Eastward Enlargement of the EU and the Western Balkans Yoji Koyama Introduction Post socialist countries in Central and Eastern Europe were admitted to the European Union (EU) from 2004 to 2007. As the Western Balkan countries are yet to be admitted to the EU, the process of eastward enlargement of the EU has not been completed. Reflecting historical circumstances, South Eastern Europe (the Balkans) has had difficulties which cannot be compared with those in Central Europe and Baltic States. In this paper1 first I will explain characteristic of the Balkans, especially the Western Balkans. As Bulgaria and Romania already joined the EU in 2007, here I focus on the Western Balkans. Secondly, I will explain ethnic conflicts as well as movements in Western Balkan countries toward the EU accession and challenges these countries are facing. Thirdly, I will explain the structural weakness of economies and impact of the global financial crisis. Finally I would like to mention the prospect of the region. For this workshop we have a guest from Montenegro. In order to activate our discussion I would like to talk about Montenegro in somewhat provocative way. 1. Characteristics of the Balkans The Balkans were historically called ‘Powder keg’ of Europe. The ‘Balkans’ has a connotation something like a group of small countries which have been at strife with each other. After the collapse of socialism, instead of the ‘Balkans’, the ‘Central and Eastern Europe’ is more often mentioned. As for religions, in northern part of the Balkans (Slovenia and Croatia) Catholic is predominant while in the Southern part Orthodox and Islam are predominant. More concretely, in Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia Orthodox is predominant. In Bosnia and Herzegovina Islam, Catholic and Orthodox corresponding respectively to Muslims, Croats Yoji Koyama is Professor Emeritus at Niigata University. This paper is written on the basis of my presentation made at the EUSI Tsuda International Workshop “The Eastern Enlargement of the EU and the Balkans”, which was held in Tokyo on January 29, 2012. In this workshop Mr. Martin Podstavek, Counsellor at the Embassy of the Slovak Republic, presented on the topic “The Eastern Enlargement of the EU and Independence of Countries”, and Dr. Elena Dzankic (Jean Monet researcher at the EUI Robert Schuman Center) presented on the topic “Citizenship in Montenegro and the EU”. 1 and Serbs prevail. In Albania Islam is predominant but believers of Catholic and Orthodox also exist. In Kosovo and the northwestern part of Macedonia where Albanians live Islam is predominant. Even during the socialist period the Balkans lacked the unity. The Balkan countries during that period are classified into the following three groups: A Bulgaria and Romania: Soviet bloc (COMECON and Warsaw Treaty) B Former Yugoslavia (Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: SFRJ) C Albania: antipathy toward the Soviet bloc and SFRJ, pro-China from the late 1950s to mid 1970s and then internationally complete isolation. As Bulgaria and Romania were already admitted to the EU in 2007, I will not talk about these two countries in the following discussion. For the same reason, I will not talk about Slovenia which was admitted to the EU in 2004. Unique Position of SFRJ The former Yugoslavia (The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: SFRJ) was a multi-national state across Central Europe and South Eastern Europe (the Balkans). From cultural, religious and historical viewpoint, Slovenia belongs to Central Europe. Croatia is eligible to be called a country of Central Europe. It is at the same time a Mediterranean country. The northern part of SFRJ, i.e., Slovenia and Croatia, was under the rule of the Habsburg Empire. The southern part was under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. In mid 19th century the Yugoslav (which means South Slavs in Slavic languages) movement began. In order to escape from the Habsburg Empire, leaders in Croatia and Slovenia held up a goal to establish a country of South Slavs. The independence of Serbia and Montenegro was recognized by the great powers at the Berlin Congress in 1878. It was not until the defeat and collapse of the Habsburg Empire in 1918 that Croatia and Slovenia acquired their independence. In November 1918 they established a country with a long name ‘Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians’. This was a first Yugoslavia. In the newly-established country the initiative was taken by Serbia which became