THE OLYMPIC VIOLATIONS
The Winter Olympic Games in Sochi, the Swedish
sponsors and human rights
Report #68
This report has been published with the financial support of the Swedish Agency for International
Development Assistance (Sida). Sida has not, however, been involved in the design of the report
and it takes no position on its content. The report has been authored by Swedwatch. LO-TCO
Biståndsnämnd (LO-TCO Secretariat of International Trade Union Development Co-operation),
RFSL (Swedish Federation for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Rights) and RFSU (Swedish
Association for Sexuality Education). The report can be downloaded from www.swedwatch.org.
Author: Erik Jennische
Cover photograph: Dmitry Lovetsky
Police arrest a Russian LGBT activist during a demonstration in St Petersburg in June 2011.
Layout and graphics: Daniel Fagerström, Paperhits
Publisher: Viveka Risberg
Published in January 2014
ISBN 978-91-981365-5-5
Swedwatch is a religiously and politically independent organisation that examines Swedish companies doing business in developing countries. The organisation’s purpose is to reduce social and
environmental ills, encourage role models, share knowledge and hold an open dialogue with Swedish companies so that the business community pays greater attention to these issues. Swedwatch
has six member organisations: the Church of Sweden, Diakonia, the Swedish Society for Nature
Conservation, Fair Trade Center, Solidarity Sweden-Latin America and Africa Groups of Sweden.
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Contents
Summary.......................................................................................................................... 4
1. Introduction................................................................................................................. 6
2. Method......................................................................................................................... 6
International regulatory framework for corporate responsibility.............................. 8
3. Background to the Winter Olympic Games in Sochi.................................................. 9
Human rights situation in Russia............................................................................... 9
4. The Olympic Movement ............................................................................................12
The International Olympic Committee (IOC)............................................................13
The Swedish Olympic Committee (SOC)...................................................................14
The Olympic Movement and human rights violations..............................................15
The SOC and human rights........................................................................................18
5. The SOC’s main sponsors...........................................................................................21
Companies’ views on the human rights violations................................................... 22
6. Conclusions.................................................................................................................27
7. Recommendations..................................................................................................... 29
Appendix 1: Questionnaire used for the Swedish sponsors.......................................... 34
3
Summary
In December 2013, just a few weeks before the Winter Olympics at the Russian resort
Sochi, Gunilla Lindberg, both Secretary General of the Swedish Olympic Committee and a member of the board of the International Olympic Committee, stated that
sports “is the single greatest human rights organization in the world”.
The Olympic movement’s close collaboration with the Russian government in planning the Olympic Games in Sochi makes this a controversial statement. The respect
for human rights in Russia has quickly deteriorated since Vladimir Putin regained
his presidency in May 2012. Restrictions in the freedom of association, freedom of
assembly and freedom of expression, as well as laws prohibiting public conversations
pro gay rights, have all been enacted in Russia.
The preparations of the Olympic Games in Sochi have also adversely affected human
rights, mainly the rights of migrant workers in connection to the building of arenas
and overall infrastructure. Local authorities have also imposed restrictions on the freedom of expression on Sochi-based organizations and media outlets. No public commitments from The International Olympic Committee, IOC, have been made in order
to counteract the increasingly deteriorating state for human rights in the country.
Similar problems were an issue in connection to the Olympic Games in Beijing 2008.
IOC promised then that the games would improve the respect for human rights. But
when several prominent human rights organizations showed that the games rather
contributed to deterioration, IOC did not act.
In this report Swedwatch has interviewed The Swedish Olympic Committee, SOC,
and their sponsors in order to gain their opinion regarding the Olympic movement’s
responsibility for the effects on human rights in the host country, as well as what
possi­bilities for action they have themselves. Hopefully SOC and their sponsors
will, in the future, take action in order to make the games have a positive impact on
human rights.
One of the reasons why the Olympic movement – consisting of IOC, the national
Olympic committees, for example SOC, and the international sports federations, for
example The International Ice Hockey Federation – do not contribute to improving
the situation for human rights is the fact that the movement lacks a human rights
policy. The Olympic Charter states that the movement’s fundamental goal is peaceful
development and human dignity. But The Charter entirely lacks references to basic
human rights conventions. Neither does the Charter contain any of the fundamental
concepts of human rights, apart from protection against discrimination.
It is The Charter that guarantees that the values of the movement are upheld in the
process of appointing host countries and host citities for the Olympic Games, and in
the later contracts between IOC and the hosts. But the week language of The Charter,
in regards to human rights, makes it impossible for IOC to make demands on the
hosts, and creates unclear expectations. The Russian government can therefore bask
in the light of one of the world’s most prestigious events, whilst at the same time not
having to protect human rights.
4
Not even the statement that all forms of discrimination are a violation of The Charter
contribute to an improved situation in the host country. During the year preceding
the Olympic Games, violations of LGBT-people rights have increased in legislation as
well as in society in general. IOC has, regardless of this, refrained from criticizing the
Russian government, and seems to be satisfied with the government’s promise that
the game’s themselves will go through with the respect of The Charter. Swedwatch’s
interview with Stefan Lindeberg, president of SOC, shows that neither SOK believes
that human rights issues, not directly related to the games, are a responsibility of the
Olympic movement. On the other hand, in the opinion of Stefan Lindeberg,
IOC should make public demands regarding human rights on the host countries,
which is not done today.
Regardless of the Olympic movement’s lack of taking responsibility for the adverse
human rights impacts of the games in Russia, Swedish enterprises will contribute
with more funds to SOC in 2014 than ever before. This development is in conflict with
the overall trend among Swedish companies to take more responsibility for human
rights issues in their entire operations and supply chain, as well as act accordingly
to international frameworks for corporate responsibility. A companies branding and
marketing are to the full extent part of their value chain.
Swedwatch’s study shows that none of SOC’s main sponsors, Nordea, Vattenfall or
ATG, have procedures for mitigating the risk for adverse human rights impacts in
regards to their sponsoring activities. Both The UN Global Compact and The OECD
Guidelines for Multinational Corporations, which Nordea and Vattenfall have committed to, state that companies have a responsibility to mitigate adverse human rights
impacts in their entire value chain. ATG lacks entirely a human rights policy. None of
the companies have tried to influence the Olympic movement in order to increase its
commitment to human rights in connection to the games.
During Swedwatch’s interviews with the sponsor companies they stated that vio­
lations of human rights in connection to the Olympic Games were problematic. All
three companies admitted that their sponsoring activities should be part of the company’s overall human rights policies in the same way as in relation to other business
partners. During the interviews the companies became increasingly committed to
finding ways of contributing in a positive way. Nordea discussed the possibility of
establishing a joint strategy together with the other sponsoring companies, and all
three companies stated that human rights aspects will be a part of future negotiations
with SOC.
In a survey, conducted with the remaining sponsors of SOC, the companies answered
that the Olympic movement has a responsibility for human rights violations in connection to the Olympic Games. They also stated that they, as sponsors, could make
demands through the sponsoring agreements regarding the movement’s commitment
to human rights. They also stated that their willingness to sponsor the movement
would increase with an increased commitment to human rights and that the movement should have a policy for handling the games impacts on human rights.
5
Swedwatch recommends that the Olympic movement adopts a human rights policy
which relates to the UN conventions on human rights as well as ILO’s core conventions on the labor standards, and that the Swedish sponsors use their leverage in
order for this to become reality. Stockholm and Sweden should moreover not offer to
host the games until IOC adopts a strategy for respect of human rights in connection
to the games.
1. Introduction
Preparations for the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing had an adverse effect on the
human rights situation in China. The same problems exist in the run-up to the 2014
Sochi Winter Olympics being held in February. In the last few years, Russia has introduced a number of new restrictions on the freedom of association, freedom of assembly and freedom of expression. In Sochi, the preparations have resulted in direct violations of migratory workers’ rights and restrictions of local organisations and media
freedoms. Although the Olympic Movement has failed to deal with these problems,
Swedish companies are providing more sponsorship money to the Movement than
ever before. This is a development that runs counter to the trend of Swedish companies taking more responsibility for human rights problems in their supply chains and
working in accordance with the international guidelines for corporate responsibility.
As part of the research for this report, Swedwatch conducted interviews with the
Swedish Olympic Committee (SOC) and its sponsors about how they perceive the
Olympic Movement’s responsibility for the impact that the Olympic Games have on
human rights in the host country. It is hoped that the report may encourage the SOC
and its sponsors to start working towards positive outcomes of the Games for human
rights.
2. Method
While working on the report, Swedwatch interviewed the SOC’s three main sponsors,
ATG, Nordea and Vattenfall.1 We also sent a questionnaire to the thirteen other SOC
sponsors: Adecco, Apollo, Arla, Arlanda Airport/Swedavia, Atos, Cloetta, H&M, Jet
Set Sports, Samsung, Unilever, Viasat, Volvo and ÅF. The interviews and questionnaires were performed in November 2013. The global sponsors of the Olympic Movement are not included in the report.
