Saffron storm in Uttar Pradesh - English

Daily English Vocab
PDF 17th March 2017
Saffron storm in Uttar Pradesh
U.P. has been the epicentre of identity politics, but this election exposed the limits of the politics
of social justice.
The big verdict in the big State is out. It highlights several important trends, which though specific
to Uttar Pradesh, have implications far beyond it. The spectacular political triumph of Prime
Minister Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is the strongest evidence yet of the
tectonic shift in progress since the 2014 Lok Sabha election; to all intents and purposes, the BJP’s
resurgence in U.P. consolidates (मजबूत बनाना/समेकन करना) the rightward shift in Indian politics and
alters the balance of power to its advantage ahead of the 2019 general election.
Nationalisation of elections
At a broader level, the historic outcome represents the nationalisation of State elections which is a
key element of the BJP’s strategy to establish its electoral dominance across the country. The
similarity in the national and State election outcomes indicates the re-nationalisation of elections.
What underpins nationalisation? Mr. Modi was front and centre in the campaign; thanks to him,
the party won a massive majority in a State election without a local face. People voted for Mr.
Modi in the State election as though they were voting in a general election. This knocked out the
earlier trend of regionalisation when people voted in the general election as though they were
voting in State elections.
Also, people voted for Mr. Modi even though he has not done much to deliver on the promises of
development, and moreover has not done much for U.P. But the public dissatisfaction with the
incumbent (पदस्थ) State government was enough to persuade (विश्वास वदलाना) voters to believe the
Prime Minister’s promise of development rather than either of the two State-based alternatives on
offer. Polarisation was actively fuelled by communal appeals, with Mr. Modi taking the lead in
stoking the feeling of discrimination against Hindus, pushing in the process a shift towards
majoritarian consolidation. The election campaign which started on the high note of development
then began to traverse the proverbial ground of polarisation. Not a single Muslim was given a BJP
ticket. This sent a clear message that the BJP would not ‘appease minorities’, and that Muslims
would be shown their place. Muslims have indeed been shown their place in this election.
As in 2014, it was not overt (प्रत्य्यक्ष) communalism or straightforward development rhetoric; it was
a heady cocktail of both elements couched within a discourse of ‘communalised development’.
This mix was dressed up in the political language of ‘nationalism’ which appeals to large parts of
U.P.’s electorate. The secular parties were unable to offer an effective counter-narrative to this
discourse.
In a surcharged political climate, the critical issue is not the project of ‘development for all’, but
the prospect of development for certain groups cleverly articulated in the rhetoric of discrimination
against none. The odious (निन्दिीय) communal reference to graveyards and crematoriums in Mr.
Modi’s Fatehpur speech repeated by BJP president Amit Shah immediately afterwards and laced
with ‘KASAB’ left no scope for misunderstanding which way the politics of development was
going. The mordant (विद्रूपपर्
ू ण/व्यगं ावमवित) discourse split U.P., which was once defined by cultural
syncretism and Ganga-Jumni culture, along Hindu-Muslim lines.
Marginalising Muslims
In the event, many voters were willing to buy into the BJP’s charges of minority appeasement.
Muslims, on the other hand, were expected to vote en masse (एक साथ) for the Samajwadi Party (SP)Congress alliance in order to check the BJP’s advance but it seems this didn’t quite happen because
many Muslims reportedly voted for the Bahujan Samaj Party. Nonetheless, the prospect of Muslim
consolidation behind the SP was used as a rallying cry for the polarisation of Hindu votes.
While the BJP leadership was propagating its mantra of ‘development for all’, it lost no opportunity
to indulge in ‘community-oriented developmentalism’ of its own. It repeatedly attacked the SP
government for discriminating between Hindus and Muslims even at the level of providing basic
facilities like electricity. The SP government released detailed data of electricity provisions during
Eid and Diwali festivals, but it certainly didn’t stop the BJP from continuing to make wild charges
of discrimination and giving the impression that it is the only party to challenge the patronage
system practised by the SP and Congress. Undeterred by facts, it went on to complain that Muslims
were the only ones to benefit from the Kanya Vidya Dhan Yojana, under which the U.P.
government provides assistance of Rs. 30,000 to each girl student who has passed the 12th board
examinations with distinction. It is evident that post-truth is having a field day in U.P. A blithe
(showing a casual and cheerful indifference considered to be callous or improper.) disregard
for facts characterised the political campaign of the BJP in this election.
U.P. has been the epicentre of identity politics for over two decades but this election exposed the
limits of the politics of social justice. The OBC and Dalit movement, which started off as a political
voice of the marginalised social groups giving them a sense of participation in political affairs, had
been reduced to the politics of reservations with benefits cornered by particular segments of these
castes which alienated sub-groups within the wider category. The BJP was quick to take advantage
of the discontent of large social segments with old style identity politics. Turning the politics of
social justice on its head, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)/BJP crafted a broad-based
identity politics on the ruins of the old political order which had outlived its utility for a critical
mass of OBCs. It mobilised a new bloc of voters by showering attention on the most backward
among them — the non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav Dalits — that blunted the politics of BSP and
SP in one stroke. The terms of engagement were unmistakably driven by identity and motivated
by resentment (अप्रसन्नता/रोष) towards Yadav-Muslim domination under SP rule. The BJP’s idea of
community politics gained new traction as a large number of Hindu voters saw it as a more
capacious (विशाल/बड़ा/मजबतू ) identity which aligns them to a larger narrative than the fragmentation
inherent in caste politics.