independent earlier and had a certain level of military strength. This situation caused dissatisfaction and disappointment in Croatia and Slovenia. The second Yugoslavia was reestablished after World War II on the route to socialism. It had a pseudo market economy under decentralized self-managed socialism. It was based on non-alignment and neutralism. It was unified by the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY), which enjoyed strong prestige because of its devotion to the liberation war against Nazis Germany and Italy. In June 1948 the country was expelled from the Cominform2 due to 2 This was an informational organization for Communist Parties in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe as well as two influential Communist Parties in Western Europe (France and Italy). In fact it confrontation with the Soviet Union. Its relation with the Soviet Union improved, but threat of intervention by the Soviet Union remained, fortifying the unity of nations. There were seven enigmas, which were not real enigmas but well explained characteristics of the former Yugoslavia: The country borders on 7 countries; 6 Republics (from north to south, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia); 5 nations (counting only main nations neglecting minorities: Slovenians, Croats, Serbs, Montenegrins and Macedonians); 4 languages, which were used as official languages: Slovenian, Croatian, Serbian and Macedonian. Why 4? I was told that Montenegrins speak Serbian; 3 religions: Catholic, Orthodox and Islam; 2 types of writing: the Latin alphabet and the Cyrillic alphabet; In spite of such diversity, they have one country, or one President. Table 1 Basic indicators of Western Balkan countries Population GDP GDP GDP (million) Per capita Per capita in millions of (EUR at (EUR at US dollars exchange rate) PPP) end-2008 2009 2009 2009 Albania 3.2 2,800 6,600 11.8 Croatia 4.4 10,300 15,100 45.9 Bosnia and Herzegovina 3.8 3,200 6,600 17.1 Macedonia 2.1 3,200 8,000 9.2 Montenegro 0.7 4,800 10,000 4.1 Serbia 7.5 4,300 8,700 42.6 Source: Podkaminer et al. (2011), Current Analysis and Forecasts, wiiw. As for languages, I noticed more similarities rather than differences among the four languages: They are all Slavic languages. I went to a language school in Belgrade for 8 months from October 1978 to learn Serbian. At that time the language was officially called Serbo-Croatian. The textbook was The Beginning Course of Serbo-Croatian. After returning home, I learned that in mid 1960s Croatian linguists insisted Croatian being a separate language. In my opinion, the difference between the two languages is smaller than that between the Tokyo dialect and the Osaka dialect3. In the former Yugoslavia, even when Croatian people speak in Croatian Serbian served as a tool of the rule of Eastern Europe by the Soviet Union. 3 Fortunately enough, in Japan we have standard Japanese and we can communicate with each other. But if native Aomori people talk in the pure Aomori dialect Kagoshima people cannot understand what they talk at all. people understand what they speak and vice versa. My Serbian friend said, although he cannot speak Slovenian he passively understand Slovenian and can enjoy watching Slovenian TV programs. In the case of the former Yugoslavia in a region or city where different ethnic groups live together, for example, Sarajevo or Zagreb, in my opinion, people speak in the Sarajevo dialect or the Zagreb dialect of Serbo-Croatian. After the breakup of the former Yugoslavia and independence of Republics, however, a new language like Bosnian was invented, although its substance has not changed. Maybe so was Montenegrin. The Western Balkans The region, which consists of Albania plus Successor States of the former Yugoslavia minus Slovenia, is called the Western Balkans. There is a striking contrast in situations between the Western Balkans and rest of the Central and Eastern Europe. In the 1990s movement of ‘Return to Europe’ and the European integration proceeded in Central Europe, the Baltic States and the Eastern Balkans (Bulgaria and Romania) while people suffered from ethnicity conflicts in the Western Balkans (especially former Yugoslavia)4. 