The fundamental questions addressed in the report are: How do the Swedish Olympic Committee and its sponsors perceive their responsibility for the Games’ adverse
human rights impact and what do they believe they can do to counteract this?
1
Maria Guggenberger (Manager) and Elisabeth Normelli (Producer) at the Concepts Division
at ATG, Tomas Björklund (Sponsoring and Event Director) and Helena Östman (Head of
Communications) at Nordea, Annika Bränning (International Sponsoring Manager) and
Carina Netterlind (Press Secretary) at Vattenfall.
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FACTS
The SOC’s three main sponsors
In 2011, the Swedish Olympic Committee shared its vision of doubling its sponsorship
revenue up to and including 2016, from roughly 40 to 80 MSEK per year. According to
the SOC’s Chairman, Stefan Lindeberg, this goal will already be reached in 2014.1 The
SOC’s three main sponsors are ATG, Nordea and Vattenfall.
ATG
ATG has sponsored the SOC since 1979, by giving part of the revenue from the annual
Olympiatravet (“The Olympic Trot”) horse racing event to the SOC. The purpose of this
funding is to secure good premises for Sweden’s Olympians and Paralympians. ATG
uses the Olympic Rings and the Olympic Flame during four of the heats and during the
final. Moreover, competitors include athletes from the Olympic and Paralympic Games.
In 2012, Olympiatravet donated 8.2 MSEK. According to ATG, this funding has helped
Sweden win a massive 274 medals at the Olympic and Paralympic Games.2
Nordea
Nordea has been sponsoring the SOC for 25 years and it has been a main sponsor since
2013. The contribution means that Nordea’s customers can choose to invest in the
Olympiafonden investment fund and thereby forego part of their yield to the SOC. If the
yield is too low, Nordea has a guaranteed minimum contribution. Over the years, the
yield has resulted in contributions totalling more than 130 MSEK. The money is used to
support young Swedish talents. Since autumn 2013, Nordea has also become a main
sponsor of the SOC.3
Vattenfall
Vattenfall has sponsored the SOC since 2006 and it became a main sponsor in 2010. The
aim of the sponsorship is to increase the number of Olympic medals. There is a similar
collaboration with the Olympic committees in the company’s other core markets, the
Netherlands and Germany. The funding is used to support 24 established athletes and
roughly 30 talents in each country.4 Vattenfall has declined to reveal how much the
sponsorship is worth.
1
2
3
4
“SOK dublar sponsorintäktarna” SponsorWorld, 11 April 2013
ATG’s Annual Report 2012 and www.olympiatravet.se/olympier/
“Samarbetet utökas med Sveriges Olympiska Kommitté”, Nordea press release,
4 October 2013
“Vattenfall sponsrar framtida olympier”, Vattenfall press release, 7 March 2012
In order to describe the human rights situation in Russia and locally in Sochi, we
have largely referred to Human Rights Watch reports, as well as more established
sources such as Amnesty International and Freedom House.
To describe the Olympic Movement’s view of human rights, we have analysed the
Olympic Charter, which is its central guiding document, as well as the documents that
describe the application process that prospective host cities and countries have to
follow. We have also interviewed Stefan Lindeberg, Chairman of the SOC.
7
The report was written in collaboration with LO-TCO Biståndsnämnd (LO-TCO
­Secretariat of International Trade Union Development Co-operation), RFSL (Swedish
Federation for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Rights) and RFSU (Swedish
Association for Sexuality Education). These organisations have kindly read and commented on the report.
2.1. International regulatory framework for corporate
responsibility
International efforts on developing the regulatory framework of how companies
should act with respect to human rights have come a long way in recent decades. ­
In this report, we have used three regulatory frameworks to identify companies’
obligations with respect to human rights and to formulate recommendations.
A brief description is given below.2
The OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises were launched in the mid-1970s.
These guidelines have since evolved, but they basically outline that companies should
respect human rights, contribute to sustainable development and promote employees’ rights. Companies should also provide good information about their businesses
and their products. The guidelines are not legally binding, but they are endorsed by
more than forty countries.
The debate about corporate responsibility subsequently developed quickly. Around
the turn of the last century, the United Nations took the initiative to start a partnership with companies entitled the UN Global Compact. The goal is for companies to
sign the initiative’s ten principles on human rights, labour law, the environment and
the fight against corruption. The UN Global Compact is not legally binding, but those
companies who sign it agree to follow the ten principles and report on how they do so.
To date, more than 7,000 companies have signed the UN Global Compact, of which
143 are Swedish, including Nordea and Vattenfall.
One problem, which has become increasingly clear while working with corporate
responsibility for human rights, is how far this responsibility stretches and what companies can be expected to do. In 2011, the UN Human Rights Council approved the
UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, directed at both nation states
and companies.3 According to the principles, businesses can impact human rights
on three levels. Business that cause or contribute to adverse human rights impacts,
should try to avoid and prevent potential risks, act to stop existing violations, and
remedy damage that has already occurred. However, businesses can also adversely
impact human rights through their business partnerships, and thereby be directly
2
The description of the regulatory frameworks comes from Hållbart företagande – Plattform för
svenskt agerande, Regeringskansliet (Government Offices of Sweden) 2013, Platinautvinning
med risker – Vilket ansvar har svenska företag i Sydafrika, Swedwatch report #64, 2013 and
the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, regeringen.se 2013
The document builds on all international agreements about human rights, but specifically
mentions the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the UN Convention on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights, and the UN Convention on Civil and Political Rights, and the ILO’s core
conventions.
3
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linked with violations. The responsibility they bear is not legal, but the guiding principles demand that the business seeks influence overs its business partner to avoid and
prevent having an adverse impact.
To fulfil its responsibility to respect human rights, businesses should act publicly,
and entrench this in their internal policy documents and routines. Businesses should
also continuously perform human rights due diligence, and offer ways to compensate
those who have been subject to violations. Human rights due diligence is a method to
continuously identify risks for a business’s adverse human rights impact, describing
how to manage this and prevent future risks. The results should be communicated
outwards and directly to all stakeholders.
In this report, we investigate to what extend the Swedish sponsors are directly linked
with human rights violations and, if so, what they have done to deal with and prevent
these.
3. Background to the Winter Olympic
Games in Sochi
In July 2007, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) decided that the Winter
Olympics would be held in Sochi, a holiday resort in southern Russia. The decision
was made even though human rights in Russia have continuously been deteriorating
since the late 1990s. According to Freedom House’s 2007 report on civil and political
rights and political freedom, Russia ended on the same low level as the Soviet Union
in 1988.4 At the same time, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and several
other human rights organisations raised the question of what impact the Olympic
Games in Beijing would have on human rights in China.5
3.1 Human rights situation in Russia
Human rights organisations agree that since Vladimir Putin was reinstalled as President of the Russian Federation in May 2012, the human rights situation in the country has deteriorated further. Russia has passed laws that restrict the right to public
assembly, criminalised defamation, criminalised religious insults, introduced further
restrictions of what can be published on the internet and expanded the definition of
treason. A new law forces civic movements that participate in political activities and
4
5
Freedom in the World, Country Ratings and Status 1973-2013, Freedom House 2013.
Amnesty International published around ten reports between 2005 and 2008 under the main
title “China: The Olympics Countdown”.
9
accept foreign funding to register as foreign agents.6 During 2013, the authorities led
a campaign against such organisations and they inspected at least one thousand of
them.7
3.1.1 Violations of LGBT rights in Russia
Violations of LGBT rights in Russia have a long history. Homosexuality was forbidden during the Soviet era and was not legalised until 1993. However, since then,
progress has been slow. According to the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans
and Intersex Association’s 2013 survey on European countries’ guarantees for LGBT
rights, Russia came bottom out of 49 countries. Russia guarantees these rights to
7 percent, compared to the UK that tops the list with 77 percent.8
Another central part of the problem is the oppression that political activists face while
working to change laws and attitudes. In the last two years, not a single permit has
been issued in Moscow for public demonstrations for LGBT rights. In St Petersburg,
only two of the thirty applications received in the last five years have been approved.9
In January 2013, the Russian State Duma decided to amend the Federal Law On Protecting Children from Information Harmful to Their Health and Development. President Vladimir Putin signed the law in June. The purpose of the amendment was to
protect children from "propaganda" that advocates the rejection of traditional family
values.10 According to the legal text, propaganda is:
“the act of distributing information to minors that 1) is aimed at the creating nontraditional sexual attitudes 2) makes non-traditional sexual relations attractive
3) equates the social value of traditional sexual relations with that of non-traditional sexual relations; or 4) creates an interest in non-traditional sexual relations.”
