%H\RQGWKH3DOH)UHGHULFN'RXJODVVLQ&RUN $XWKRUV/HH-HQNLQV 6RXUFH7KH,ULVK5HYLHZ1R$XWXPQSS 3XEOLVKHGE\&RUN8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV 6WDEOH85/http://www.jstor.org/stable/29735942 $FFHVVHG Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=corkup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cork University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Irish Review (1986-). http://www.jstor.org Beyopo^e/rale FredericIT?ouglassin Cork LEEJENKINS one No one would our . . . seemed to be to feel himself seemed be contaminated to get difficult New Frederick by Garrison, same the cities, England at my deformed approach. whiter, purer, and better than our or disturbed shocked number without But some then you the people of persons democratic know 28 October together nose white people accounts for it! here. This Douglass, describing in Father Mathew, Cork, at my dark presence. No contact I think with me. it by a soir?e a letter 1845 of growing are in America hosted to William (Foner in any in his hon? Lloyd 5.7). in the autumn ex-slave Frederick Douglass visited Cork as an lecturer. Douglass's of 1845 presence here offers a valu? antislavery The on local history, while, in a wider able perspective sense, his Irish sojourn also of but cross-reference, suggests points oppositions equally significant in the mid Ireland and black America and partings of the ways, between American nineteenth century. was born into Maryland slavery in 1818; after his Douglass to in of the North relative freedom the 1838, he lectured on anti escape on and women's and racism; he edited temperance, slavery rights as to Haiti; and he US served advised newspapers, consul-general presidents, Frederick in 1845 of the life story. It was the publication Narrative the first of his autobiographies of Life of Frederick Douglass, An to cross the which American Slave, Written By Himself? prompted Douglass an account to Ireland and Britain. The Narrative, which ends with Atlantic as an antislavery orator, was written vocation his of of Douglass's discovery was an impostor, to refute allegations that it was that, as an orator, Douglass wrote three versions impossible 80 of his that a young man who was removed from JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) slavery by only a few and rhetorical dexterity which Douglass display the linguistic on in American of the his behalf Society. In Anti-Slavery speeches displayed as an ex had to prove his authenticity refuting such allegations, Douglass slave, and to do this his Narrative gives details of names, dates and places, ? disclosures which made his recapture a very real danger, even a probability could years in Ireland and Britain between 1845 and 1847. self-exile Douglass's on in 1845 Cunard the Atlantic the built crossed newly ship the Douglass was to to in He in America and forced travel returned Cambria, steerage. on the grounds of 1847 on the same ship, subject to the same discrimination hence and the row to apolo? that ensued forced the Cunard management treatment in racist had the for the received. press gize publicly Douglass . . . has never since occurred on like insisted that 'the the board Douglass seems not to line' have although Cunard policy steamships of the Cunard a as since of the result 'a contretemps, sympathetic substantively changed colour, about discrimi? traveller', William Thackeray, Makepeace complained on in 1850s the blacks Cunard against ships (Douglass 388; Lorimer fellow nation 48;Loggins39). On board in 1845, an incident occurred which the Cambria anticipated was supported by an the success of his Irish antislavery tour, when Douglass violence of Southern Irishman the taunts and the threatened against passengers. The Limerick Reporter of 11 November account of this shipboard incident as follows: proslavery Douglass's There happened Gough;... It was to be an Irishman remarkable, present not that from a man Dublin of the whose 1845 name slaveholders reports w.as wished to have [Mr Douglass] in Ireland, for they knew he would get fair play there (hear, and cheers), and when the fellow threatened to throw him was that two might play at that game he Irishman told this overboard, by ... [Mr. Douglass] then called for three cheers for old Ireland. ? than that, he seems also found 'fair play' in Ireland and, more Douglass to have found the full complement he arrived in of his selfhood here. When a can truly autumn in in stated letter the of Ireland home,T 1845, Douglass of my life since landing in say, I have spent some of the happiest moments a transformation. I live a new life' this country. I seem to have undergone (Douglass Douglass's stems in part from this regeneration on the strategic emphasis paradox of finding of than in the supposed Land of the Free ?'Instead 373). The impetus and characteristic greater liberty in Europe a democratic government, behind I am under amonarchical I am covered with the bright, blue sky of America, Isle. I breathe, and lo! the chattel becomes Emerald his Yet Douglass's Irish 'rebirth' resonates beyond government. the