2. Ethnic Conflicts in the 1990s As long as the economy continued developing different ethnic groups in the former Yugoslavs were able to live together peacefully. An economic crisis surfaced in mid 1979 and continued for more than 10 years. Accordingly the prestige of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY), which bound nations into a country, declined gradually. With the Kosovo problem as a trigger, confrontation among Republics became intensified, leading to split of the LCY in January 1990 and collapse of the self-managed socialism. A factor which contributed to the breakup of the SFRJ was changes in the international environment such as the end of the Cold War, democratic changes in the Eastern Europe, disappearance of threat of the Soviet Union, and progress in the European integration. Kosovo was an Autonomous Province of the Republic of Serbia of the SFRJ. A majority of the population was Albanians, and their share of the total population was increasing. Albanians wanted that the Province would be promoted to a Republic, but their desire was not accepted. In 1981 riots in Kosovo were suppressed. People’s dissatisfaction deepened. Then harassment was directed toward Serbian inhabitants (they were minorities) in Kosovo. Serbian people who fled the Kosovo strongly requested protection by Serbian authorities. Although speeches and behavior which aimed at instigating inter-ethnicity hatred were strictly prohibited by the regime of the 1974 Constitution, ‘ethnicity’ came to be used politically in Serbia. It was Slobodan 4 For more detailed information, see Koyama (2003) and Koyama (2008). Milosevic who came into power by inspiring people with Serbian nationalism. Politicians who were critical to Milosevic were ousted from their offices. This move was called ‘Anti-Bureaucracy Revolution’ by followers of Milosevic. In practice, it meant negation of Tito’s regime. In the late 1980s Slobodan Milosevic, the top leader in Serbia, ruthlessly suppressed Albanian inhabitants in Kosovo. Milosevic’s nationalistic policy and request to strengthen the Federation’s power to overcome the economic crisis repelled other Republics. In 1990 free elections under multi-party system were successively conducted in all Republics, and nationalistic parties gained power in all of them. Slovenia and Croatia declared independence in June 1991. It was the beginning of the breakup of the Yugoslav Federation. Secession of these Republics did not proceed in a peaceful way (unlike the case of Czecho-Slovakia in 1993) and resulted in ethnic conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and other Republics (1992-95), and subsequently the Kosovo war (1999). In December 1991, applying mechanically ‘the right of national self-determination’ to a multi-national state of the former Yugoslavia, Germany accorded both Slovenia and Croatia diplomatic recognition. In January 1992, other EC countries followed suit with Germany. In my opinion, this premature recognition of these countries escalated the ethnic conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. In short, the tragic ethnic conflicts in the former Yugoslavia were caused not only by collapse within, but also worsened by the fact that the international community had accelerated this process from outside. The Dayton Peace Accord in November 1995 did not treat the Kosovo problem. The problem lay tranquilly as if it were a time bomb. In the 1990s there was non-violence resistance led by Ibrahim Rugova in Kosovo. However, the international community did not pay attention to this movement. In 1997 the KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army) appeared with use of force and since then often clashed with Serbian security forces. Until February 1998 the US government regarded the KLA as a terrorist group. Around May 1998, however, the US Government did a complete about-face in its policy on the Kosovo problem and decided to overthrow the Milosevic regime in Serbia and support the KLA. For 78 days from March through June 1999 the NATO bombarded Serbia and Kosovo. This war ended with the NATO’s victory and the Serbian army was obliged to withdraw from Kosovo. Movements toward the EU Integration The Kosovo war was a turning point in the EU’s policy toward the Balkans. The EU felt it necessary to give the Balkans a brighter prospect that if people in the region endeavor the EU accession will not be an issue of the distant future. The Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) combines regional approach with the EU integration. The Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe (June 1999) has been a pillar of the process. The European Council held in Brussels in March 2003 stated, ‘The Future of the Western Balkans is in the European Union’. The European Union concluded Stabilization and Association Agreements with Macedonia (2001), Croatia (2001), Albania (2005), Bosnia and Herzegovina (2008), Montenegro (2008) and Serbia (2008). In October 2005 accession negotiations with the European Commission started5. In the meanwhile Croatia was admitted to the NATO in April 2009. Croatia has been requested by the EU to implement reforms in administrative system and judiciary. The European Council, held in June 2011, decided that Croatia would be admitted to the EU in July 2013. Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Albania are potential candidates. 3. Economic and Political Developments in the Western Balkans Macedonia This country has had very strong ties with Serbia in the economic area. Though not committed in the ethnic conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the country was negatively affected by them. For example, the UN sanctions against Serbia in the first half of the 1990s and the Kosovo war in 1999. Many Albanians live in the northwestern part of the country adjacent to Kosovo. A flame of the Kosovo problem leaped to Macedonia. In spring 2000 a group named the ‘National Liberation Army’ (NLA) began to operate secretly in the northwestern part of the country, and since spring 2001 the NLA often clashed with the Macedonian police. There emerged a situation immediately before a civil war in June – August 2001. This difficult situation was saved by mediation of the EU (represented by Mr. Xavier Solana) and both parties concluded the Ohrid Framework Agreement in August 2001. However, there remains another problem, i.e., name Issue. Ethnic Macedonians live outside the country too: Western Bulgaria and Northern Greece. When Macedonia became independent in 1992 this country named itself ‘Republic of Macedonia’. Greece opposed Macedonia’s independence from a fear that the naming of ‘Macedonia’ might mean an intention to build a greater Macedonia including Macedonians of Slavic origin who lived in Northern Greece. After a compromise was reached in April in 1993 that the name should be ‘Former Yugoslavia Republic of Macedonia’, Macedonia gained membership to the UN. Even later, however, Greece was reluctant to support Macedonia and imposed a blockade (1994-95) on Macedonia. Although the economic relations between both countries are increasingly deepening, the dispute over the name issue continues6. Therefore, Macedonia’s accession negotiations with the EU 5 In December 2008 the negotiations were deadlocked due to Slovenia’s veto (a dispute over demarcation of territorial waters). In September 2009 the negotiations resumed as Slovenia withdrew its veto by mediation of Sweden, the EU Presidency at that time. 6 For more detailed information, see Gligorov (2011). have not begun yet, forestalled by Croatia7. Kosovo Since June 1999 Kosovo has been under the rule of UNMIK, i.e., practically a protectorate of the UN. Talks on Kosovo’s status between Serbia and Kosovo (with mediation of the Contact Group) continued since 2006, but the gap in their opinions was too big to be filled up. In February 2008 the Parliament of Kosovo unilaterally declared Kosovo’s independence. As of July 2010 the number of the states which have recognized Kosovo as a state is only 698. Kosovo is not admitted to the United Nations yet. Kosovo has a very fragile economic structure. In 2005 its total exports amounted to about €50 million while its total imports € 1.18 billion. The total export was only 4.1 percent of the total import. Kosovo heavily depends on assistance from outside, especially remittance from abroad (about 15 percent of GDP) and Donors’ assistance (about 43 percent of GDP). Kosovo is facing difficult challenges such as building of multi-national society, rule of law, return of displaced people, formation of sustainable economic foundation, etc. Serbia: Post Milosevic Era With the collapse of the Milosevic regime in October 2000, FR Yugoslavia (Serbia plus Montenegro) returned to the international community. The country started (or resumed) transition to a market economy and the European integration with 10 years lag. Serbia had complicated relationship with Montenegro. An anti Milosevic group in Montenegro led by Milo Djukanovic (President of the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro) boycotted the Presidential election and general elections at the Federal level in September 2000. Therefore, a Serbian reformist group DOS was obliged to form a coalition government at the Federal level with SNP (Socialist People’s Party), who was a faithful cooperator with Milosevic and the Opposition in