According to both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, the law breaches
Russia’s international obligations to fight the discrimination of LGBT persons, and
represents a threat against human rights in the country.11 The Council of Europe has
adopted a resolution stating that the law is a breach against human rights and that
Russia should abolish it.12
6
“Russian Federation” in Amnesty Annual Report 2013, Amnesty International 2013, “Putin:
Protect Freedom of Expression” Amnesty International, articled published on 13 August 2013,
“Russia: Behind the Smokescreen of Olympic Celebrations: Key Human Rights Concerns in the
Russian Federation, Amnesty International 20 November 2013, “Russia: Silencing Activists,
Journalists ahead of Sochi Games”, Human Rights Watch 7 August 2013, “Russia” in Freedom
in the World 2013, Freedom House 2013,
7 “Russia: A year on, Putin’s ‘foreign agents law’ choking freedom”, Amnesty International ­
20 November 2013
8 Rainbow Europe, ILGA Europe Report 2013
9 “Reason for Action”, Russian LGBT Network, an open letter to representatives of the G20
countries at the St Petersburg Summit in September 2013
10 The law was published by Rossijska Gazeta in June 2013. The translation is not official.
11 “Russia’s anti-gay ‘propaganda law’ assault on freedom of expression”, Amnesty 25 January
2013 and “Russia: Reject Discriminatory Bill”, Human Rights Watch 24 June 2013
12 Tackling discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity,
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, Resolution 1948 (2013).
10
Several human rights activists believe that the violations of LGBT persons have
increased since the law was introduced. The Russian activist, Masha Gessen, spoke
of a “huge, palpable rise in anti-gay violence” in Russia.13 Several other organisations
say that the new law and the authorities’ unwillingness to guarantee LGBT organi­
sations’ basic rights, creates a forgiving culture for hate crimes and hate propaganda
towards LGBT persons.14 When Vladimir Putin closed one of the country’s most
important news agencies in December 2013, and replaced it with a new organisation
called International Information Agency Russia Today, he appointed Dmitry Kiselyov, a high-profile television personality, to be the first president of the newly formed
agency. Kiselyov has made numerous homophobic statements, including that homosexuals should not be able to donate blood and that their hearts should be burned
ahead of being used for transplants.15
3.1.2 Direct human rights violations in Sochi
Even though it is clear that the human rights situation in Russia has deteriorated in
general during the last few years, it is hard to say to what extent the Olympic Games
have contributed to this. Nevertheless, the preparations for the Games have had
direct negative consequences for human rights locally in Sochi.
When Human Rights Watch interviewed 66 of the 16,000 migrant workers in Sochi
in 2012, it became evident that their human rights in the workplace had been violated, and that their working conditions frequently contravened Russian law. Migrant
workers, who largely come from Central Asia, but also from the Ukraine and Serbia,
for example, explained that employers often tended not to pay their wages. Some of
them worked for several months in the hope of getting their money, but then travelled back home empty-handed. Others revealed that employers retained their first
month’s pay, claiming that they would pay it once work was completed. Those who
quit or were dismissed never received this money. Several workers also said that their
passports or identity cards had been confiscated by their employers.16
The working conditions also contravened Russian labours laws. The workers interviewed stated that work was carried out in twelve-hour shifts with one day off every
other week. Russian labour laws set the limit at 40 hours per week with a right to
compensation for overtime and at least one day off per week. A group of Ukrainian
workers had been promised 1,500 USD per month, but after two months they had
only received 420 USD in total. According to Human Rights Watch, the IOC has seriously failed to guarantee the protection of workers’ rights in Sochi.17
13 Gessen quoted by Richard Socarides in “At the Olympics, a Rainbow on Every Coke Can?”,
The New Yorker, 28 October 2013
14 “Reason for Action”, Russian LGBT Network 2013.
15 “Russian news agency RIA Novosti closed down”, BBC 9 December 2013 and “Putin dissolves
state news agency, tightens grip on Russia media”, Reuters 9 December 2013
16 Race to the Bottom – Exploitation of Migrant Workers Ahead of Russia’s 2014.
Winter Olympic Games in Sochi, report by Human Rights Watch 2013
17ibid.
11
The preparations for the Games have also resulted in violations of freedom of expression and freedom of association in Sochi. The police have accused at least two journalists and one newspaper chief of criminal offences based on the criticisms they
presented. The offices of two NGOs working on documenting violations ahead of the
Games were subject to inspections and searches by the authorities. Human Rights
Watch has long lists of companies that have been threatened with bans, environ­
mental activists who have been harassed, websites that have been closed down and
journalists who have been censored, because of their activities linked to the preparations for the Olympic Games.18
When LGBT activists wanted to organise a so-called Pride House during the Olympic Games, as was done during the Winter Olympics in Vancouver in 2010 and the
Summer Olympics in London in 2012, they were not permitted to do so. The purpose of Pride House is to spread information about homophobia within sport and to
serve as a meeting place for LGBT athletes during the Games. At first, the authorities
claimed that there had been errors in the application, but then explained that it would
“contradict the foundations of public morality” and that its activity could “undermine
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Russian Federation as a result of the
reduction of its population”.19
4. The Olympic Movement
The Olympic Movement consists of several different organisations that have different
functions and powers. The Movement is led by the International Olympic Committee
(IOC), but it also has two further constituent parts: the National Olympic Committees
(NOCs, e.g. SOC) and the International Sports Federations (e.g. the International Ice
Hockey Federation, IIHF).
The Olympic Charter is the guiding document for the entire Olympic Movement. It
describes the values, obligations, organisational structure and much more.20 The
Charter begins with the seven fundamental principles of Olympism that define the
goals of the Movement. The Movement works for “the harmonious development of
humankind, with a view to promoting a peaceful society concerned with the preser­
vation of human dignity”. The Charter also states that the freedom to determine “the
structure and governance of their organisations” is a fundamental principle within
the Movement. It says that “[the] practice of sport it is a human right” and that “[any]
form of discrimination with regard to a country or a person on grounds of race, religion, politics, gender or otherwise is incompatible with belonging to the Olympic
Movement”. However, the Charter says nothing about the freedom of expression,
political freedom, the freedom of association in general, or any other central freedoms or rights.
18 Russia: Silencing Activists, Journalists ahead of Sochi Games, Human Rights Watch, article
published on 7 August 2013
19ibid.
20 The Olympic Charter, last revised 9 September 2013
12
The Olympic Movement is led by the IOC and it has two additional parts: the National Olympic
Committees and the International Sports Federations. The three branches all fulfil their core task
for the main activity of the Movement, the Olympic Games.
Source: The Olympic Movement – Introduction, Olympic.org
Yet that does not prevent the IOC’s representatives from using the term “human
rights” when referring to the organisation. When IOC member and the SOC’s Secretary General, Gunilla Lindberg, was asked why the Swedish delegation at the Olympic
Games in Sochi should not openly advocate for human rights, she said: “We work
with sport, which is the largest human rights organisation in the world”.21
4.1 The International Olympic Committee (IOC)
The IOC’s primary tasks are to lead the Olympic Movement, select the host city for the
Olympic Games and make arrangements for the events. However, the IOC is not an
21“Kravet inför OS – så ska protester stoppas”, Expressen 10 December 2013
13
umbrella organisation of national committees and sports federations. It selects its own
members who have personal mandates. Since 1999, the IOC is made up of 115 members, of whom 15 are active athletes, 15 hold central positions in the National Olympic
Committees (NOCs) and 15 hold central positions in the International Sports Fede­
rations. Other parts of the Olympic Movement may nominate candidates to the IOC,
but they may not vote for them. The IOC’s Nominations Commission presents the candidates and the IOC Executive Board proposes candidatures for election. The Executive
Board consists of 15 members (IOC President, four Vice-Presidents and ten other members) who are elected by the IOC Session by secret ballot for a four-year term.22
The SOC’s Secretary General, Gunilla Lindberg, has been an IOC member since 1996
and has twice been selected as a member of the Executive Board, including one term
as Vice-President.23 She is also a member of the Coordination Committee for the Sochi
2014 Winter Olympics.24 The only other IOC member from Sweden is former Olympic
high jump champion Stefan Holm.25
4.2 The Swedish Olympic Committee (SOC)
The Olympic Movement is made up of around 200 National Olympic Committees
(NOCs), including the Swedish Olympic Committee (SOC). According to the Olympic Charter, their main task is to determine the delegation of athletes. They are the
only ones who can nominate candidate cities that want to host Olympic Games. They
cannot elect any of their own representatives for the IOC, but IOC members are also
members of their respective NOCs. Even if the NOCs’ direct influence over the IOC is
limited, they have the right to formulate proposals and opinions to the IOC concerning the Olympic Charter, the Olympic Movement, the organisation of the Olympic
Games and where the Games should be held.26
The SOC is made up of 50 sports associations and describes its task as being responsible for Sweden’s representation and collaboration with the Olympic Movement. It
states that it enjoys an active role in the IOC, particularly via its Secretary General,
Gunilla Lindberg.27
The SOC has ongoing support from the state, which amounted to 35 MSEK in 2012.
Since 2009, the SOC has also received state funding worth 212 MSEK as part of a
high performance initiative.28 In November 2013, the SOC submitted
a proposal to host the 2022 Winter Olympic Games in Stockholm.