The strategy of reverse social engineering that Mr. Shah scripted was clearly aimed at mobilising
the most backward castes, notably non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav Dalits, to capture the heartland
State. In pursuit of this agenda, he distributed tickets copiously to non-Yadav OBCs and to nonJatavs in reserved seats. Mr. Modi’s assiduous (परिश्रमपर्ू ण) wooing of non-Yadav OBCs and Dalits
convinced large sections of them to desert the SP and BSP in the 2014 Lok Sabha election and
again in the 2017 Assembly elections.
The power of propaganda
Finally, the stunning victory emphasises the importance of propaganda and messaging. No one can
match up to the appeal and the energy of Mr. Modi when it comes to non-stop election
campaigning, and the organisational capacity of the RSS when it comes to relentless (अनिरत)
propaganda and booth management executed in this election by 1.4 lakh booth samitis.
Demonetisation is a good illustration of the power of propaganda. Voters in U.P. seem to connect
to Mr. Modi’s political messaging and were more than willing to forgive the hardships inflicted
on them by notebandi.
In the end, a fractured opposition too helped the BJP. In a three-cornered contest, the BJP had a
strong advantage. The party’s vote share jumped from just 15% in 2012 to 39.6% in 2017, which
was large enough to win more than a three-fourths majority against a divided opposition. The
combined vote share of the BSP (22.2%) and the SP-Congress alliance (28.2%) adds up to over
50%. The Opposition’s only hope of taking on Mr. Modi and the ruling party is to unite on a
common platform and ensure that the vote is not split since 50% of voters have not been swayed
by BJP’s ideology of ‘communalised development’, which is an essential part of its growth
strategy.
Courtesy: The Hindu (Politics)
1. Consolidate (verb): Combine (a number of things) into a single more effective or coherent
whole. (मजबूत बनाना/समेकन करना)
Synonyms: Combine, Unite, Merge, Integrate, Amalgamate.
Antonyms: Decentralize, De-Concentrate, Divide, Separate.
Example: The publishing company has decided to consolidate all of the author’s poems in one
large book.
Verb forms: Consolidate, Consolidated, Consolidated.
Related words:
Consolidation(noun) - the action or process of combining a number of things into a single more
effective or coherent whole.
2. Overt (adjective): Done or shown openly; plainly apparent. (प्रत्ययक्ष)
Synonyms: Undisguised, Unconcealed, Apparent, Conspicuous.
Antonyms: Unclear, Concealed, Hidden, Secret.
Example: Since the detective is an observant fellow, he can easily notice facts that are not overt.
Related words:
Overtly (adverb) – स्पष्टतः
3. Persuade (verb): Cause somebody to adopt a certain position, belief, or course of action/ win
approval or support for. (विश्वास वदलाना)
Synonyms: Coax, Convince, Cajole,
Antonyms: Dissuade, Repel, Disenchant.
Example: The lawyer tried to persuade his client to accept the generous settlement offer.
Verb forms: Persuade, Persuaded, Persuaded.
Related words:
Persuasion (noun) - the act of persuading (or attempting to persuade); communication intended to
induce belief or action
4. Odious (adjective): Extremely unpleasant; repulsive. (निन्दिीय)
Synonyms: Disgusting, Distasteful, Repugnant, Repulsive.
Antonyms: Delightful, Likeable, Lovable, Pleasant.
Example: Because Mark had an odious personality, he had very few friends.
Related words:
Odiousness (noun) - Arousing or deserving hatred or strong dislike.
5. Mordant (adjective): Having or showing a sharp or critical quality. (विद्रूपपूर्ण/व्यंगावमवित)
Synonyms: Acerbic, Biting, Scathing, Cynical.
Antonyms: Calm, Mild, Pleasant.
Example: When the mordant president entered the boardroom, all of his vice-presidents readied
for his sarcastic attacks.
6. En masse (adverb): In a group; all together. (एक साथ)
Synonyms: Wholly, Altogether, Bodily, As A Group.
Antonyms: Singly, Separately, Dividedly.
Example: The supporters of the leader arrived en masse for the rally.
7. Resentment (noun): Bitter indignation at having been treated unfairly. (अप्रसन्नता/रोष)
Synonyms:
Bitterness,
Indignation,
Displeasure,
Dissatisfaction,
Disgruntlement,
Discontentment.
Antonyms: Friendliness, Affection, Liking.
Example: Rather than resent others for having what you desire, work hard to get what you want.
Verb forms: Resent, Resented, Resented.
Related words:
Resent (verb) - to express displeasure for
8. Capacious (adjective): Having the ability to hold a great amount/ having a lot of space inside.
(विशाल/बड़ा/मजबूत)
Synonyms: Ample, Spacious, Commodious, Roomy.
Antonyms: Cramped, Small, Squeezed.
Example: Since we have over five hundred people coming to the wedding, we need to find a
capacious venue.
Related words:
Capacity (noun)- Ability (In any aspect).
9. Assiduous (adjective): Showing great care and perseverance. (परिश्रमपर्ू ण)
Synonyms: Diligent, Sedulous, Hard-Working, Persevering.
Antonyms: Idle, Inactive, Unoccupied.
Example: Give an assiduous performance on stage, and the audience will adore you.
Related words:
Assiduously (adverb) - with great care and perseverance.
10. Relentless (adjective): Persistent; unyielding. (अनिरत)
Synonyms: Continuous, Persistent, Non Stopping, Unceasing.
Antonyms: Intermittent, Ending, Stopping, halting.
Example: The relentless efforts of Mr. Modi in elections brought the fruit to BJP.
Related words:
Relentlessly (adverb) - (लगाताि)
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