Montenegro. Such a situation caused two economic systems in a country. Then Serbia and Montenegro formed a State Union in February 2003. Montenegro finally left the State Union and gained independence in June 2006. Among Serbian people repellence to the NATO has been very strong due to the bombardment in 1999. The Serbian Radical Party (This party is anti West and insists the maintenance of Kosovo) got strong support from people. A coalition government with Democratic Party as a center argues for the EU accession. In 2010 the Serbian Radical Party split. Mr. Nikolic, Head of the SRP established the Progressive Party and radically turned the 7 For more detailed information, see Koyama (2011). The Japanese Government recognized Kosovo as a state in March 2008 and the both countries established diplomatic relations in February 2009. 8 line toward the EU integration. Montenegro: A Second Greece? Montenegro is a very small country with the population of 700 thousand. This country is almost comparable to Tottori-ken, the smallest Prefecture in Japan. Many revolutionaries (political leaders), for example, Milovan Djlas, Svetozar Bukmanovic-Tempo, Veljko Vlahovic, etc. appeared from this county during the liberation war. Despite being a small Republic, it had a strong political voice in the Yugoslav Federation. In SFRJ all Republics (and even Provinces in the regime of 1974 Constitution) were treated on an equal footing, and important posts at the Federal level (President of the Federal Presidium, Prime Minister, President of the Confederation of Trade Unions, etc.) were allocated on a rotation basis. Montenegro was the biggest beneficiary in this regime. During the period of SFRJ Montenegro always formed a united front with Serbia. In the late 1980s in concert with ‘Anti Bureaucracy Revolution’ in Serbia, young politicians became top leaders of the League of Communist of Montenegro. In February 1991 Milo Djukanovic (29 years old at that time) became Prime Minister. In the last years of the Milosevic era, however, leaders of Montenegro strengthened its orientation toward independence. For example, Montenegro adopted Deutsche Mark and later Euro as the legal tender. The West supported Montenegro actively in order to overthrow the Milosevic regime. Now that the Milosevic regime collapsed in October 2000, the EU did not want appearance of another small independent country any longer. With momentum gained, however, Montenegro’s orientation toward independence never stopped Table 2 Montenegro’s Export and Import in Goods and Services 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 -268.4 -318.1 -652.3 -719.1 -1,086.5 -567 -320 Export in Goods 452.1 460.6 648.3 543.4 519.1 363 440 Import in Goods 868.6 974.3 1,497.7 1,702.7 2,008.7 1,310 1,180 Export in Services 249.5 329.8 418.0 674.1 754.3 680 710 Import in Services 101.4 134.2 220.9 233.9 351.2 300 290 Trade Balance Source: Gligorov, et al. (2010), p.121. It is amazing that a small country such as Montenegro became independent, but I am worried about its economic viability. In the EU there are smaller countries: Luxembourg, Malta and Cyprus. The most important is whether a country concerned is economically viable or not. It is well known that Montenegrin people have been very brave. It was 1979 that I visited Montenegro for the first time. From Dubrovnik together with my family I made a bus trip to Lovcen where we visited the Museum for Petar Petrovic Njegos, one of the greatest heroes in Montenegro. A curator said, “The number of the Turkish flag that we have is very great, next to only Turkey because Montenegrin warriors have fought against Turkish armies and often captured their flags”. Although having beautiful coast, the country is composed of mostly mountainous regions. Flatlands are very small. Manufacturing industry has been very weak. When I made a short visit to Montenegro in 1998 I discussed with several Professors at Faculty of Economics of the University of Montenegro. They said, “Our people are very brave but not so good in producing goods. Our people are good in obtaining high quality goods from foreign countries and reselling them to others”. I raised a question about feasibility of Montenegro’s independence. A Professor replied, “anything can occur in the Balkans”. In 2008 total imports in goods was four times as much as than total exports in goods. Exports in service (predominantly tourism) have been significant, and total exports in service were 2.15 times as much as total import in service. The foreign trade in