22 “The Organisation”, IOC
23 “Mrs Gunilla Lindberg”, IOC
24 “Coordination Commission – Sochi 2014”, IOC
25 “IOC Members”, IOC
26 The Olympic Charter, Chapter 4, Rule 7
27“Internationellt arbete”, SOC
28 Riksidrottsförbundets verksamhetsberättelse 2012 (Swedish Sports Confederation’s Annual
Report)
14
FACTS
Fundamental Principles of Olympism
1. Olympism is a philosophy of life, exalting and combining in a balanced whole the
qualities of body, will and mind. Blending sport with culture and education, Olympism
seeks to create a way of life based on the joy of effort, the educational value of good
example, social responsibility and respect for universal fundamental ethical principles.
2. The goal of Olympism is to place sport at the service of the harmonious development
of humankind, with a view to promoting a peaceful society concerned with the preservation of human dignity.
3. The Olympic Movement is the concerted, organised, universal and permanent action,
carried out under the supreme authority of the IOC, of all individuals and entities who
are inspired by the values of Olympism. It covers the five continents. It reaches its peak
with the bringing together of the world’s athletes at the great sports festival, the Olympic Games. Its symbol is five interlaced rings.
4. The practice of sport is a human right. Every individual must have the possibility of
practising sport, without discrimination of any kind and in the Olympic spirit, which
requires mutual understanding with a spirit of friendship, solidarity and fair play.
5. Recognising that sport occurs within the framework of society, sports organisations
within the Olympic Movement shall have the rights and obligations of autonomy, which
include freely establishing and controlling the rules of sport, determining the structure
and governance of their organisations, enjoying the right of elections free from any
outside influence and the responsibility for ensuring that principles of good governance
be applied.
6. Any form of discrimination with regard to a country or a person on grounds of race,
religion, politics, gender or otherwise is incompatible with belonging to the Olympic
Movement.
7. Belonging to the Olympic Movement requires compliance with the Olympic Charter
and recognition by the IOC.
Source: The Olympic Charter
4.3 The Olympic Movement and human rights violations
4.3.1 IAAF World Athletics Championships in Moscow 2013
During the IAAF World Athletics Championships held in Moscow in August 2013,
the debate about violations of LGBT rights in Russia exploded, both in Sweden and
internationally. Just a few weeks before, Vladimir Putin had signed a law banning
propaganda of non-traditional sexual relations. During the World Championships,
the Swedish athletes Emma Green Tregaro and Moa Hjelmer painted their nails in
rainbow colours as a protest.
15
Even though the International Olympic Committee is not responsible for the World
Athletics Championships, the debate soon shifted here. The main question was
whether the Russian law was discriminatory and whether it thereby violated the
Olympic Charter.
The IOC had previously made a comment about the law prohibiting propaganda of
non-traditional sexual relations stating: “As a sporting organization, what we can do
is to continue to work to ensure that the Games can take place without discrimi­nation
against athletes, officials, spectators and the media.”29 However, after the World
Championships, it was felt that the question about whether the law was discrimi­
natory needed to be directed to the Russian government.
Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister, Dmitry Kozak, wrote a letter stating that the law
is not discriminatory since it applies to everyone, and that the “Russian Federation
guarantees the fulfillment of its obligations” with respect to the Games. The IOC then
discussed the law during a meeting in September 2013, and concluded that it did not
violate the Olympic Charter, and that it should therefore not be discussed.30 However,
the IOC did not comment on the consequences for freedom of expression or the discrimination of Russia’s citizens.
4.3.2 Summer Olympic Games in Beijing 2008
The debate about the Olympic Games and human rights in Russia is similar to the
debate that preceded the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games. Members of the IOC and the
SOC expressed their hopes that the Games would contribute to an improvement of
the human rights situation in China. In 2001, Liu Jingmin, Executive Vice President
of the Beijing Olympic Bid Committee, explained that the IOC can “help the development of human rights” by offering the Games to Beijing.31 A year later, the IOC Chairman Jacques Rogge affirmed his belief that “the Olympic Games will improve the
human rights record [in China]” and he urged the Chinese government to improve its
protection of human rights. If this did not occur, the IOC would be forced to act.32
In 2006, Jacques Rogge still hoped that the Games would strengthen human rights in
China.33 But that same year, Gunilla Lindberg, who is a member of the IOC and Secretary General of the SOC, stated that Amnesty’s most recent report had not been positive at all. She was nevertheless convinced that the Olympic Games would benefit the
Chinese population.34 However, two weeks before the 2008 Beijing Games, Amnesty
concluded that “there has been no progress towards fulfilling these promises, only
continued deterioration”. The crackdown on human rights activists, journalists and
29 IOC statement on recent Russian legislation, IOC, 31 July 2013
30 “Russia defends anti-gay law in letter to IOC”, AP 22 August 2013 and “IOC Statement”, IOC
22 August 2013
31 “Will China’s government uphold the Olympic ideal?” Amnesty, The Wire, September 2005
Vol. 35. No. 08
32 BBC Hardtalk 23 April 2002 quoted in “People’s Republic of China The Olympics countdown –
broken promises”, Amnesty 29 July 2008
33ibid.
34 “‘Idrotten värd fredspris’”, SvD 17 December 2006
16
lawyers had intensified due to the Games, since the Chinese authorities wanted to
“present an image of ‘stability’ and ‘harmony’ to the outside world”.35
The conclusion drawn by many human rights organisations is that the human rights
record has not improved in China since the Beijing Games, neither with respect to
civil, political nor labour rights.36 The International Trade Union Confederation,
which has been campaigning for the IOC to take greater responsibility for workers’
rights in the supply chain for the last ten years, does not feel that the IOC is listening
to its demands.37
No progress has been identified in the IOC’s own evaluation of the Games either. The
only time that human rights are mentioned in the document is in relation to the criticism it has received: “To those who have criticised the IOC on human rights issues,
one can argue that the Games have elevated international dialogue on such issues
among governments, world leaders, politicians, NGOs and pressure groups.”38 In
response to its hopes before the Games, this must be described as a recognition of its
failure to strengthen human rights in China.
4.3.3 Respect for human rights and the selection of a host city
Despite the Olympic Charter’s principles about peace and human dignity, the
Olympic Movement does not have a public policy for human rights to describe the
demands it places on the cities and countries that host the Olympic Games or on the
companies that supply products and services to the Games. The Charter does not
refer to any international standards for responsible and sustainable business, such as
the UN Global Compact or the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. The
only demands the IOC places on its hosts is that they must comply with the Charter
and the other rules defined by the IOC’s Executive Board.39
The process of selecting a host city is split into two phases.40 First, the IOC checks
whether the Applicant Cities meet the relevant criteria. Those who do become Candidate Cities and they are then invited to continue in the process. During the first
phase, Sochi received excellent scores with respect to adhering to the Charter, with
between seven and nine out of a possible nine points. However, it was not possible to
deduce how the different parts of the Charter were evaluated.41
35 “People’s Republic of China The Olympics countdown – broken promises”, Amnesty 29 July
2008
36 Freedom in the World 2013, Freedom House Report 2013 and “Letter to President Obama
on Rights Reform in the Olympic Movement”, Human Rights Watch, article published on
1 October 2009
37 “About”, Play-fair.org, Fair Play? Human rights of workers in Olympic 2012 supplier factories
38 Final Report of the IOC Coordination Commission – Games of the XXIX Olympiad, Beijing
2008, IOC 2010
39 The Olympic Charter, Chapter 5, Rule 33
40 Documents from the various stages are collected on the IOC’s website under “Host City
Election – Documents”.
41 XXII Olympic Winter Games in 2014 – Report by the IOC Candidature Acceptance Working
Group to the IOC Executive board, IOC 2006
17
During the second phase of the selection process, there is a comprehensive evaluation
of the Candidate Cities’ ability to host the Games. The evaluation of Sochi and the
other two cities that had progressed to the second phase were presented to the IOC
in 2006, when the debate about the impact of the Olympic Games on human rights
in China was at its most intense. In spite of this and the fact that the human rights
situation in Russia has been deteriorating for several years, there was no mention
of the human rights situation in Russia or locally in Sochi in the report. There was
no risk assessment that the Games could have on human rights either. However, the
report on Sochi did regard it as positive that Russia’s President, Vladimir Putin, had
expressed his strong support for the Games.42
The routines have not changed. The bidding process for the 2022 Winter Olympic
Games have just begun and the document describing the process leading up to the
IOC’s decision states that the vision of the Games must be “aligned with the Olympic Movement’s vision and mission”.43 It says nothing about the Games having to
promote respect for human rights. The only positive obligation that the host country
must comply with is to guarantee respect for the Olympic Charter and to follow the
IOC Code of Ethics. However, neither the Charter nor the Code of Ethics provides any
guidance concerning human rights.44
4.3.4 Environmental demands and the selection of a host city
What is clear on the other hand in the selection process of host cities, both prior to
the Olympic Games in Sochi and later, is the Olympic Movement’s will to minimise
the environmental impact of the Games. The environmental commenced after the
Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992.45 For example, the Charter states that the
IOC should work “to promote sustainable development in sport and to require that
the Olympic Games are held accordingly” and “to promote a positive legacy from the
Olympic Games to the host cities and host countries”.46 In the late 1990s, the Olympic
Movement developed its own Agenda 21, an action plan for sustainable development,
and in autumn 2013, the 10th edition of the World Conference on Sport and the Environment took place in Sochi. There are also detailed questions about the environmental impact the Games can have, and how the cities intend to manage these, in the
questionnaire that cities must complete as part of the bidding process.47 Although the
IOC has received extensive critizism for failing to comply with its own environmental
requirements, thanks to the action plan there is at least an agenda to discuss.