soft-gray Instead of fog of the a man' (Douglass 374). abolitionist immediate JENKINS 'Beyond the Pate', Irish Review 24 (1999) 81 in striking ways with the experience of other visitors agenda, and compares as to Ireland. Trollope, in Post Office for instance, Ireland surveyor also in the 1840s, stated 'From the day I set foot in Ireland all . . . evils went away from me' (Foster 291). in kind: calling him? different position, though, was obviously Douglass's as the Belfast News Letter of January 1846 reports, 'a refugee abroad, an self, said in a letter toWilliam Garrison outlaw at home', Douglass dated 1 Jan? in I 1846 that of shall be influenced Ireland, uary 'speaking by no ... no no I to in favor of America have end creed to serve, prejudices to none.' Yet to defend; and as to nation, I belong uphold, no government as spokesman a nation, Dou? a colonised nation within for black America, common cause its spokesman, with could make colonial Ireland and glass and 'his truly won? Daniel O'Connell. had admired O'Connell Douglass in favour of days in slavery, when speeches Curran O'Connell and had been the among Emancipation by matter. first reading 'The reading of these docu? self-educated Douglass's to utter my and to meet the said, 'enabled me ments,' Douglass thoughts, to sustain forward arguments slavery.'1 brought drous eloquence' since his Catholic In Dublin on 29 September shared 1845, at a rally for Repeal, Douglass ? Hall with O'Connell and there are chimes of of Conciliation the platform a common the abolitionist rhetoric of Douglass and the between vocabulary of mid nineteenth-century O'Connell rhetoric Ireland: where liberation between Great Britain of the Act of Union and Ireland, argued for Repeal one in 1845) insisted that the of the Union of slavery break-up was as known the American O'Connell the and William states; Liberator, was American Garrison's called the Liberator. Dou? paper Lloyd antislavery to to used the refer 'black Ireland' both disaffected blacks and glass phrase Garrisonian abolitionists in the American disaffected Irish was (of whom Douglass South necessitated in America; both O'Connell and Douglass appropriated know you not,/Who be free, would and Douglass O'Connell's repeated Byron's words, 'Hereditary bondsmen, must themselves strike the blow', to injunction 'Agitate! Agitate!' (Blassingame 'In 1835 180). [O'Connell] 'AGITATE AGITATE until common cause with had called his fellow O'Connell V.118; Cusack for a black O'Connell sufferers shades into of 1881, The Life and Times of autobiography remembers how, at the Dublin Repeal rally in the 'Black O'Connell of the United States';'nor without his usual word of denunciation of our Blassingame V.275).2 For his part, O'Connell South of the American by the slaveholders 82 learned their 112; Huggins who would and strength' in his when identification, Frederick Douglass, 1845, O'Connell Douglass 'called me did he let the occasion slave system' was dubbed'this (Temperley JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) 227). pass (Fladeland 350; Irish Caliban' in 1847, Douglass [Address] to the British People' quoted to the plight of the African American he applied slave about the history of Ireland, a history which words 'may be man a the track of a wounded crowd' (Blassingame through In his 'Farewell when O'Connell O'Connell's like traced, 11.27). In the 1960s, Martin had taken from O'Connell Luther would the words Douglass quote The black American experience. of between demonstrations currency King to describe common 1920s, too, had suggested Irish and black American nationhood: Alain Locke, architect of the Harlem as his model; while Marcus the Irish Renaissance, up Literary Revival Garvey's black nationalist ideology was rooted in his study of Irish Republi? held to support IRA prisoner canism. Garvey the campaign vigorously joined and Mayor of Cork Terence MacSwiney, who died on hunger strike in ? on no doubt comforted 1920, by the fact that Garvey had assured him ? is uncertain of the 'sympathy of 400,000,000 what negroes' authority in late his himself, life, supported Parnell and lobbied (Dooley 22). Douglass inWashington for Irish Home Rule. like these may be suggestive, yet it is, of course, right to Correspondences of the plight of warn, as Luke Gibbons does, against 'a simplistic equation states of in the Southern that of the black population the native Irish with in his Irish lectures and the USA' himself, (Gibbons 97). Frederick Douglass facile identifications of Irish and black afterwards, repeatedly warned against American the two grounds insisting, in 1850, that 'there is no analogy between experience, there were better cases' (Blassingame 11.258?9). Douglass thought that of Haiti for comparing the troubled history of Ireland with IV.606,V.527), (Blassingame Persse's account of Ireland a regular war between a comparison in 1822, as the in Henry foregrounded and oppressors the ... oppressed Stratford In Mrs (she writing pen) compares this war to Connolly the insurrection of the Blacks and calls Ireland a second Hispaniola