DESC_385.fm Page 452 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM Developmental Science 5:4 (2002), pp 452–466 PAPER Blackwell Publishers Ltd From sharing to dividing: young children’s understanding of division From sharing to dividing Sarah Squire and Peter Bryant Department of Experimental Psychology, University of Oxford, UK Abstract Children have particular difficulty with division problems, as compared to sharing problems. An inability to discriminate between the dividend, divisor and quotient might contribute to their difficulty with division. This study investigates whether young children (5–9 years) were able to discriminate between the divisor and quotient in simple division problems that were modeled for them. Children were presented with partitive and quotitive division problems in which the dividend was grouped either by the divisor or by the quotient. The children showed a very different pattern of results in the partitive and quotitive problems; they found it easier to identify the answer (quotient) when the dividend was grouped by the divisor in partitive problems and by the quotient in quotitive problems. It is argued that children rely on a schema of action of creating ‘portions’ when they first learn about division, and that the ‘portions’ produced by sharing are different in partitive and quotitive problems. We discuss this finding in terms of the importance of problem representation, children’s schemas of action and mental models. In the study of children’s mathematical reasoning, there is increasing interest in the way in which children initially approach mathematical problems. This includes the way in which young children may use their informal experiences in solving mathematical problems (e.g. Carpenter & Lehrer, 1999), the way in which children may initially model mathematical problems using concrete materials or drawings (e.g. Carpenter, Ansell, Franke, Fennema & Weisbeck, 1993; Carpenter & Moser, 1982; Murray, Olivier & Human, 1992) and the mental models that young children may have for solving mathematical problems (e.g. Huttenlocher, Jordan & Levine, 1994). There are several reasons for the interest in children’s initial knowledge and informal strategies. One is that informal knowledge may be a key basis for learning formal knowledge (Baroody, Gannon, Berent & Ginsburg, 1984; Carpenter, Fennema & Franke, 1996; Hughes, 1986) and it is important that children make connections between informal and formal reasoning (e.g. Nunes, Schliemann & Carraher, 1993; Schoenfeld, 1991). By studying children’s informal strategies, we may establish important links between conceptual and procedural knowledge (e.g. Carpenter, Franke, Jacobs, Fennema & Empson, 1997; Hiebert, 1986; Hiebert & Carpenter, 1992; Rittle-Johnson & Siegler, 1998) and between children’s informal knowledge and the meaning of mathematical symbols (e.g. Mack, 1995). This research is also of central importance to the development of teaching strategies. It has been argued that children who use invented strategies based on their informal knowledge, and children who are encouraged to provide explanations for mathematical problems prior to learning standard algorithms are generally better at extending their knowledge to new situations than students who initially learn standard algorithms (Carpenter et al., 1997). Consequently, an important part of mathematics learning and teaching is to build on children’s intuitive strategies (e.g. De Abreu, Bishop & Pompeu, 1997; De Corte, Greer & Verschaffel, 1996; Fennema, Carpenter, Franke, Levi, Jacobs & Empson, 1996) and to mediate between children’s concrete representations and abstract mathematical problems (Gravemeijer, 1997). In general, very little is known about the connection between children’s early informal experiences in mathematics and their learning of mathematics in school (Bryant, 1997), whereas we know much more about the connections between children’s early experiences and their success in learning to read (e.g. Bradley & Bryant, 1985). Most of the research in young children’s mathematics has concentrated on children’s approaches to addition Address for correspondence: Sarah Squire, Department of Experimental Psychology, University of Oxford, South Parks Road, Oxford OX1 3UD, UK; e-mail: [email protected] © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. DESC_385.fm Page 453 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM From sharing to dividing and subtraction problems. There is evidence that children can construct methods for some addition and subtraction problems without explicit instruction (e.g. Carpenter & Fennema, 1992; Carpenter & Moser, 1982; Carraher, Carraher & Schliemann, 1987) but that they are quite sensitive to the context in which these problems are posed (e.g. Hughes, 1986; Riley, Greeno & Heller, 1983). Such research has led to the proposal that children develop mental models of situations which allow them to solve non-verbal addition and subtraction tasks before they acquire the conventional symbols for arithmetic and mathematical problems (Huttenlocher et al., 1994; Levine, Jordan & Huttenlocher, 1992). In all of this research, children demonstrate more understanding than one might observe if one were merely to present them with formal additive problems in which a calculation was required. However, despite this progress in understanding children’s additive reasoning, far less attention has been paid to children’s initial understanding of multiplicative reasoning, especially division. Although multiplicative reasoning might require a qualitative change in thinking from additive reasoning (Confrey, 1994; Piaget, 2001/ 1977; Steffe, 1994), it would not be surprising if children also had some informal understanding of multiplicative reasoning and demonstrated informal knowledge and effects of context similar to those that have been observed in addition and subtraction. We have some evidence that children as young as 4 years of age might have some understanding of fraction concepts if the use of conventional symbols is avoided (Goswami, 1989) and if they are given non-verbal tasks (Mix, Levine & Huttenlocher, 1999). This research is clearly relevant to children’s understanding of division because concepts such as multiplication, division, fractions and ratios all fall within the Multiplicative Conceptual Field – ‘a set of problems and situations for the treatment of which concepts, procedures and representations of different but narrowly interconnected types are necessary’ (Vergnaud, 1983, p. 127). However, we have much more information about older children’s and adults’ understanding of division problems (e.g. Lago, Rodriguez, Zamora & Madrono, 1999; Silver, Shapiro & Deutsch, 1993; Simon, 1993; Tirosh, 2000) than we have about the first stages of the problem-solving processes in multiplication and division word problems (Vershaffel & de Corte, 1997). Children’s early understanding of division is potentially a very interesting topic for two reasons. The first is that there is an informal, everyday activity – sharing – that may be important in children’s initial understanding of division. Sharing is dividing, in the sense that to share a quantity successfully is to divide a dividend into equal quotients. Teachers usually introduce division as a form © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 453 of sharing and this approach to teaching division can be justified because children are able to share quite proficiently. Even children in the Reception class (5-year-olds) are quite familiar with the phrase ‘share out’ (although, in the UK, the phrases ‘divide’, ‘divided by’ and ‘divided into’ are not introduced until Year 2, i.e. around 7 years; see Department for Education and Employment, 1999). A number of studies have demonstrated that most 4and 5-year-old children know how to share out quantities in a distributive (one for A, one for B) manner, and that by 5 years they tend to understand quite a lot about the basis of this procedure (e.g. Desforges & Desforges, 1980; Frydman & Bryant, 1988; Miller, 1984). In addition to children’s ability to share, it has been shown that young children are able to model division problems using concrete materials well before they have been formally taught about division (Carpenter et al., 1993; Correa, 1994) and that children’s initial strategies tend to reflect the action described in the problem (e.g. Marton & Neuman, 1996). Children’s proficiency with sharing means that this activity is a good candidate for the ‘schema of action’ (Piaget, 1972/1947) from which an understanding of division might develop. The second reason why children’s understanding of division is interesting is that the division problems that children encounter at school are very difficult for them. They find division much harder than addition or subtraction, even when quite small numbers are involved (e.g. Brown, 1981). The reason for the apparent contrast between children’s success in sharing and their difficulties with division problems at school must lie in differences between what children have to do when they share and when they divide. The purpose of a division problem is to work out the quotient; somebody trying to solve a division problem must understand that s/he has to divide the dividend by the divisor to produce the quotient. This does not, of course, have to imply an understanding of the terms dividend, divisor and quotient. Correa, Nunes and Bryant (1998) have argued that in order to have some understanding of division, children should demonstrate an understanding of the inverse relation between the divisor and the quotient. They investigated whether children aged between 5 and 7 years had any understanding of this relation by presenting them with problems in which food had to be shared at two parties – a red party and a blue party. There was the same given quantity of food at each party but there was a different number of recipients in each case (e.g. 12 sweets at each party, but three recipients at the blue party compared with four recipients at the red party). The children had to make a judgment about the relative size of the portions in each case. In order to be successful in these tasks, children had