4.4 The SOC and human rights
When Swedwatch interviewed the SOC’s Chairman, Stefan Lindeberg, for the purposes of this report, we were given a very different perspective of the Olympic Move-
42
43
44
45
46
47
IOC 2014 Evaluation Commission Report, IOC 2007
2022 Candidature Acceptance Procedure, IOC 2013
IOC Code of Ethics, 2013
Described under “Sustainability” on the IOC’s website www.olympic.org/sustainability
Olympic Charter, Chapter 1, Rule 2:13 and 2.14
2022 Candidature Acceptance Procedure, IOK 2013
18
ment’s view of human rights than is detailed in the aforementioned documents.48
Lindeberg says that it is “unacceptable” that the Games lead to violations.
“Our fundamental platform is that the Olympics are a symbol to show that, even in a
turbulent world, you can come together in peace with respect for every individual’s
integrity. And to be able to manifest this dream. That is the whole idea of the Olympics, as a symbol for a more positive future.”
According to Stefan Lindeberg, the IOC has also evaluated the consequences of the
Games in Beijing and improved resources to take these experiences forward.
“However, I am unable to talk in detail about what conclusions have been drawn and
how exactly this has impacted the work in Sochi, as I have no information about this.”
In the IOC’s Final Report of the Beijing Games, cited above, there is no mention of
any such evaluations or conclusions.
Stefan Lindeberg says that the SOC expects that the IOC will follow up on the Host
City Contract that is signed once a city wins an Olympic bid. Swedwatch has been
unable to find the Sochi contract, or indeed any other host city contracts, on the IOC’s
website. However, the British organisation Games Monitor, which worked with the
local impact of the Games prior to the 2012 London Olympic Games, has published
the Host City Contract signed between London and the IOC.49 The contract says nothing about a host city’s responsibility to ensure that there are no human rights vio­
lations associated with the Games or any other references to human rights.
Stefan Lindeberg thinks that it would be positive if the IOC placed similar demands
on the hosts concerning human rights as they do for the environment.
“I have assumed that there are corresponding evaluations of all aspects of an Olympic
Games, to draw lessons and do a better job in the future, including everything from
how to solve parking issues, to environmental work and the impact on human rights.”
When we pointed out that there were no publications about host cities’ responsibilities for human rights on the IOC’s website, Stefan Lindeberg answered as follows:
“The Games build on the fundamental values of human rights, and organisers must
accept to follow these conditions. And the IOC then follows up on these. At least,
that is what we have been told when we have asked questions about the past events,
including the legislation and harassment of the LGBT community. We are told
anyway that the IOC has reacted and raised these questions and received answers.”
Stefan Lindeberg believes that the IOC can only take responsibility for what happens
during and around the Games, and in that respect the IOC and the Russian authorities have clarified that there must be no discrimination. He also thinks that the
48 Interview with Stefan Lindeberg conducted over the telephone on 19 November 2013
49 Host City Contract – Games of the XXX Olympiad in 2012 IOC 8 June 2005
19
demands on hosts’ respect for human rights should be made public and transparent,
and that they should be part of the application process.
“Of course they should be. The demands made when an organiser signs a contract,
from different perspectives; what situations they will guarantee technically, environmentally and socially. I don’t see any reasons to hide this. But it is important to see
the difference between the IOC placing demands on what is related to the Games and
not on the politics in a country in general.”
The question about how the sports movement should relate to human rights violations in the countries where it decides to allow its event to be hosted has caused a
recurring debate in recent years. In relation to the debate about whether it was correct to locate the 2014 IIHF World Championship in Belarus, the Chairman of the
Swedish Ice Hockey Association Christer Englund said: “We never mix hockey and
politics. We never take sides.”50 The problem with both Stefan Lindeberg’s and Christer Englund’s arguments that sports associations should not take the politics in a
particular country into consideration is that they cannot make demands on the political leaders in that country not using sport to promote the image of their politics and
themselves.
Stefan Lindeberg does not think that there is any reason for sponsors to contact the
IOC directly. If they are worried about what is happening in relation to the Games,
they should turn to the SOC. He does not think that there is any reason for the SOC to
join forces with others NOCs to exert pressure on the IOC to act more transparently.
He is confident in the IOC’s actions.
The clear difference between the IOC’s demands on hosts – that lack any references
to the international human rights conventions – and Stefan Lindeberg’s image about
what values guide the Olympic Movement, are based on the fundamental principles
outlined in the Olympic Charter.51
The problem is that even if the Charter states that the Olympic Movement seeks to
promote peace and human dignity, it does not refer to any internationally recognised
documents that define what this means. The Olympic Movement has also failed to
define how the principles should be given strength in the contracts that the IOC signs
with the host cities. It is thus impossible to place any demands on the hosts to comply
with these principles. Compared to Nordea and Vattenfall, which have undertaken to
follow both the UN Global Compact’s principles and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, the Olympic Movement is lagging far behind in its ambitions to
guarantee that its activities do not have an adverse impact on human rights.
50 Interviewed by Swedish Radio (P1 morning programme) on 27 March 2013, quoted in Ulf
Bjereld’s article “Farligt förneka idrottens makt”, Expressen 10 December 2013
51 In a follow-up question asked sent via email about which documents should define that human
rights are fundamental for the Olympic Movement, Stefan Lindeberg answered the Olympic
Charter and the IOC’s Code of Ethics.
20
5. The SOC’s main sponsors
Swedwatch’s evaluation of the SOC’s three main sponsors, ATG, Nordea and Vattenfall, has been performed in two stages. First, we went through each company’s policy
on human rights in general and their own descriptions of their sponsoring activities.
We then interviewed the companies about how they regard human rights violations in
relation to the Olympic Games, and what they can do to minimise these.52
5.1 The companies’ links to the Olympic Games
When describing the actual purpose of sponsorships, all three companies highlight
the desire to provide Swedish athletes with the best premises to perform well at the
Olympic Games. They also hope that there will be secondary effects, such as creating good role models for young people and showing the importance of exercise and
health. They also point out that they only sponsor the Swedish athletes through the
SOC – they clearly state that they do not sponsor the IOC.
All three companies also explain that the sponsorships are described in contracts in
which the SOC agrees to a number of services in return. Athletes who obtain funding,
for example, may participate during corporate events focusing on employees’ health
or at kick-off meetings. Companies may also use the collaboration when launching
new products. Nordea is, for example, meeting parents of children who participate at
the SOC’s “Olympic Days” events all over Sweden and investors can put their money
into the bank’s “Olympiafond” investment fund and give part of their yield to the
SOC. Vattenfall had a number of specific offers linked to the 2012 Olympic Games in
London. During ATG’s annual “Olympiatravet” horse racing event, Swedish athletes
take part in the winner’s circle and both the Olympic rings and the Olympic flame are
used to create a good atmosphere at the competitions.
Even though the sponsorship money only goes to the SOC’s activities in Sweden, the
companies are able to link their marketing and branding to the Olympic Games.
“This affects attitudes. That is to say how people perceive Vattenfall as a brand and
their desire to become customers. But it’s also that the Olympic brand is itself one of
the strongest brands in the world. We can associate ourselves with the Olympic brand
through our sponsorship,” says Annika Bränning, Vattenfall’s International Sponsoring Manager.
So the Olympic Games are part of the companies’ value chains and the SOC acts as
their business partner. Both the Olympic Games and SOC should therefore be part
of the companies' human rights due diligence, as is expected of companies according
to both the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGP) and the
OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. Nordea and Vattenfall, as former
and current state-owned companies, are also committed to follow the UN Global
52 The interviews with Nordea and Vattenfall were conducted on 5 November 2013. The interview
with ATG was conducted on 12 November 2013.
21
Compact. It is clearly defined in the government's ownership policy that state-owned
companies should be role models and be at the forefront of the work with respect to
ethics, the environment, human rights, equality and diversity.53
In line with the international framework agreements for corporate responsibility,
Nordea and Vattenfall have publicised their policies on corporate responsibility.
Nordea evaluates its investment funds every six months to identify companies that
break against international norms, also including human rights. Vattenfall takes
responsibility to prevent and limit its impact on societies and human beings along
the entire value chain.54 According to Vattenfall’s Code of Conduct for Suppliers, the
latter are also expected to apply the same principles as Vattenfall in their business
activities, which also requires companies to support and protect human rights.55
ATG does not have a policy for human rights, and it has not made any public commitments to follow the international regulatory framework for corporate responsibility.