or St and it is true, for there human beings were put to death like Domingo the slaves and the slave wild beasts while the conflict lasted between owners (Pethica and Roy 68). s paper with amuffled slave between the lot of the Irish and the lot of the American Equations Irish the made were, however, press during Douglass's quite regularly by visit: the Waterford Freeman 10 September 1845, for instance, used Douglass's slaves of Ireland'; the Limerick white visit to the town to talk of of'the Reporter tells us, on 11 November 1845, [Douglass] had been met with land, character and that as found therefore in there another that the objection was country. no His that slavery existed necessity answer for was, in Ire? its describing that if slavery JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) 83 existed it ought on slavery to be here, American the soil put . . . But down on which he now there was like nothing stood. 1845, reports Douglass's of Ulster, 9 December feeling certain that Irish people between did not always 'sufficiently distinguish 15 October and slavery'. The Cork Examiner forms of oppression 1845, ... a not T A insistence that stand before slave. slave you reports Douglass's sense of the term, but in its real and intrinsic meaning.' in the ordinary The Banner Belfast Irish equations of were the domestic from condition 'the rhetoric appropriated 'Almost without 1780s', when that of of with the condition of slavery the during their own plight to radicalism [British] radicals linked exception, Stratford Persse, the Ireland of the (Oldfield 33). For Henry was 'the Land of the Free'.3 'this Island of Slaves' while America slaves' 1820s was even metaphorical Irish resisted 1840s, many equations came to Ireland in American their lot and that of the slave. Douglass between Irish poverty and suffer? 1845, at the onset of the Great Famine. He mentions come But the to the famine in his second and he refers explicitly ing in a letter to Garrison, the 1855 and he says, of slave My Bondage My Freedom, when autobiography, never since I left slav? heard any songs like those anywhere songs, that T have I heard the same wailing notes, and was in Ireland. There ery, except when much affected by them. Itwas during the famine of 1845-6' 184). (Douglass never mentions The fact that Douglass the famine in the public addresses he to accuse in Ireland in 1845 has led more made than one of his biographers him of blaming William Irish distress on drunkenness 126).4Yet although (McFeely could talk of the 'livid ghastly face' 'of the Thackeray one knew that when in Cork in 1842,'No the potato crop some? the early autumn of 1845 Ireland was to be faced with Makepeace starvation' popular failed during than another periodic food shortage' (Thackeray 83; Morash 3). thing more to 1845 is An item relating in the Cork Constitution of 21 October Douglass con? followed by an item titled 'THE POTATO CROP' which immediately accounts receive the most [of potato blight] conflicting same in the full districts.'The the impact of food shortages respecting ? was in the south and west of Ireland ? autumn of 1845 when Douglass 'would not be felt until the following spring and summer' (Kinealy 55). to the mass Irish reaction its indications notwithstanding, Douglass's early to America result rep? in which the Famine would emigration subsequently cludes 'We ourselves even resented'a serious dilemma that American the problem Irish-Americans of were, acute and made for the anti slavery movement', vast that the majority already faced, to the then antipathetic if not actively proslavery, abolitionists to attempts on the part of abolitionists antislavery cause, and hostile cause between common slave and the Irish American the American - as cost to when American his O'Connell found grant Repeal 84 JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) to make immi? societies couldn't reconcile his nationalism with his abolitionist beliefs (Osofsky 889, MPs in of the British for Catholic support antislavery parliament in 1829 had been reciprocated Emancipation by Irish votes crucial to the in in 1833. When of slaves the British dominions Catholic emancipation 906). The Irish agenda had shifted had been achieved, and O'Connell's Emancipation to Repeal, William that antislavery was America's argued Lloyd Garrison version of Repeal, in the 1840s belied but race riots in the American North the kind of co-operation Irish and black Americans Garri? between which to to Irish American promote response attempting (Osofsky 899). ? is summed Garrison Catholic Reporter that he up by the New-England to to in there dwell love and should 'be immediately transported Ethiopia, son was the wild negroes' harmony with Frederick Douglass had been land by Olaudah Equiano spent some eight months can Charles brought Theobald Lenox with him (Osofsky 901). as an antislavery lecturer in Ire? preceded an in 1791 ex-slave and who (an autobiographer Ameri? and later the free black by lecturing here) on his return to America in 1841 who, Remond, the 'Irish Address,' signed by O'Connell, by