to understand that the DESC_385.fm Page 454 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM 454 Sarah Squire and Peter Bryant more recipients there were, the less food each recipient would receive. Correct answers thus reflected some understanding of the inverse relation between the divisor and the quotient. It was found that 5-year-olds had an imperfect understanding of the inverse relation between divisor and quotient (only 30% performed better than chance) but that the 7-year-olds performed reasonably well. Other studies, using slightly different tasks, have also documented similar improvements with age (Kornilaki, 1999; Sophian, Garyantes & Chang, 1997). Although these studies provide important information about children’s understanding of the inverse relation, they also raise other questions that require further research. One question is: Are young children able to distinguish between, and recognize the role of, different terms in division problems? This is a key aspect of understanding the meaning of an arithmetical operation: ‘It is important that students understand what each number in a multiplication or division expression represents’ (National Council for Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM), 2000). Children may be successful in distinguishing between the dividend, divisor and quotient and recognizing the role of each in the division problem even though (like the children in both Correa et al.’s (1998) and Sophian et al.’s (1997) studies) they are unfamiliar with the terms dividend, divisor and quotient and are unable to compute the answer to the division problem when it is posed in a conventional way. We suggest that the ability to distinguish these three terms (dividend, divisor and quotient) from each other, and to recognize the role of each in the division problem, is an important starting point in understanding division. It is quite easy to test children’s awareness of the distinction between these terms. The most direct way to do this is to model a division problem with concrete materials and to ask the child to identify the quotient. For example, one could model the division problem 12 ÷ 4 by having 12 sweets and 4 recipients (e.g. 4 children). Here the dividend is the 12 sweets and the divisor is the number of recipients of the sweets. This dividend (12) could then be broken up into groups of sweets in one of two ways. Either the sweets could be grouped by the divisor (the recipients) so that there is one group of sweets for each recipient, or they could be grouped by the quotient so that in each group there is one sweet for each recipient. In the first case, the sweets are formed into 4 groups of 3 (grouping by divisor); the fact that there is one group of sweets for each recipient means that it is similar to the end-point of sharing. In the second case (grouping by quotient), the sweets are formed into 3 groups of 4; there is one sweet in each group for each recipient and each group of sweets is like a round of sharing. In both cases the quotient is represented in © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 the model; the quotient is the number of sweets in each group in the first case (grouping by divisor) and the number of groups of sweets in the second case (grouping by quotient). If a child understands the operation of division s/he should be able, when asked about the quotient, to identify it correctly in both cases.1 The need to identify the quotient and to discriminate it from the divisor becomes clear when division problems are set in a specific context. This context can take one of two forms. The context for the problem that we have just described (and the context of Correa et al.’s problem described earlier) is partitive. In partitive problems, a dividend is shared equally among a certain number of recipients and the size of the portion (the quotient) depends on the number of recipients (the divisor). For example, if there are 12 sweets and there are 4 recipients (divisor) then the size of each portion (quotient) must be 3 sweets. The other context is quotitive. Here the dividend is divided into fixed portions (divisor) and the number of recipients (quotient) depends on the size of the portion. Here, if there are 12 sweets and they are distributed in bags of 4 (the divisor), then there can only be 3 recipients (the quotient). Of course, the problems do not have to be about sharing sweets; the same problem (12 ÷ 4) could be presented as both a partitive and a quotitive division problem concerning children sitting around tables. The partitive problem (for 12 ÷ 4) would be: ‘There are 12 girls and 4 tables. If the girls have to sit around the tables so that there is the same number of girls around each table, how many girls will there be on each table?’ The quotitive problem for 12 ÷ 4 would be: ‘There are 12 girls and they have to sit so that there are 4 girls on each table. If all of the children sit down, how many tables will we need?’ In the partitive problem, the divisor is the number of recipients (tables) and the quotient is the size of the portion (number of children on each table). The groups coincide with the ‘final equal portions’ (the end-point of sharing) when the dividend is grouped by the divisor (i.e. in the example above, when there are 4 equal sized groups of girls, one for each table). By contrast, in the quotitive problem, the divisor is the size of the fixed ‘portion’ (number of children on each table), and the quotient is the number of recipients (tables). In this case, the groups coincide with the final portions when they are grouped by the quotient (i.e. in the example above, when the girls are arranged into 3 groups, with 4 girls in each group). This leads to a clear prediction about a young child who can share perfectly but has an imperfect grasp of 1 Again, it should be emphasized that we are not interested in whether the child actually knows the terms ‘quotient’, ‘divisor’ and ‘dividend’ (indeed, we do not anticipate that young children would understand these terms). DESC_385.fm Page 455 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM From sharing to dividing the role of the divisor and quotient in a division problem. If one were to give such a child the kind of concrete model of a division problem that we have described, and ask him/her to identify the quotient, that child would manage much better when the objects were grouped into the final equal portions (the end-point of sharing) than when they were not. It should be apparent from the examples described that the role of the size of the portion and of the number of recipients actually reverses in partitive and quotitive problems. The child has to recognize that the significance of these two variables changes with the context in order to be able to identify the quotient in the concrete model. The change in context is one reason why the distinction between partitive and quotitive division is of interest. Although the underlying mathematical structure is the same for partitive and quotitive problems, it is possible that partitive and quotitive division problems may differ in difficulty (the evidence for this to date is very mixed, e.g. Bourgeois & Nelson, 1977; Correa et al., 1998; Fischbein, Deri, Nello & Marino, 1985; Gunderson, 1955; Zweng, 1964). The idea that the same problem may vary in difficulty depending on the context in which it is posed ties in to extensive research in cognitive psychology on isomorphic problems and the role of problem representation in accounting for problem difficulty and expert–novice differences (e.g. Kotovsky, Hayes & Simon, 1985; Kotovsky & Simon, 1990; Novick, 1988; Reed, Ernst & Banerji, 1974). The distinction between partitive and quotitive problems is also of interest because it is possible that the two types of division relate differently to sharing. We will return to these issues in the Discussion. To our knowledge, there is no evidence on children’s ability to detect the quotient and to distinguish it from the divisor. It is an interesting way to study children’s understanding at an age where they are able to model problems by manipulating concrete materials (Carpenter et al., 1993) and are beginning to understand something about the inverse relation between divisor and quotient (Correa et al., 1998; Sophian et al., 1997), but are as yet unable to compute the answers to the problems, because it provides insight into the conceptual structures that children might be using without requiring them to have knowledge of formal algorithms. Although the children are not required to carry out an arithmetical computation in these tasks, such problems are mathematical in the sense that they require the child to manipulate numbers, recognize the relevant variable and think about the link between the division word problem and the concrete material with which they are presented. Fennema, Sowder and Carpenter (1999) state that ‘included in the definition of school mathematics is also the way students think © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 455 about it, understand it, and manifest their understanding’ (p. 186) and we would argue that the types of modeling problems that we have described begin to investigate these aspects of division. The aim of our experiment was therefore to use models of division problems to investigate children’s understanding of division and to test the prediction that young children find it easier to identify the quotient when the portions are grouped by the divisor in partitive problems and by the quotient in quotitive problems. Method Participants One hundred and eighteen children from two state schools (with mixed socioeconomic status) took part in this study. There were 29 children (13 male and 16 female) in Year 1, 31 (15 male and 16 female) in Year 2, 30 (18 male and 12 female) in Year 3 and 28 children (11 male and 17 female) in Year 4. The mean age of the children in Year 1 was 5 years 7 months (ages ranged from 5 years 2 months to 6 years 2 months), the mean age of the children in Year 2 was 6 years 8 months (ages ranged from 6 years 2 months to 7 years 1 month), the mean age of the children in Year 3 was 7 years 9 months (ages ranged from 7 years 3 months to 8 years 2 months) and