ATG instead focuses on taking responsibility for its players and gambling problems.
ATG is not state-owned – it is jointly owned by Svensk Travsport and Svensk Galopp.
However, the company is partly controlled by the state since six of the company’s
eleven board members, including the chairman, are appointed by the government.56
The three companies’ guidelines for sponsorships per se are, however, rather more
unclear. None of the companies say that they have used their own principles on corporate responsibility to analyse the effects their sponsorships have on human rights
– neither in connection to Beijing 2008 nor Sochi 2014. Moreover, they do not have a
strategy to use their connection to the Olympic Movement to prevent adverse impacts
of the Games.
5.2 Companies’ views on human rights violations associated
with the Olympic Games in Sochi
When Swedwatch recounted the contents of Human Rights Watch’s reports about
human rights violations in general in Russia and locally in relation to the preparations for the Olympic Games in Sochi (see above), the three companies took exception
to what is happening.
“Of course it is problematic if the Games are used to build a repressive regime,” says
Helena Östman, Head of Communications at Nordea.
53 The government’s ownership policy and guidelines for companies and corporate ownership,
Regeringskansliet (Government Offices of Sweden) 2012
54 “Samhällsansvar” (Social Responsibility) nordea.se and “Vårt ansvar – Vattenfalls
hållbarhetsarbete” (Our responsibility – Vattenfall’s sustainability work) vattenfall.se
55 Vattenfalls uppförandekod för leverantörer (Vattenfall’s Code of Conduct for Suppliers),
Vattenfall 2013
56 Aktiebolaget Trav och Galopp Annual Report 2012
22
5.2.1 Nordea: “Our view of Swedish sports successes has been
too one-sided”
During a discussion about the extent to which Nordea can influence the human rights
problems associated with the Games, it becomes clear that the IOC’s ownership of the
question is the biggest problem.
“If you look at how the location of the Games is chosen, it is impossible for an individual sponsor or an individual country to have any influence,” says Tomas Björklund,
Sponsoring and Event Director at Nordea.
He also says that Nordea has addressed the human rights issues with the SOC, but
that it is not thought to have had any effect.
In the last few decades, the IOC has placed increasing demands on hosts of the
Olympic Games with respect to their environmental impact. When Swedwatch asked
whether the IOC should have a similar policy and a method to minimise the risks
of human rights violations associated with the Games, Nordea stated that it was in
favour of this idea.
“Yes, I think that it would be suitable to have this. We are constantly reviewing our
principles for investments, and now also for loans, and I think that growing demands
are being placed on companies in this regard. There will be increasing demands concerning sports sponsorships and other partnerships,” says Helena Östman.
Tomas Björklund thinks that it is “odd” that the IOC does not have a human rights
policy considering that it has an environmental one. Yet he is also critical of his own
company’s activities in this regard.
“Whatever affects our own business – investment funds and things like that – we
look at in great detail. And it is very possible that our view of the Swedish market and
Swedish sporting successes has been a little too one-sided.”
Tomas Björklund is also open to the idea of cooperating with other sponsors to
engage in a discussion with the Olympic Movement and the human rights issues associated with the Olympic Games.
“I am not averse to the idea of discussing this with the other main sponsors. It feels
like we need to have a joint strategy that explains why we are doing this, about how
we are thinking and so on. That’s not something that we are against at all.”
He also points out that the attention surrounding the Olympic Games can have an
adverse impact on the Nordea brand.
Nordea’s contract with the SOC also covers the Olympic Games in Rio in 2016. However, according to Tomas Björklund, there is a possibility for a review after Sochi.
That would mean that there is a chance to discuss these issues if Nordea is to prolong
its partnership.
23
Two Turkish construction workers, Ibrahim and Osman, are building a restaurant on one of the
peaks of the Caucasus Mountains in preparation for the Olympic Games being held in Sochi,
2320 metres above sea level. PHOTO: ANDERS LINDH
5.2.2 Vattenfall: “Maybe we can make clearer demands”
When Swedwatch asked Vattenfall if it might be possible to include work on human
rights in the sponsorship contracts with the SOC, Annika Bränning, Vattenfall’s International Sponsoring Manager, said that she was not against the idea.
“That’s something we can think about adding. In some respects it’s already included
as part of our Code of Conduct. It already says in our contract that we follow it, and
that all of our partners work accordingly. They must follow our guidelines.”
Vattenfall’s Code of Conduct for Suppliers57 stipulates that the company supports the
ten principles of the UN Global Compact and that it seeks to follow these throughout
the value chain. The company therefore asks suppliers to work in the same way. However, Vattenfall does not engage in any dialogue with the IOC.
57 Vi definieras av våra handlingar – Det är så här vi arbetar (lit. We are defined by our actions
– This is how we work), Vattenfall 2012
24
“We are not their sponsors. We speak to the SOC’s Chairman, Stefan Lindeberg,” says
Annika Bränning.
Vattenfall is also a main sponsor of the NOCs in Germany and the Netherlands, as
well as the International Ski Federation, which is one of the international sports federations included in the Olympic Movement. It is hoped that the relations with the
NOCs will lead to influence over the IOC. Annika Bränning points to the criteria used
to select countries as a basis for future discussions with the SOC.
“The only thing we can do is to influence those we have a contract with and perhaps
we can do better here and make clearer demands. It could actually be pretty exciting.”
It is unclear what demands might be included in such a discussion.
“It is obvious that all sponsors want the Games to carry on being something positive.
Otherwise there is no point supporting them at all. So it’s very important from everyone’s perspective,” says Annika Bränning.
In response to the question about whether Vattenfall could create a direct channel
of communication with the IOC, she states that although there is not one at present,
there is certainly potential for this with respect to certain issues.
Vattenfall’s contract with the SOC covers the 2016 Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro.
The respect for human rights at the Olympic Games could then be discussed during
the negotiations about a new deal.
“Yes, I think so. You have to do an evaluation and see how things have been and what
can be better and how we want the partnership to be,” says Annika Bränning.
Swedwatch highlights that the IOC has clear environmental criteria, but none for
human rights when selecting host cities, and it asked whether Vattenfall could imagine pushing this issue during such a discussion. Annika Bränning’s answer is clear.
“Absolutely,” she says.
5.2.3 ATG: “It’s unfortunate that the IOC does not take these
issues seriously”
ATG was also a main sponsor of the SOC during the Olympic Games in Beijing. However, Maria Guggenberger, Manager of the Concepts Division at ATG, is critical of the
IOC.
“It’s unfortunate that the IOC does not take these issues seriously. I want the IOC to
take a clearer position on the human rights issue.”
ATG’s sponsorship contract with the SOC expires in December 2014. It has not been
decided whether the contract will be extended. Maria Guggenberger thinks that it
would be interesting for ATG to hold a discussion about how the Olympic Games deal
with human rights violations as part of the negotiations for a new contract.
25
“I think that it’s a relevant part of the sponsorship deal. I understand that the SOC
does not choose where the Games are held. But even though we are just sponsors
of the SOC, it is important for us and our trustworthiness to be able to fully stand
behind our sponsorship,” says Maria Guggenberger.
Another problem concerns the use of the Games for political motives by the host
nation.
“The IOC has said that it does not mix politics and sport, but then the message should
be that the places where the Games are to be held are not given the chance to drive
the communication about sports, if they mix sport and politics.”
This is a question that the SOC should raise with the IOC according to Maria Guggenberger, pinpointing Vladimir Putin’s use of the Olympic Games to promote the image
of the Russian government.
In response to the question about whether the IOC should place demands on human
rights in the same way that it places demands concerning the environment, Maria
Guggenberger says:
“The question is certainly relevant.”58
Maria Guggenberger says that the company is not launching any advertising campaigns in relation to the Olympic Games in Sochi. The company’s only link to the
Games is through the “Olympiatravet” horse racing event.
5.2.4 The SOC’s other sponsors: “Yes. Sponsors have a responsibility.”
In addition to the three main sponsors, the Swedish Olympic Committee also lists
thirteen additional sponsors on its website. All have been sent the same questionnaire, with yes-no questions. Adecco, Arlanda Airport/Swedavia, Atos, Jet Set Sport
and Viasat have chosen not to answer the questions at all.59 Samsung and ÅF did not
complete the questionnaire, but sent their answers to us separately. Cloetta and Unilever have ended their partnership with the SOC. Arla, Apollo, H&M and Volvo completed the questionnaire. The questions and answers are enclosed in the report (see
Appendix 1).
The four companies that answered, all have human rights policies, and Apollo, H&M
and Volvo write that these are part of their contracts with the SOC. Arla’s policy is not
included in the contract with the SOC, but the company states that it will be reviewing
its sponsorship contract.