Father Irishmen and women: the Address, and 60,000 other Mathew, in the Liberator on 11 March 'to love 1842, urged Irish-Americans reprinted CLING BY THE ABOLITIONISTS hate slavery and in America liberty name to of Irish will do honour Ireland'. the the of purpose you Similarly, to America in the societies was to educate prospective emigrants antislavery on 21 of the Southern noted ethics abolition. The Cork newspaper Reporter on antislavery 1841 that Remond's 'must be useful exhortation September cause to the Anti-Slavery whence hundreds locality, in general, but is especially of our fellow-countrymen important annually to us in this Emigrate, to on of slave-holding their guard against the seductions cupidity' to be singled out as a special want didn't necessarily to assimilate into American interest group in this way society, they wishing run counter were wary of causes which to to American patrio? appeared put But them Irish-Americans in the often competed tism; at the same time, of course, Irish-Americans increase which and would labour market with blacks, competition only vast of unleash numbers ex-slaves fall of should the abolition wages slavery was onto the open job market. Another factor in Irish-American proslavery and sometimes often evangelical, the predominantly Protestant, explicitly abolitionists of most white (even O'Connell belongings : and his and Garrison for his antisabbatarianism denounced anticlericalism) him? abolitionism and English the close links between American Douglass anti-Catholic self said of England,'She abolition movement' our hostility toward antislavery is still the mother too, of country, and the mother, ? and Irish-American suspicion only increased (Douglass 292).5 JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) 85 the pledge from Father Mathew to teetotalism who been converted had himself, by the Cork reputedly, and antislavery agitator Billy Martin and had given an address on Quaker at in the city Institute Mathew's and Temperance Slavery' 'Intemperance In Cork in 1845, Douglass his visit 74). Remembering (Harrison,'Cork Anti-Slavery' in his Irish Sketch Book, William man who taken had Thackeray Makepeace 'said that all the fun had gone out of Ireland ? from it' and Thackeray all the whiskey to Cork in 1842 cited an old gentle? since Father Mathew a working received an after of this, when, the morning demonstration intemperate night before, he and his fellow revellers came down to breakfast atMcDowell's (Imperial) as a hangover of in search of soda-water Hotel cure, only to find 'the Apostle banished tea' and 'we did not like to ask for seated at the table drinking Temperance as that' (Thackeray 64, 65). Dou? in such an awful presence the soda-water in after an evening soir?e, but because, glass also took breakfast with Mathew there was no case, the soir?e had been hosted by Mathew himself, Douglass's ? have could found and anyway, Douglass need for soda-water plenty at the soda-water manufacturer, with whose home of Thomas family he Jennings, at time of in of Cork the Richard Cork.6 Dowden, Mayor Douglass's stayed and then as part? visit to the city, worked with Jennings, first as an apprentice ner in the business: on his death, Jennings to Dowden, his left the business fellow Unitarian teetotaller as of Dowden advocate. A vignette temperance in his writer Francis Cork Reliques of by Mahony, s persona, Cork priest Father Prout, calls upon Dow? and fellow is provided Father ProuL Mahony den, 'whom I am sorry to see indulging for a song. 'Dick Dowden's Song,' which the connection between Dowden's Gin in nothing but follows, makes and his business temperance is a lurking viper, That the maddened stings soul, And reason plays the piper, While Folly drains the bowl; And rum, made Inclineth And of molasses, man to fair potheen sin; surpasses The alcohol of gin. But purest air in fixture Pervades the soda draught, And forms the sylph-like mixture Brewed by our gentle craft. Nor is the beverage injured flavoured with a lime; When Or if,when slightly gingered, 'Tis swallowed off in time (Mahony 96-97).7 86 soda all the evening' to satirical reference JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) interests: the day of his arrival in Ireland ... found temperance had,'from Douglass to attacks on liquor and chattel slavery' audiences his combined responsive was anx? yet, although he insisted that 'All great reforms go together', Douglass on his Irish agenda, ious that the issue of slavery should remain uppermost and in his Cork speech on to metaphorical intemperance the world sober, we and Slavery' Douglass he said, 'if we could 'Intemperance status, when would relegated but make no have has been drunk' slavery. Mankind so 1.55, 58). Douglass keen, however, when Mathew (Blassingame as for and reneged on his earlier later used slavery intemperance, metaphor to antislavery. Visiting in 1849, Mathew America refused to commitment was not himself with the argument that 'had he speak out against slavery, justifying states because of his support for the Southern been prevented from