the mean age of the children in Year 4 was 8 years 11 months (ages ranged from 8 years 3 months to 9 years 7 months). A further child, who failed the pre-test, was excluded from the study. Design Each child was seen individually in two testing sessions; the second session took place within a week of the first session. In the first testing session, the child was given a sharing pre-test, which s/he had to pass in order to take part in the main study. The child was then given eight baseline trials, which included both partitive and quotitive division problems. The scores in these baseline trials were used to match children into two experimental groups. In the second session, one experimental group received partitive division problems and the other group received quotitive division problems. Materials and procedure Pre-test All children received a pre-test. This pre-test was loosely based on that used by Correa et al. (1998) and was DESC_385.fm Page 456 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM 456 Sarah Squire and Peter Bryant designed to ensure that the children who participated in the study were able to share and had some understanding of numerical equivalence. An A4 sized card was presented, on which there was a picture of four identical girls (7 cm in height) in a line at the top of the page. The child was also given eight red circular pieces of card, measuring 11 mm in diameter, which were the pretend ‘sweets’ to be shared. The child was asked to share the sweets out fairly between the girls. The pre-test was the only task in which the child was able to manipulate the materials. The experimenter asked the child how many sweets had been given to the first girl, then covered and removed the sweets and asked how many had been given to the other girls (numerical equivalence). Baseline trials Children who passed the pre-test were then given eight baseline trials in the same session. Figure 1a shows the type of picture that the child was presented with in a partitive baseline trial for the problem 12 ÷ 4. An A4 sized card was presented with pictures of girls (in blue) positioned randomly on the page and pictures of tables at the top of the page. Each picture of a girl measured 2.4 × 1 cm and each picture of a table measured 4.3 × 2.5 cm. The number of girls depended on the dividend and the number of tables depended on the divisor in the problem. Round tables were used to avoid children’s answers being influenced by the number of sides that the table had. In each partitive baseline trial, the child was presented with the picture for a particular problem and told how many girls and how many tables there were in the picture. The child was then asked how many girls s/he thought there would be on each table, if the girls sat down at the tables so that there was the same number on each table. Figure 1b shows the type of picture that the child was presented with in a quotitive baseline trial for the sum 12 ÷ 4. The pictures of the girls and of the tables were the same size as in the partitive baseline trials. An A4 sized card was presented with pictures of girls (in blue) positioned randomly on the page and a picture of one table at the top of the page, with a certain number of girls sitting around it. The total number of blue girls depended on the dividend and the number of girls around the table depended on the divisor in the problem. The girls around the table were dressed in red rather than blue, so that they could be distinguished from the pictures of girls waiting to sit down (but note that the red and blue colors are not shown in Figure 1b). It was explained to the child that the blue class had to sit at the tables in the same way as the red class (e.g. with three girls at each table). On each quotitive trial, the child was presented with the picture for a particular problem and told how many girls there © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 Figure 1 Schematic representation of (a) a baseline partitive division problem for the problem 12 ÷ 4. (b) and the equivalent baseline quotitive division problem for the problem 12 ÷ 4. Note that the girls around the table in (b) were a different color from the other girls. were, and how many girls had to be seated on each table. The child was then asked how many tables would be needed for all of the girls in the blue class to sit down. The eight problems presented in the baseline trials were: 12 ÷ 2, 12 ÷ 3, 12 ÷ 4, 12 ÷ 6, 15 ÷ 3, 15 ÷ 5, 20 ÷ 4 and 20 ÷ 5. Four of these problems (12 ÷ 2, 12 ÷ 4, 15 ÷ 5 and 20 ÷ 4) were partitive trials and the other four problems (12 ÷ 3, 12 ÷ 6, 15 ÷ 3 and 20 ÷ 5) were quotitive trials. The problems were presented in the same random order for each child. Half the children received the partitive tasks first and the remainder received the quotitive tasks first. A time limit of approximately 25 s was imposed on each baseline trial. After this time, the child was prompted, and if s/he still failed to answer the experimenter proceeded to the next trial. No feedback was given about the correctness of the response. The scores achieved in the baseline trials