All four companies answer “yes” to the question about whether the Olympic Movement has a responsibility with respect to human rights violations associated with
58 The answer to this question was sent to Swedwatch by email on 26 November 2013.
59 The questionnaire was sent to them on 14 November 2013, with a reminder on 26 November.
Swedwatch has even received confirmation from three companies that they received the
questionnaire and they were informed that the final day to complete it was 4 December.
On 6 December we closed the data collection period.
26
the Olympic Games. They also say that they could imagine placing demands in their
sponsorship contracts concerning the Movement’s work on human rights, that their
willingness to sponsor the Movement would be strengthened if the work on human
rights was expanded, and that the Movement should have a programme to manage
the impact that the Games have on human rights.
Arla, H&M and Volvo also answer “yes” in response to the question whether sponsors
can influence the Olympic Movement to minimise the risk for human rights violations
prior to future Olympic Games.
6. Conclusions
The report pinpoints several problems with respect to the Olympic Movement and its
sponsors’ responsibilities concerning human rights and the Olympic Games.
The most striking finding is how unproblematically the representatives of the Olympic Movement speak about human rights, simply pointing to the fundamental principles in the Olympic Charter. It is as though the Charter includes an entire declaration
on human rights.
However, the Olympic Movement’s principles contain no more than a few paragraphs
about harmonious development, human dignity and renunciation of discrimination.
The principles are not tied to any human rights conventions and only use a few fundamental human rights concepts. There is no mention of the freedom of expression,
the freedom of assembly, the freedom of religion, political freedom, the right to security, the right to integrity, the right to fair working conditions or the right to join a
trade union. For the Olympic Movement to be a trustworthy power for human rights,
it must amend its core documents to say what it says it wants to be.
The only clear demand the principles place on the members of the Olympic Movement is that they may not discriminate against any person or country on the grounds
of race, religion, politics, gender or otherwise. However, to counteract the discrimination of LGBT persons, the freedoms of expression, assembly and organisation are
also necessary. The new Russian law that bans propaganda of non-traditional sexual
relations makes this work impossible, as does the Russian authorities’ oppression of
LGBT activists. In the IOC’s statements about this legislation and during the interview with the SOC’s Chairman Stefan Lindeberg, it also became clear that the Olympic Movement’s stance on discrimination does not apply to the hosts of the Games at
large, only during the Olympic Games.
The absence of a human rights policy means that it is hard for the Olympic Movement
to act as a positive force in the host countries. It will also be hard to address human
rights violations associated with the Games in cities such as Sochi. The IOC cannot
make clear demands on hosts prior to the Games, or evaluate the effects of the Games
afterwards. The hosts do not know what is expected of them either.
27
For governments such as that of the Russian Federation, which has for several years
been responsible for a deterioration of human rights with respect to both legislation
and society in general, the Olympic Games mean that they can host one of the world’s
most prestigious events, without having to take any actions to improve the human
rights situation in their country.
Not addressing this issue, in spite of the debate surrounding the 2008 Beijing Olympics and now Sochi, and instead continuing with the selection of the host city for
2022 as though nothing had happened, shows that the IOC does not take human
rights seriously.
However, one positive message in the report is that Stefan Lindeberg says that the
IOC should make public demands concerning human rights in host cities, which the
IOC does not do today.
The fact that the Olympic Movement is not a democratic organisation in which members appoint those who govern it, makes it hard for members who want to promote
human rights to work towards change. The formal paths are closed. The NOCs cannot
appoint IOC members and they are not permitted to be part of the selection process
for host cities. Nevertheless, they could use the power from the Olympic Movement’s
sponsors to put pressure on the IOC to openly work for human rights.
A problem along the way appears as part of the evaluation of the SOC’s three main
sponsors. Neither Nordea nor Vattenfall use the same routines to minimise the risk of
human rights violations in sponsorship activities as in other activities. ATG does not
have any human rights policy at all.
The OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, the UN Global Compact and the
UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGP) all state that a central
part of a company’s responsibility involves minimising the risk of an adverse impact
on human rights throughout its value chain. According to the UNGP, companies also
have a responsibility to seek influence if this is deemed possible.
However, during the interviews it became clear that none of the sponsor companies’
representatives spontaneously regarded the Olympic Games as being a part of their
value chains, and thus their responsibility. Even though the sponsors use the Olympic
Movement’s brand to strengthen their own brands, they all said that they only sponsor the SOC. None of them said that they had tried to influence the Olympic Movement to take more responsibility for human rights, even if all three said that they had
raised the issue with the SOC. At first, they did not see any way of influencing the IOC
in this regard or with respect to the selection of host cities.
Later in the interviews though, they stated that it was a problem for them that their
brands were associated with the Olympic Games if they resulted in human rights
violations. They also expressed their desire to find ways in which to have a positive
impact. Nordea discussed they idea of creating a joint strategy with the other sponsors, and all three said that future negotiations about sponsorships with the SOC
should include a human rights perspective.
28
So it is certainly possible for sponsors and those members of the Swedish sports
movement who wish to promote human rights protection, to seek influence. Influence
also increases if people join together. A clear goal for the work could be for the IOC
to develop a strategy and method for human rights that builds on its own experiences
of working with environmental protection in recent decades. Such a strategy also
requires a public human rights policy that is anchored in the UN’s core human rights
conventions. The policy should then be integrated into contracts with Olympic hosts,
and with those who supply the Games with goods and services.
If the Olympic Movement does not want to introduce such a process, the sponsors
should establish whether their sponsorships comply with their own human rights
policies.
7. Recommendations
To the Swedish Olympic Committee and the Swedish members of the International
Sports Federations:
• Work to supplement the Olympic Charter with a human rights policy that refers to
all the UN’s basic human rights conventions.
• Work to ensure that the IOC places demands based on the human rights policy on
those cities that seek to become Olympic host cities.
• Work to ensure that the IOC becomes a member of the UN Global Compact and
start working with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights.
• Work to ensure that the Olympic Games have public and measurable goals to pro-
vide a positive contribution concerning the respect of human rights in the host city
and the host country.
To the Swedish members in the IOC, Gunilla Lindberg and Stefan Holm:
• Volunteer to become spokespersons at the IOC for the work on promoting the
Olympic Movement’s work on human rights.
• Place demands on the cities that want to organise the Winter Olympic Games in
2022 to have a clear strategy to maximise the Games’ positive impact on human
rights.
29
To the Olympic Movement’s Swedish sponsors:
• Use your company’s human rights policy for the sponsorship partnerships with the
Olympic Movement as well, and evaluate the human rights impact of the Games.
• Use the sponsorship contracts with the SOC, other National Olympic Committees
and International Sports Federations to influence the Olympic Movement to take
greater responsibility for the human rights impact of the Games.
• Bring together the Olympic Movement’s sponsors in a network to influence the
Movement to take greater responsibility for the human rights impact of the
Games.
• Share your knowledge and experiences about how the international regulatory
frameworks for companies and human rights contribute to minimising the risk for
human rights violations in your organisations.
To the City of Stockholm and the Swedish Government:
• Make clear to the IOC that the City of Stockholm and the Swedish Government are
not interested in hosting the Olympic Games until the Olympic Movement has a
strategy for minimising the risk of the Games having an adverse impact on human
rights.
References
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32
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Interviews
ATG 12 November 2013, Maria Guggenberger, Manager of the Concepts Division and Elisabeth Normelli,
Producer at the Concepts Division
Nordea 5 November 2013, Tomas Björklund, Sponsoring and Event Director and Helena Östman,
Head of Communications
Swedish Olympic Committee 19 November 2013, Stefan Lindeberg, Chairman
Vattenfall 5 November 2013, Annika Bränning, International Sponsoring Manager and Carina Netterlind,
Press Secretary.
33
Appendix 1: Questionnaire for the Swedish sponsors
(Adecco, Arlanda
Airport/Swedavia,
Atos, Jet Set Sport
and Viasat have not
responded.)
1. Do you believe that the
Olympic Movement has a
responsibility concerning
human rights violations associ­
ated with the Olympic Games?
2. Does your company have a
human rights policy? If so, do
you use it in your sponsorship
contracts?
3. Can you as sponsors influence
the Olympic Movement to mini­
mise the risk of human rights
violations at the upcoming
Olympic Games? If so, please
provide examples of how.
VOLVO PERSON­
BILAR SVERIGE
Bjarne Darwall, PR
and Communication
Manager
Yes. We believe that all organisations and companies have
the opportunity to influence
and improve people’s fundamental human rights should
take responsibility to do so.
Yes. Our Code of Conduct is
based on the obligations outlined in a number of conventions concerning human rights,
such as the Global Compact,
the ILO’s conventions and
the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights.
Yes.
ARLA
Fredrik Larm,
Sponsoring & Event
Manager
Yes.
Yes. No, it is not included in our Yes. To some extent. We only
sponsorship contract with the
have contracts with the SOC,
Swedish Olympic Committee,
not the IOC.
the SOC. We continuously seek
for all our suppliers to have
signed our Code of Conduct for
Suppliers. We are also going
to review our sponsorship
contracts.