visiting in the South would have remained "slaves" Irish people abolitionism, many to drink' (Kerrigan,'Irish The American 116).8 Temperance' correspondent 1849 that arguing on 29 August agreed with Mathew, have been ren? of Temperance had attacked slavery, he would to help his white slaves.' Douglass's denunciation of 'powerless of the Cork Examiner if the Apostle dered Mathew 1849 was s 'disgraceful in his paper apostasy' that of the New outdone only by Society, Anti-Slavery America, telling him Although ...; States, you cause, and if you the lay axe devote succeed at the of the course root Echo, which keep his old that feel any in of of you would your time destroying taken by Mathew life, were gladly lay down my I also yet to you Weekly is that he will 17 August 110). Temperance' (Kerrigan,'Irish and co-secretary of the Cork Ladies' approved that I feel that Iwould the Anti-Slavery ance cause were question apparently in a letter Bedford now him that 'Our only wish respecting carcass out New Bedford' of priestly friend Isabel Jennings, Douglass's stated Star on the North injure to it needed, in in the Temper? the Anti-Slavery intemperance in the Slave slavery s Southern Isabel Jennings .also had misgivings, however, about Mathew ' J know you abhor slavery in your heart, is evident from her comment, mission from you, as and I trust that its hideousness will not purposely be concealed is too often done' (Maguire 289, 290). Dublin abolitionist James Haughton was much in his censure of Mathew who had 'failed to main? less equivocal That tain in the South he had what the noble advocated always Fintan O'Toole of freedom for the colored and race which thus had (Maguire 29In), typified in the Irish Times of 23 January 1998 as the on race'.The Ireland and Irish tension between describes double-think ongoing'Irish over the issue of America later by the controversy principles at home' a few years again be highlighted slavery would who Irelander John Mitchel, created by the Young JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) 87 to Douglass, another of the many Irish 'who loved liberty for according themselves and their country, but were utterly destitute of sympathy with the cause of liberty in countries other than their own' (Douglass 683). In was, New in 1854, in the second issue of his newspaper the Citizen, a to letter from Haughton, and other responded urging Mitchel to support antislavery. Mitchel, Irelanders exiled in America who had York Mitchel Young himself city for the condition of the Irish under slavery as a metaphor or a peccadillo, a a or even to 'it is denied that rule, crime, wrong hold slaves, to buy slaves, to sell slaves, to keep slaves to their work by flog? coercion' and declared that 'we, for our part, wish we ging or other needful in Alabama' had a good plantation, well stocked with negroes, healthy used British in 1848 had praised who II.486n; Dillon 11.44-55). Douglass, (Blassingame now called Mitchel a 'traitor to liberty,' but of Mitchel,' 'the martyrdom was feted in the South for his defence Mitchel of slavery and unsurprisingly for his demand slave be that the trade 11.486). reopened (Blassingame If John Mitchel to the crossover antislavery between to co-opt Irish-Americans attempts rejected abolitionist himself had been the victim of the cause, Mitchel in the racism promulgated anti-Irish and anti-African Victorian that this form 100).9 One . . . "simian 'the Irishman (Curtis period by Punch magazine was of Darwinian took typology' on 18 March ized" by Victorian caricaturists': 'debasement that 'A creature manifestly between in some of the lowest districts with ous explorers. It comes from 1862, Punch told its readers is to be met and the Negro and Liverpool by adventur? the Gorilla of London Ireland' (Foster 171). on 23 October an address on in Cork 1845 delivered who Douglass, was aware 'American Prejudice Against Color', well of the rise of ethnology to link black with and its tendency himself Irish, a manoeuvre Douglass to his own ends. In Hudson, and subverted Ohio, appropriated his address titled 'The Claims of the delivered 1854, Douglass in which he recalled 'The day I landed Considered,' Ethnologically sometimes on 12 July Negro in Ireland, nine a years ago' when of large meeting did human faces the tell common a sadder he had addressed people tale. More of Ireland, than five on temperance. thousand were Never assem? bled: and I say,with no wish to wound the feelings of any Irishman, that these people lacked only a black skin and woolly hair, to complete their likeness to the plantation negro (Blassingame II. 520?1). York, again in 1854, Douglass yoked anti implicidy racism when he summarized 'The doctrine of the hour' ... and now the 'is that the negro is inferior to the white which Anglo-Saxon to the negro and to the Irishman' is boasting his superiority (Blassingame In Rochester, black 88 New to anti-Irish JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) indulged in the nineteenth-century Irish jokes: in his Narrative, Douglass says pastime in the of the feeling about Baltimore that is expressed that 'I had something to dying a natural death in England is preferable proverb, that "being hanged later arguments in Ireland'" (Douglass 34). One of Douglass's for black suf? 11.488). Douglass black American himself, however, of telling often as much when sober, as an Irishman knows frage was, 'If (the negro) knows to In he said 'they talk of the knows vote.' when he 1890, drunk, enough ever Did hear the Democratic of the you negro. party complain of ignorance the ignorance of the Irish vote?' (Blassingame III.604, IV.435). 