were used to match the DESC_385.fm Page 457 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM From sharing to dividing (a) Grouping -byDivisor (b) Grouping -byQuotient (a) Grouping -byDivisor 457 (b) Grouping -byQuotient Figure 2 Schematic representation of a partitive division problem (12 ÷ 4) in (a) the Grouping-by-Divisor, and (b) Grouping-by-Quotient condition. Figure 3 Schematic representation of a quotitive division problem (12 ÷ 4) in (a) the Grouping-by-Divisor, and (b) Grouping-by-Quotient condition. The girls around the table in (b) were a different color from the other girls. children to each of the two types of division problems (partitive and quotitive) in the experimental trials. quotitive) and the within-subject factor was Condition (Grouping-by-Divisor vs. Grouping-by-Quotient). Figure 2 illustrates the type of picture presented in the Grouping-by-Divisor and Grouping-by-Quotient condition of a partitive experimental trial. Figure 3 illustrates the type of picture presented in the Grouping-by-Divisor and Grouping-by-Quotient condition of a quotitive experimental trial. Note that, in a particular trial, there was only ever one vertical line of girls, positioned down the centre of the page. The pictures of the girls and the tables were the same size as in the baseline trials but this time the pictures of the girls were positioned in small equal sized groups in a vertical line, with a 2 cm space between each group. This required larger sheets of card, measuring approximately 29 × 64 cm. In the Groupingby-Divisor condition, the number of groups was the same as the value of the divisor and the number in each group Experimental trials The experimental trials were presented in the second session. Each child received only one type of division problem – partitive or quotitive – in the experimental trials. The key difference between the baseline trials and the experimental trials was that in the baseline trials the girls were not grouped whereas in the experimental trials the girls were grouped either by the divisor (the Grouping-by-Divisor condition), or by the quotient (the Grouping-by-Quotient condition). Each child received four problems in each condition. In summary, the between-subjects factors in the experimental tasks were Year (1, 2, 3 or 4) and Type of division (partitive vs. © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 DESC_385.fm Page 458 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM 458 Sarah Squire and Peter Bryant was the same as the value of the quotient. In the Groupingby-Quotient condition, the number of groups was the same as the quotient and the number of girls in each group was the same as the value of the divisor. The experimental tasks were conducted in one corner of the classroom. The child sat beside the experimenter and the materials were clipped onto a large board placed in front of them. At the beginning of each session, the experimenter reminded the child about the problems that s/he had solved in the previous session concerning children sitting around tables. The experimenter then explained that the child was going to solve some similar problems again, but that this time the girls were in groups, ready to sit down for dinner. The experimenter began a particular trial by placing the relevant picture for that trial onto the board facing the child. She told the child how many girls there were, and either how many tables there were (partitive), or how many girls had to sit around each table (quotitive). The experimenter then asked the child two questions: Table 1 Mean scores in the baseline trials according to year (maximum score = 4) Type of division Year N Year 1 Mean Standard Deviation 29 Year 2 Mean Standard Deviation 31 Year 3 Mean Standard Deviation 30 Year 4 Mean Standard Deviation 28 Partitive Quotitive 0.52 0.74 0.55 1.02 1.52 1.31 1.39 1.36 2.17 1.42 2.13 1.48 2.79 0.96 3.21 0.83 Results (i) How many groups of girls are there? (ii) How many girls are there in each group? The order of asking these questions was counterbalanced across children and across conditions. The experimenter then summarized the information by saying: ‘So, there are x groups and there are y girls in each group’ [in the case of the order (i), (ii) ] and reminded the child about how many tables there were (partitive) or how many girls had to be placed on each table (quotitive). The child was then asked the crucial question, which was how many girls would be seated at each table (in the partitive tasks) or how many tables were needed (in the quotitive tasks). As in the baseline trials, the color cues in the quotitive task helped children to realize that they were being asked about how many tables were required for the blue class to sit down. If the child seemed to be including the table shown at the top of the page, s/he was reminded that the experimenter only needed to know how many more tables were required, for the blue class. Each child received the same eight problems as had been presented as baseline trials. Half the problems were assigned to the Grouping-by-Divisor condition and half to the Grouping-by-Quotient