APOLLO
Kajsa Moström,
Communication
Manager
Yes. Our view of the Olympic
Movement is based on the
view they have of themselves.
To feel welcome and for everyone to be able to participate.
In ancient times, the Olympic
Games served as a cultural link
between people. They travelled
from near and far to Olympia
to see the Games. That is the
idea of the Olympic Movement
even today, to achieve greater
understanding between people
and reduce conflicts in the
world through such exchanges.
Yes, our human rights policy
is part of our Code of Conduct
that is included in the contracts
we sign.
H&M
Camilla Emilsson
Falk, Media
Relations
Yes. H&M supports human
Yes. We apply all our policies in
rights and diversity and these
all our business relations.
are included in our policy. We
assume that everyone’s personal integrity and safety will be
guaranteed during the Olympic
Games in Sochi via the demands
that the IOC has placed on the
Russian organisers.
ÅF
Nyamko Sabuni,
Vice President
Sustainability,
ÅF AB
ÅF has an agreement with the National Olympic Committees (NOCs) in Sweden, Norway, Finland
and Switzerland. So far, cooperation has focused on environmental questions where the need
for knowledge has been greatest for these particular committees. It is certainly very possible to
conduct a dialogue with our national partners on human rights. Our policy builds on the UN Global
Compact and the ten principles.
34
I am not sure what you mean
here. Violations that occur
where? This feels like quite a
broad question.
Yes. H&M does not sponsor
the Olympic Movement. H&M
collaborates with and sponsors
the Swedish Olympic Committee and the Swedish Paraly­mpic
Committee. We assume, via
the demands that the IOC has
placed on the Russian organisers, that everyone’s personal
integrity and safety will be
guaranteed during the Olympic
Games in Sochi.
4. Would it be possible to make
demands in the sponsorship contract
concerning the Olympic Movement’s
work on human rights?
5. If the Olympic Movement increased 6. Should the Olympic Movement
its efforts on human rights in the
have a programme to manage the
countries that host the Games, would human rights impact of the Games?
this increase your willingness to spon­
sor the Movement?
Yes.
Yes.
Yes. We could place demands on the
SOC, since it is this organisation we
have collaborated with, but not the
Olympic Movement at large. We have
contracts with the SOC.
Yes. It is currently not relevant for us to Yes.
increase our sponsorship outside the
Swedish Olympic Committee, which is
the organisation we have a contract
with.
Yes. The Olympic Movement perceives
that it works to support human rights.
Yes.
Yes.
Yes. H&M supports the Swedish Olympic Committee and it shares the same
position, which can put pressure on
the global Olympic committee.
Yes. We do not sponsor the Olympic Movement, but it is of course
important that it addresses questions
concerning human rights in a broader
sense.
Yes. We believe that it is extremely
important that human rights are also
addressed.
SAMSUNG
Malin Rönnmark,
Communication
Manager
Yes.
Samsung has decided not to respond to the questionnaire that has been sent out. Instead, we would
like to refer to our general position on the questions that concern human rights issues. As sponsors
of the Olympic Games, we believe in the spirit of the Games and its ability to unite the world in a
positive and inspiring way. We support the Olympic Movement and hope that as many people as
possible will be able to take part in the Olympic Games. We collaborate with the IOC on this important issue and support their position that sport is a human right and that the Olympic Games should
be open for all spectators, athletes, officials, the media and other stakeholders regardless of ethnicity, gender, religion or sexual orientation. You can find more information here: www.olympic.org/
news/ioc-statement-on-recent-russian-legislation/206969.
35
Reports published by Swedwatch
67. Vinets väg från druva till glas – en granskning av Systembolagets hållbarhetsarbete (2013)
66. Play fair – en kampanj för schyssta sportkläder (2013)
65. Fruktade kemikalier på costa ricas plantager – en granskning av importerad ananas och mango (2013)
64. Platinautvinning med risker – Vilket ansvar har svenska
företag i Sydafrika? (2013)
63. Blåbärssverige – En resa bland bärplockare, brutna
löften och framtidsdrömmar (2013)
62. Global expectations on Indian operations (2013)
61. Starkt fokus på kvinnors rättigheter (2013)
60. Blåbärsbranschen tar krafttag för bättre villkor i skogen
(2013)
59. Arbetsvillkor i blåbärsskogen (2013)
58. Skattjakten – Var skattar företag med verksamhet i
utvecklingsländer? (2013)
57. Investering utan insyn (2013)
56. Förädlat CSR-arbete (2013)
55. Cut and Run (2013)
54. Utan mark, utan makt (2013)
53. Flera steg mot bättre bransch (2012)
52. Vi konsumerar, de kompenserar (2012)
51. Mors lilla Olle III (2012)
50. Från noll koll till full kontroll? – en ny granskning av Clas
Ohlson, Jula, Rusta och Biltema i Kina (2012)
49. A lot of gold a lot of trouble – A study of humanitarian
impacts of the gold industry in DR Congo (2012)
48. Mera soja – Mindre mångfald – En uppföljningsrapport
om soja i Brasilien (2012)
47. A lost revolution? – Women in the garment industry in
Bangladesh want more. (2012)
46. Vet du vad din middag åt till frukost? En rapport om
fiskmjöl (2012)
45. Allt är inte guld som glimmar – den sanna historien om
den smutsiga guldkedjan (2011)
44. Out of Focus – Labour rights in Vietnam’s digital camera
factories (2011)
43. Mors lilla Olle II (2011)
42. Rena guldgruvan – AP-fondernas investeringar har en
smutsig baksida (2011)
41. Mors lilla Olle – så exploateras asiatiska bärplockare i de
svenska skogarna (2011)
40. Dyrare kaffe är bra (2011)
39. Leksaksföretagen har agerat efter kritiken (2011)
38. Passive observers or active defenders
of human rights? (2010)
37. Konfliktmineraler i våra mobiler
(Voices from the inside) (2010)
36. Namibias uran bakom svensk kärnkraft (2010)
35. Etik för dyrt för svenska kaffebolag (2010)
34. Mer kött och soja – mindre regnskog (2010)
33. Olaglig övertid i mobilfabriker (2009)
32. Skoföretag har dålig kontroll på miljön (2009)
31. Hårt arbete bakom barnens julklappar (2009)
30. Vägar till ett bättre arbetsliv (2009)
29. Oädel handel: En rapport om import
av tropiskt trä (2009)
28. Out of Control: E-waste trade flows from the
EU to developing countries (2009)
27. En brännande fråga: Hur hållbar är den etanol som
importeras till Sverige? (2009)
26. En exkluderande resa: En granskning av turismens
effekter i Thailand och Brasilien (2008)
25. Ett kaffe som märks: Vilka effekter har certifieringar
för kaffeodlare? (2008)
24. Illegal Ground: Assa Abloy’s business in occupied
Palestinian territory (2008)
23. Den blinda klädimporten: Miljöeffekter från
produktionen av kläder (2008)
22. Silenced to Deliver: Mobile phone manufacturing
in China and the Philippines (2008)
21. Utveckling på vems villkor? Skanskas verksamhet
i ecuadorianska Amazonas (2008)
20. Risky Business. The Lundin Group’s involvement in the
Tenke Fungurume Mining project in the DRC (2008)
19. Improving Working Conditions at Chinese Natural Stone
Companies (2008)
18. Powering the Mobile World. Cobalt production for
batteries in the DR Congo and Zambia (2007)
17. Svenska textilier – ren vinst, smutsig produktion (2007)
16. Vita rockar och vassa saxar. En rapport om landstingens
brist på etiska inköp (2007)
15. Bristande miljö – och etikkontroll. En rapport om
Clas Ohlsons och Biltemas inköp (2006)
14. Arbetarnas situation på varven i Kina (2006)
13. Sandvik och Freeport – Två företag i konflikten
om Papua (2006)
12. Chokladens mörka hemlighet. En rapport om
arbetsvillkoren på kakaoodlingarna i Västafrika (2006)
11. The Price of Oil. Nordic participation in violations in Oil
and Gas development on Sakhalin in Russia (2006)
10. Kaffe från Brasilien — en bitter smak av orättvisa (2005)
9. Expansion i låglöneländer med etiska risker
– Assa Abloy i Rumänien och Mexiko (2005)
8. Lång väg till rättigheter – Trelleborgs försök att
hindra en fackförening på Sri Lanka (2005)
7. En vara bland andra? – migrantarbetarnas situation
och svenska företag i Saudiarabien (2005)
6. Handelskung med bristande etik – en rapport om
Clas Ohlsons inköp i Kina (2005)
5. Swedish pulp in Brazil – The case of Veracel (2005)
4. Människor och miljö i fruktindustrin – två fallstudier
från Chile och Sydafrika (2005)
3. Billig, snabb och lydig–en rapport om kinesiska
leksaksarbetare och företagens ansvar (2004)
2. Svensk handel med Burma (2004)
1. Fallstudie om pappersmasseproduktion i
Indonesien (2003)
37
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38
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