'Even Irishmen, who were white, Chris? In seventeenth-century America, the Pale," and some were tian, and European, were held to be . . ."beyond even referred to as slaves' (Degler 30). Frederick Douglass referred to himself as 'Standing outside the pale of American humanity' (Douglass 769).10 Dou? in October of 1845. In a letter the Pale, to Cork, literally, beyond glass went, to Richard Dowden, Mayor of Cork, Douglass thanks written from Limerick me Dowden 'for the many attentions which you pleased to show during my as I in reviled and maltreated the somewhat protracted stay City' 'Trampled, . . .you may emo? the have been by white readily imagine people grateful ? Imeet with facts the forever dispelling tions which thrill my heart when affection Dou? of such infernal doctrines (Dowden U. 140.98).The ? was ? ever visit 'I with for Cork shall remember felt my pleasure' glass in the fulsome 'Address to Frederick Douglass From Anti-Slav? reciprocated 1845. in the Cork Examiner on 7 November ery Societies of Cork,' printed darkness between Douglass and Cork was symbolized by the signet relationship on to sent the city11 behalf of which Dowden Douglass, ring subsequently on of had been founded the principle The Cork Anti-Slavery Society The 'ecumenical tion of very Anti-Slavery' in reality consisted of'an uneasy juxtaposi? 'Cork and interests' (Harrison, political opposed religious such Cork activists included For instance, 71-2). antislavery as Thomas and host in Cork advocates Jennings, Douglass's co-operation', but temperance winter maker of'non-intoxicating stout', Jennings s business partner Mayor of the Cork Examiner J.F Maguire, founder the teetotal Richard Dowden, of the antislaver Mathew and the sometime himself, as well asMrs Beamish, Beamish Society of the Cork Ladies Anti-Slavery and president brewing family in the at the time of Douglass' visit to the city.12 Francis Mahony, verse 3 in of his interests such of Father Prout, highlights opposed persona 'Dick Dowden's Song': With soda's cheerful essence They'd fill the brimming glass, And feel the mild 'fervescence Of hydrogen and gas; JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) 89 Nor quaff Geneva s ? liquor Source of a thousand ills! Nor swill the poisonous ichor Cork (to her shame!) distils (Mahony97). Although and gious antislavery, Douglass was applauded for bringing the various together factions of the city in a unified commitment political his 'protracted' oppositions for boosting reli? to seems to have intensified in Cork such sojourn as it healed them. Isabel Jennings applauded Douglass of and support for both the Cork Anti-Slavery membership as much and the Cork Ladies'Anti-Slavery she was the co Society, of which ? was also and for doing so across religious divides.13 Yet Douglass secretary him for for sectarian bias: Cork Methodists criticized displaying castigated Society out for attack (because of Methodist singling Methodists a Roman Catholic audience ica) among predominantly on in Amer? proslavery in his speech at the in the Cork Examiner the fol? 1845, reprinted in later his self-defence, saying, in the lowing day. Douglass disingenuous was 21 'a Cork Constitution 1845 of October that he fallible man; and it Court House 14 October was would too much be requiring that he should know men's religions by their aware in well of the fact, very (and politi? Douglass religious in Ireland is apparent, from the several of his audiences cal) composition to his mainly invocations and mainly of Daniel O'Connell made Catholic, faces.'That was, name in Douglass's is not mentioned listeners (O'Connell's working-class, address at Cork's Wesleyan elicited'Tremendous cheers' Chapel).14 Douglass Court House for his words, with their topical from his Catholic audience are capable of'looking at defiance and subversive subtext, about slaves who their masters'. Daniel ship with American antislavery meeting, had besides strong relation? too, had criticized Methodism's O'Connell, a Cork and when O'Connell addressed himself slavery, his audience was 'implacably anti-Catholic to his politics and I.456n; Fagan (Blassingame was of the Cork Methodists opposed prejudices' 11.239?40). Douglass's rejoinder to the criticisms 1845 spirited. The Cork Examiner of 20 October reports his remark that 'if in the Court House were Roman of the persons at the meeting it showed the slave than did the Catholics, sympathy with they felt more to discredit Douglass other sects.' Cork Methodists subsequently attempted in Belfast, a significant