service earned surplus of € 403 million, which was not enough to cover deficit of € 1,490 million in foreign trade in goods (see Table 2). Montenegro was hit hardest by the global financial crisis. The budget balance deteriorated quickly and the amount of national debt increased. I am afraid that even if Montenegro is admitted to the EU the country might face the danger of becoming a second Greece. Bosnia and Herzegovina This country experienced a fierce civil war from April 1992 to the Dayton Peace Accord in November 1995. It suffered from the biggest damage among the Republics of the former Yugoslavia in terms of the number of victims and injuries and physical damages. It consists of main three ethnic groups: Muslims (Bosnjak), Croats and Serbs. Bosnia and Herzegovina (state), in fact, consists of two Entities: Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Republic Srpska. The power of the state remains weak. The most important is High Representative Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina (HRO) which is given strong power, representing the international community. According to the latest news, recently (January 12, 2012) new Prime Minister of the government at state level was finally elected after 15 months political vacuum from the general elections in October 2010 (Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 14, 2012). As hatred among ethnic groups has not completely disappeared yet and the country remains politically unstable, it is necessary for the HRO to stay here for a period of time. Although the reconstruction has been made to a certain extent, its economy is still fragile. This country has been heavily depending on support from the international community. It would be an important task for this country to make good use of the foreign assistance and furthermore build an economy which will develop without a huge amount of assistance in the future. Albania In 1991 the regime change and transition to a market economy occurred. At the same time, the country opened door. Generally speaking, there was a lack of knowledge on market economy. In mid 1990s pyramid schemes promised high return and gained a huge amount of deposit. 75 percent of the people participated in them. There was a boom of the pyramid schemes. They collapsed in 1997 causing widespread unrest and the country was placed on the brink of civil war. The public order was restored by a multinational forces mainly composed of Italian troops. Since 1998 the economy has been steadily growing. From external world new things flooded into the country. For example, automobiles, Coca-cola, internet, democratic institutions, etc. In appearance the country has drastically changed, but in my opinion people’s way of thinking and behavioral patterns inherited from the past would not change so easily. If a transition country joins the European Union, as required by the Copenhagen Criteria there should be democracy and rule of law, a functioning market economy and capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces, and administrative ability, etc. These points are questionable in Albania. Rule of law has been in a serious condition. There has been an intense political rivalry between the Democratic Party and the Socialist Party. Often opposition parties boycott the Parliament. The evil originates in the political culture in which power is closely connected to economic interest and every time government changes public servants including employees at the lowest level are replaced. Orderly political dialogues between the ruling parties and opposition parties are essential9. 5. Structural Weakness of Their Economies and Impact of the Global Financial Crisis Although unemployment rates were decreasing until the global financial crisis in 2008, in all the countries except Croatia they record double digit. Especially in Macedonia the unemployment rate exceeds 30 percent. It is an informal economy that has been supporting lives of unemployed and poor people. The size of their informal economies is quite large. Saving rates are quite low in this region. All countries have chronic trade and current account deficits. They are heavily dependent on foreign savings (FDI and portfolio investment), and most of them (except Croatia) are at the same time heavily dependent on remittance from abroad. Their exports are mainly inclined to goods in labor-intensive industries. As their economies are developing in recent years the wage levels are increasing, leading to an increase in unit labor costs. In recent