate reform must also be part of
turnout may be the feeling that “my
Finance, with no program responsibiliany democratic agenda. To have an
vote doesn’t count” because the system
ties, have between them 1500-2000
appointed Senate a century after we
only responds to concentrated local
policy experts whose only job is to
achieved universal suffrage in electing
majorities. Keeping the basic geographadvise the Cabinet. The 300 Members
the House of Commons is a dubious
ic first-past-the-post system for 80 perof Parliament have only 80 researchers
and poor joke on Canadian citizens.
cent of the seats in the House of
in the Library of Parliament. As Patrick
Without formally changing the constiCommons but allocating 20 percent of
Boyer, a former Member of Parliament,
tution our new prime minister can
the seats according to regional vote
writes in his cri de coeur, Just Trust Us:
begin by only appointing senators who
shares would not unduly impair effec“for most MP’s, getting to Parliament
have stood for election and agreed to
tiveness while improving representaHill is like going to play hockey in an
resign after a fixed term of four years.
tion. Allocating some Members of
arena but finding no ice to skate on.”
Once this system becomes established
Parliament to party lists would also
To regain control of the expenditure
de facto, in time it can be institutionalincrease the representation of women,
process, Parliament needs a source of
ized by constitutional amendment.
aboriginals, and visible minorities,
expertise like the Congressional Budget
In raising the democratic deficit as
most of whom have difficulties in winOffice in the United States whose
a major campaign theme in the fall of
ning party nominations.
budget forecasts are much more reli2002, Martin began with a six-point
able than the president’s. Each of the
plan
to
reform
the
House
of
Commons.
major committees of parliament
arties are not just about winning
He based his rationale squarely on the
should have a research staff that can
elections, they are also about eduprinciples of accountability:
build up expertise and memory over
cating citizens about issues and ideoloUnder our system of representatime. The institution of Parliamentary
gies. Parties in some countries take this
tive government, there should be
Secretary, once a linchpin between
responsibility seriously. In Canada they
a direct line that runs from the
Members of Parliament and the execudo not. To his great credit, fairness in
people to their representatives —
tive, should also be restored to its forparty election financing was addressed
their Member of Parliament —
mer prominence. Pierre Trudeau and
by Jean Chrétien in his final burst of
and through them to the execuJean Chrétien both served as parliareform which led to Bill C-24, which
tive. The problem is, over time,
mentary secretary to the prime minisincluded public subsidies and restricted
that line has become obscured.
ter. Politics is a craft, not a science, and
corporate and union financing. In
Unfortunately, the authority of
there should be an apprenticeship
future, parties will receive the vast prothe individual Member of
beginning as a member, then a chairportion of their finances from taxpayParliament has been allowed to
person of a committee, then parliaers, and voters have the right to ask
erode while the power of the
mentary secretary, junior minister, and
how their money is being used.
executive has grown steadily.
finally a senior position.
German parties each have independent
P
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OPTIONS POLITIQUES
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The democratic deficit: should this be Paul Martin’s next Big Idea?
Department of Public Works is bullied
Parliament, too, should be the cen●
Expand the G-8 to include Brazil,
into breaking all the rules in awarding
tre of the action on public consultaNigeria, South Africa, India, and
communications contracts. Like Great
tions. Ottawa is swarming with
when it finally democratizes,
Britain, which makes permanent secreconsultations but most of them are run
China
taries “accountability officers” answerby departments. Running a process of
●
Work to reform the Security
able to Parliament for the honest
deliberative democracy about values,
Council to include as permanent
administration of their department,
trade-offs, and mutual learning should
members countries like Japan,
we too should make deputy ministers
be the job of politicians not public serGermany, India, Brazil, and South
as accountable for administration as
vants. Politicians bring energy and ideas
Africa
ministers are for policy.
to the political system, public servants
●
Create a Civil Society Assembly of
It is not only Canadian citizens
bring expertise and management. We
NGOs to meet concurrently with
and members of Parliament who suffer
should give parliament the resources to
the General Assembly
from a democratic deficit. Most of the
engage with Canadians about future
world is underrepresented in institudirections or goals while restricting pubanadians are not only citizens of
tions of world governance like the UN
lic servants to meeting with the public
this territorial state, they are also
Security Council, the International
on implementation or means.
citizens of the world, and world instiMonetary Fund, the World Bank, and
On accountability criteria, the pubtutions are in desperate need of more
the World Trade Organization. Demonlic service of Canada is a mess. Starting
democratic accountability.
strators in Seattle or Quebec City were
in the 1980s, the public service in a
Paul Martin is the man most responburst of faddism adopted the
sible for slaying Canada’s fiscal
Paul Martin is the man most
“new public management”
deficit. He has also importantly
which attempted to introduce
raised the issue of Canada’s demresponsible for slaying Canada’s
business standards into governocratic deficit. If he succeeds in
fiscal deficit. He has also
ment. But business has a bottom
reforming Canada’s political
importantly raised the issue of
line — profits or loss — while
institutions to truly engage our
Canada’s democratic deficit. If he citizenry he will put his earlier
government has multiple goals:
winning elections, running a fair
deficit-busting accomplishments
succeeds in reforming Canada’s
process, keeping the country
in the shade. Balancing a budget
political institutions to truly
united, social equality, and servis momentary; balancing instituengage our citizenry he will put
ice efficiency to mention only a
tional power to achieve better
his earlier deficit-busting
few. Citizens became customers
accountability could be fundaor clients and, as customers,
mental and long lasting.
accomplishments in the shade.
departments engaged in an endWidening and deepening his
less series of discussions to see what the
forcibly making the point that in a
democratic deficit agenda also has the
client wanted. Decision-making in
globalized world they were being vitaladvantage that in a time of scarce fiscal
Ottawa is now a never-ending series of
ly affected by globalization’s impact
resources it doesn’t cost much. Indeed,
consultations between civil servants,
while having no voice on globalizade-layering the public service, establishlobbyists, and service providers, mostly
tion’s direction. There is a huge gap
ing single point administrative accountaheld in private with no public accountbetween the private power of internability for deputy ministers, and restoring
ability. To restore political accountabilitional commerce and the lack of power
Parliament’s ability to scrutinize expendity this iron triangle has to be broken.
by most states in the international systures and evaluate performance could
While adding layers and layers of midtem. Developing an international goveven save money. Democratic accountadle management to engage in consultaernment and agenda to run in tandem
bility could do for Paul Martin what the
tions, the public service has also lost all
with galloping economic forces is a tall
Just Society did for Pierre Trudeau: give
notions of frugality or value for money.
order but it too must be addressed.
his government an easily understood
Worthy of an article on its own, some
conceptual framework. For Prime
ideas
for
an
international
democratic
Minister Paul Martin his guiding purpose
elegated the power to assign
governance agenda that Canada could
should be Democracy First.
merit bonuses for “superior perchampion include the following:
formance,” deputy ministers reward
Thomas S. Axworthy, former principal
them willy-nilly making a mockery of
●
Insist that a representative of the
secretary to Prime Minister Pierre
the process. Meanwhile the Justice
developing
world
become
Trudeau, is Chairman of the Centre for
Department has a billion-dollar overPresident of the World Bank. Why
the Study of Democracy at Queen’s
run on gun registration, the Departare all important world economic
University, and Executive Director of the
ment of Human Resources has an
institutions reserved for first-world
Historica Foundation.
ongoing series of scandals, and the
management?
C
D
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