port of call in Dou? in the eyes of their co-religionists the majority and of the close relationship between Ulster glass's Irish itinerary because at the time of a scandal surrounding of funds from Scodand the solicitation American of Scotland.15 slaveholders by the Free Church It was Douglass's that he had been 90 turn to take umbrage, in the Cork described he was informed however, when in terms which, he Constitution JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) like a good advertisement complained,'looked claimed that the Constitution had called him negro,' but gether described the Constitution a creature insisted from on 21 October own of his a slave trader'. Douglass of the specimen 'an excellent 1845 that this was in fact had 'alto? been imagination'. Douglass as 'a fine young negro, with expressive features' ease and correctness': who it was the Southern Reporter 'speaks English with which had described 1845 as 'a noble specimen of the him, on 16 October race to which as reason to he belonged'. have had much Douglass might in the Constitution of him offered by the Cork Examiner object to the description ber 1845, which that 'his appearance is singularly suggested in is if because 'there his features of little, agreeable' anything, lower thickness of and of flatness of face, prominence lips, of 15 Octo? and pleasing that peculiar nose, which true characterizes the peculiarly Negro type.' Controversial of the handsome too, at least potentially, was the veneration ? ? the Cork and later the Belfast Ladies' Soci? Douglass by Anti-Slavery one to visit eties.16 Following female Belfast, Douglass' antislavery am a T is convinced that there declared, campaigner scarcely lady in Belfast to promote to join in any means calculated the of the deeply injured Africans' The Southern (Oldham 180). 16 1845 notes that that when Douglass Reporter of October spoke at the city was court house, 'The Grand with ladies, who Jury Gallery thronged seemed to take the liveliest interest in the proceedings.' who would not be anxious enfranchisement Since Charles Lenox Remond's visit to the city in 1841, the chief func? was to make tion of CLASS, the Cork Ladies Anti-Slavery Society, to send to American handicrafts Its 1846 bazaars. advertisement antislavery on Douglass' recent visit to Cork: 'The eloquent, in behalf of his and touching appeals of FREDERICK DOUGLASS, powerful, are so fresh in your memories, enslaved and suffering fellow-countrymen, to remind you, that the time is approaching that we deem it only necessary for contributions to send played to the Bazaar' A typical (Dowden U.140). CLASS is the 'Cork box of 1848,' which '42 seaweed included year's work 5 11 Berlin wool 3 3 pairs of knitted crochet neck ties; doilies; pieces; pieces; children's socks; 4 dolls; 1 baby's cap' (Oldham 179). to antislavery lies in the fact Perhaps a less ephemeral Cork contribution your Contributions that Anna Richardson glass's freedom Jennings (Oldham Ireland on a literal through seems, made made in 1846, bought Dou? the woman who, was sister in Cork, Ann the his of hostess 'master,' some in found his freedom sense, Douglass 179).17 So, of Newcastle, from his as profound, upon Edinburgh sage to the Free Church as on a metaphorical it level. Douglass, as literal, a mark upon Cork in 1845 as he in 1846, where Douglass carved his antislavery mes? into the turf at the 'SEND BACK THE MONEY' as well if not JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) 91 base of Arthur's Seat 'the little misunderstanding 128). Despite ? a one between myself of of your papers' 'misunderstand? to not which if have been exacerbated, appears ing' engineered, by rival local newspapers stressed, in the farewell infighting between Douglass address to the citizens of Cork which in the Imperial Hotel, he delivered (Shepperson and the Reporter 'Particularly' he was 'indebted I have been the few feeble words to the press for their freedom in copying to say in this City, that they might of my terribly in the ears of the oppressors how return to my land, and sound than 150 years after Dou? 1.71). And today, more is still invoked in the contemporary Irish press. on 30 May 1997 and 26 February 1998, Fintan countrymen' (Blassingame left his name Ireland, glass in the Irish Times Writing O'Toole able has the violence committed compared against blacks by nine? to America current Irish emigrants with Irish hostility teenth-century at toward (coloured) in this and has home, cited, immigrants poignantly at in the of Ireland 'the entire context, Douglass's 1845, finding, delight of everything that looked like prejudice the color of my skin'. An Irish Times editorial absence to present-day immigrants a is less welcoming Tiger prospective called Celtic of the Famine Notes 1 if your era, especially Ireland against me, on account of of 20 April 1998 warns that 'the jungle of the so place than the impoverished skin is dark.' Ireland and References The ham's first book Douglass handbook, eloquent to buy when was Caleb still a slave in Baltimore managed Bing in 1797. See