years East Asian countries, especially China has been increasing their exports to Europe with their low wages as weapons. The Western Balkan countries have to fight a tough 9 For more detailed information on Albania, see Koyama (2012). game on the EU markets. Now the Western Balkans is in ‘middle-income country’s trap’. A World Bank report (Kathuria, ed., 2008) says that these countries have to shift their emphasis to production of high value-added goods. Reflecting historical circumstances, Balkan countries have traded with neighboring countries less and, in contrast, they tend to trade directly with EU countries more often. The amount of their trade with EU countries has been much larger. The Western Balkans has almost same size as Romania in terms of population, but the region is divided into seven small countries. Whenever goods pass through borders, troublesome procedures are repeated. Such practices take a long time and considerable costs, harassing business people. If the Western Balkans becomes a single market, the region as a market and a destination of investment would gain enhanced attractiveness. Table 3 Unemployment Rates in the Western Balkans 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Forecast Croatia 13.8 12.7 11.1 9.6 8.4 9.3 10 10 Macedonia 37.2 37.3 36 34.9 33.8 34 33 33 Albania n.a. n.a. n.a. 13.5 13.1 13.1 15 14 Bosnia and Herzegovina n.a. n.a. 31.1 29 23.4 24 27 27 Montenegro 27.7 30.3 29.6 19.3 17.2 19 20 20 Serbia 18.5 20.8 20.9 18.1 13.6 16.1 20 20 Source: Gligorov et al.(2010) Bilateral Free Trade Agreements were concluded after 2001. Foreign trade among the region did not increase as rapidly as expected due to red tape of custom offices in each country. Then use of the framework of CEFTA (Central European Free Trade Agreement) was conceived. The CEFTA was a waiting room for the EU accession for Central European countries. Original members have graduated when they joined the EU. In April 2006 the Western Balkan countries and Moldova agreed that CEFTA should become a new multilateral free trade agreement embracing them. The CEFTA-2006 started to function in a full-fledged way only in the end of 2010. It is expected that the emergence of a single market embracing 24 million inhabitants will enhance the attractiveness of the region for investment. Especially Macedonia, an inland small country, is very much interested in this new framework of foreign trade. Impact of the Global Financial Crisis The Western Balkans was not immediately affected by America’s 2008 financial crisis because it held few U.S. assets and trade participation was low. The secondary repercussions nonetheless soon reached their shores. Transmission channels were as follows: a) Contraction of foreign trade with EU countries; b)Tightened international financial markets and sudden stop to credit growth c)A rapid fall in inflow of FDI; d) A rapid fall in remittance from migrant workers. Most countries experienced negative growth in 2009. Only Albania experienced positive growth. In spite of its small size, the ratio of foreign trade is still low. Macedonia was less damaged by the global financial crisis (see Table 4). The weight of the financial sector is small in both countries, and they have been relatively insulated until recently from international financial markets. Table 4 GDP Growth in the Western Balkan and Other Countries 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 Croatia 5.1 2.4 -5.8 -1.2 1.0 Macedonia 6.1 5.0 -0.9 0.7 2.0 Albania 5.9 7.7 3.3 4.0 4.1 Bosnia and Herzegovina 6.2 5.7 -3.0 0.9 2.2 10.7 6.9 -5.7 0.5 2.0 6.9 5.5 -3.1 1.8 2.5 Hungary 0.7 0.9 -6.7 1.2 2.5 Estonia 6.9 -5.0 -13.9 3.1 5.7 Latvia 10.0 -4.2 -18.0 0.0 3.6 9.8 2.9 -14.7 1.3 5.0 Montenegro Serbia Reference Lithuania Source: Podkaminer el al. (2011). Table 5 Changes in Current Accounts 2007 2008 2009 2010* 2011** Croatia -7.5 -9.1 -5.5 -1.4 -2.5 Macedonia -7.1 -12.8 -6.7 -2.8 -6 Albania -10.6 -15.5 -15.5 -11.9 -11.8 Bosnia and Herzegovina -10.7 -14.2 -6.2 -5.5 -6.7 Montenegro -40.2 -51.3 -30.1 -25.7 -21.9 Serbia -17.7 -21.6 -7.2 -6.9 -8.0 Source: Podkaminer et al (2011). * preliminary ** forecast Foreign direct investment went mainly to financial intermediary, real estate, wholesale and retail trade and telecommunication. Contrary to the expectation by governments and business circles, FDI inflows in manufacturing industry have been small. Around year 2000 foreign banks advanced into the Western Balkans. Now foreign-owned banks possess about 90 percent of total financial assets in each