Douglass, Hie Columbian Orator, first published 41, 225 532. to the contrary, for himself, money despite Douglass's protestations accepted cause from Southern a letter to O'Connell his Repeal slaveholders: from Dublin aboli? warns tionist James Haughton to receive O'Connell such funds against continuing Dowden (unidentifiable newspaper U.140). clipping, 2 O'Connell 3 For 4 In his Frederick then 5 gripped In his letter 'Save 6 see example, Slaves. see Pettit preserved soda-waters to Petheca title Douglass, the country, to O'Connell, To and Roy's the Land states, Quarles Benjamin 'Ignoring he attributed all of Ireland's woes of the Free from the potato to the dram this Island famine of which (41). shop' and proslavery, says, of Irish-Americans this deep degradation.' See note 2, above. 1 November 'Cork Anti-Slavery' Examiner, 1845; Harrison, 77; for Jennings, was a manufacturer as labels water: 70.Thomas of vinegar and mineral Jennings in the Cork Public Museum included flavoured show, Jennings's products them, See Cork the I beseech you, James Haughton save them from 'On the morn? and lemon describes what when squash. Douglass happened in invited us to breakfast with him at his own house' ing after the soir?e, Father Mathew a letter to the Liberator, 224. rpt. in Maguire 7 In Dublin and 92 James two of Haughton, the best-known were also figures prominent in the in Richard movement, antislavery the promotion of temperance, JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) Webb and in the meetings of a temperance founded there in 1831 took place in a room society the local antislavery took breakfast.' Father Mathew 27. society Kerrigan, that although Father Mathew 'had never felt the slightest doubt argues J. Mathew Cork where 8 Frank was a curse and a 'If he yet, slavery disgrace', his temperance he would have discarded work, that with and have made his American as I can do much overthrow to save men other any kind 9 Father Mathew, too, the Irish to sober up' 10 The Limerick Reporter in Ireland who 'was of slavery' would that 1845 reports a little of his severity plained that 'Such men had no right with towards slavery life-work, claimed as 'I have attempting to own exhortations to a Mr Mathew, the distillers he be excluded exists from the to Dowden. letter Father 'If any man words: reports Douglass's . . . as a may slave] in Douglass's at breakfast on of his without for all Punch's mocked, man principle Mathew 289). (Maguire another [treat ' an attack combined the main (179). Father of intemperance, slavery contemptuously sympathy. the ring is mentioned of gift 12 Douglass the (Foster 180). of 11 November of human pale 11 The fruitless' journey from had Wm. O'Connor to which of Cork' 'com? Mathew replied to prosper (Foner 5.8). by the ruin of others' 13 Isabel Jennings a greater sen? of Douglass, 'Never was wrote, [there] a person who made in Cork sation in all another she of beliefs'; said, letter, amongst religious Douglass's to the Church 'we think we have got contributions from persons visit, (of belonging never a person who could have been influenced who had himself England) except by ? we are silent' had no means suffered of approaching them and the clergymen (McFeely 124; and in Taylor 243-4). 14 The Constitution Cork Dublin Webb part of Ireland.' Douglas edition of his Narrative feared was 17 Anna Cork such 1845 tells us Examiner attended Atkins with quarrelled of endorsements endorsements 1:86; Harrison, Blassingame uary 1846. 16 The 16 October that classes'. by the working a 'hotbed Belfast of Presbyterianism thought can be struck 'a blow Webb, printer Richard 15 Douglass Dublin other of the Court House was meeting attended 'numerously of would Richard 15 October by 'over one Richardson the ladies'. text 2-3; the Churchism' but effectually inclusion two Belfast from Webb 1845 hundred over Webb frame Davis and Free here more in the that Douglass's reports 179. See Oldham Court the in any second ministers. Presbyterian 'sectarian' in narrowly Foner 1.66; Cork told than terms. House See 12 Jan? Examiner meeting was a member of the Society of Friends, and (1806-92) anti-Garrisonian British in and Foreign Her role Anti-Slavery Society. of Douglass's and 'her continued of Douglass and her freedom, support to the belonged the purchase friendship risonians', with Julia Griffith, 225n. Ripley Douglass's associate, made her suspect among British Gar Bibliography Andrews, William Blassingame, Yale UP, Curtis, Perry Smithsonian Cusack, M.F. John, on Frederick Douglass (ed.) Critical Essays et al. (ed.) The Frederick Douglass Papers. L. 1979-) L. Apes and Angels: Institution, The Speeches 1997) and Public The Irishman Letters in Victorian of the Liberator G.K. Hall, (Boston: 1991) Series 1. 5 vols. (New Haven: Caricature (Dublin, (Washington D.C.: 1875) JENKINS 'Beyond the Pale', Irish Review 24 (1999) 93 N. Carl Degler, of Our Out the forces Past; that shaped modern America York: (New Harper and Row, 1984) Dillon, William. Life ofJohn Mitchel 2 vols. (London, 1888) Brian. 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