country. Banks actively gave loans to households, leading to a consumption boom in this region. As exports decreased in all the countries after the global financial crisis but imports decreased more quickly, trade deficits as well as current account deficits decreased (see Table 5). However, this tendency seems to be temporary. The Western Balkan countries have so far attained the economic development mainly relying on foreign savings such as FDI, loans by foreign-owned banks and remittance by migrant workers. The situation has drastically changed after the global financial crisis in 2008. The amount of FDI inflow, which dropped sharply, will not recover so quickly. Such an economic development model is no longer sustainable10. Their economic development model is now required to be switched over. Prospect There seems to be asymmetric benefit from the integration of the Western Balkans into the EU. From economic point of view, the Western Balkans will benefit very much from the integration while the EU will benefit less. Why does the EU stick to this integration? The reason seems to be political: Necessity for stabilizing the Western Balkans as a backyard of Europe. As long as the region is left poor, it would remain a hotbed of organized crime and a route for smuggling drugs and trafficking (especially Kosovo and Northwestern Macedonia), threatening the EU itself. Total population of the Western Balkans is only about 24 million. Even with a relatively small amount of assistance to the region its effect would be significant. EU’s burden would be much smaller compared with possible EU accession of Turkey, whose population is over 70 million. If this discussion was made before the onset of 2008 global financial crisis, it would be OK. But, these countries have been suffering from chronic deficits of current account. Even if they are admitted to the EU in the near future, they might face the danger of becoming a second and a third Greece. After the global financial crisis in 2008, an economic crisis occurred in Greece in 2009 and financial insecurity originating in fiscal crises in Southern European countries such as Spain, Italy, Portugal, etc. have been violently shaking the Euro zone. I wonder whether the EU will be able to accept new member states from the Western Balkans. 10 In this respect Jurcic and Vojnic (2009) is very suggestive. A British journal says, “The EU, which has played an important role as power broker in the Balkans over the past decades, is likely to see its influence fade, as enlarging fatigue and growing domestic problems will constrain the bloc’s foreign policy in the region” (Emerging Europe Monitor: South East Europe, Feb. 2012, Business Monitor International). I cannot predict the near-term future of the Western Balkans. Reference Bogdani, Mirela and John Loughlin (2007), Albania and the European Union: The Tumultuous Journey towards Integration and Accession, London: I.B. Tauris. Jurcic, Ljubo and Dragomir Vojnic (2009), Quo Vadis Croatia – Neke karakteristike momenta razvoja u svijetlu turbulentnih dogadjana u zemlji i svijetu – Kako dalje? – Hrvatska na putu Europsku uniju -, Ekonomski Pregled, Godina 60, Broj 12. Gligorov, Vladimir (2008), What is the Name? Risk Assessment of Macedonia, WIIW Research Reports, No.347. Gligorov, Vladimir, Peter Havlik, Michael Landesmann, Josef Poeschl, Sandor Richter et al. (2010), Crisis Is Over, but Problems Loom Ahead, Current Analyses and Forecasts 5, Vienna: wiiw. Kathuria, Sanjay (ed.), Western Balkan Integration and the EU: An Agenda for Trade and Growth, World Bank. Koyama, Yoji (2003), South Eastern Europe in Transition: A Quest for Stabilization of the Region after the Breakup of the Former Yugoslavia, Niigata: Graduate School of Niigata University. Koyama, Yoji (2008), Transition, European Integration and Foreign Direct Investment in Central and Eastern European Countries, Niigata University Scholars Series, Vol.9, Graduate School of Modern Society and Culture, Niigata University. Koyama, Yoji (2011), A Thorny Path of Economic Recovery: Case of Macedonia, “PECOB”s paper series published by the University of Bologna at Faenza, August 2011, #14, pp.3-26 (www.pecob.eu). Koyama, Yoji (2012), Albania’s Way to EU Accession and Her Challenges, Cerovic, Bozidar el al (eds.), From Global Crisis to Economic Growth: Which Way to Take?, Vol. 1 Economics, Belgrade: Faculty of Economics, University of Belgrade. Podkaminer et al. (2011), Current Analysis and Forecasts, wiiw.
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