condition. The correct answer was equally often larger than the divisor as it was smaller than the divisor. Counterbalancing occurred across children such that the problems assigned to the Grouping-by-Divisor condition in half of the children were assigned to the Grouping-by-Quotient condition in the other children and vice versa. The child was not given any feedback regarding whether or not s/he had answered correctly. © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 Baseline trials Each child was given a score of 1 for each baseline trial that was correct and a score of 0 for each incorrect trial. Table 1 presents the baseline scores. An analysis of variance (ANOVA) was carried out on these scores; the two between-subjects factors in the analysis were Type of division in the experimental tasks (partitive vs. quotitive) and Year (1, 2, 3 or 4) and there were repeated measures on Baseline scores (partitive vs. quotitive). An alpha level of 0.05 was used for all statistical tests. The only significant effect was that of Year [F(3, 110) = 29.4, p < 0.001], indicating that the older children achieved higher baseline scores. The main effect of Type of division in the experimental tasks was not significant [F(1, 110) = 0.070], which showed that it was not possible to ascribe any differences between the groups in the experimental tasks to initial differences between the two groups of children. The ANOVA also demonstrated that the partitive and quotitive problems were of comparable difficulty when presented in the baseline tasks because there was no significant effect of Baseline scores [F(1, 110) = 0.437]. Experimental tasks Each child was given a score of 1 for each experimental trial that was correct and a score of 0 for each incorrect trial. The maximum possible score in each condition was 4. Table 2 presents the mean scores. The most interesting result was that differences were found between the mean scores achieved in the Grouping- DESC_385.fm Page 459 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM From sharing to dividing 459 Table 2 Mean score in each condition of the experimental tasks (maximum score is 4) Type of division Partitive Year n Year 1 Mean Standard Deviation 14 Year 2 Mean Standard Deviation 15 Year 3 Mean Standard Deviation 15 Year 4 Mean Standard Deviation 14 Grouping -byDivisor Grouping -byQuotient 1.71 1.64 0.43 0.65 2.47 1.55 1.33 1.35 2.47 1.19 2.07 1.39 3.93 0.27 2.86 1.10 n Grouping -byDivisor Grouping -byQuotient 0.87 1.25 1.93 1.53 1.75 1.34 2.50 1.51 1.87 1.19 3.53 0.83 3.21 0.97 3.86 0.36 15 16 15 14 by-Divisor and Grouping-by-Quotient conditions, depending on the type of division problem. Figure 4 shows that in the partitive tasks the Grouping-by-Divisor condition was much easier than the Grouping-by-Quotient condition. In the quotitive tasks, the reverse pattern was found; the Grouping-by-Quotient condition was much easier than the Grouping-by-Divisor condition. This pattern occurred in all years. The between-subjects factors in the ANOVA of these results were Year (1, 2, 3 or 4) and Type of division Figure 4 Mean scores (+95% confidence intervals) obtained in each condition in the partitive and quotitive division problems. © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 Quotitive (partitive vs. quotitive), and there were repeated measures on Condition (Grouping-by-Divisor vs. Groupingby-Quotient). The only significant main effect was of Year [F(3, 110) = 25.1, p < 0.001]. This confirmed that the children’s performance in the experimental tasks improved with age. There was no main effect of type of division. There was a significant Type of division × Condition interaction [F(1, 110) = 62.1, p < 0.001]. Post-hoc analysis (Bonferroni t-tests) revealed that there was a significant difference between the mean scores achieved in the Grouping-by-Divisor and the Grouping-by-Quotient conditions in both types of division problem. However, in the partitive tasks the higher score was achieved in the Grouping-by-Divisor condition and in the quotitive tasks the higher score was achieved in the Grouping-by-Quotient condition. This confirmed that the Grouping-by-Divisor condition was the ‘easy’ condition in the partitive tasks whereas the ‘Grouping-by-Quotient’ condition was the ‘easy’ condition in the quotitive tasks. The children’s age (the variable of Year) did not interact with any of the other variables. We will comment on the implications of the absence of a significant Year × Type of Division × Condition interaction in the Discussion. The general improvement with age, demonstrated by the significant Year term in the analysis, could be explained in two ways. One is that there is a growing understanding with age of the mathematical relationships in division, and particularly of the relations between divisor and quotient. The other is that older children have more knowledge of the number facts (e.g. are more likely to know that 12 ÷ 4 = 3) and are therefore more successful in all types of division problem. DESC_385.fm Page 460 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM 460 Sarah Squire and Peter Bryant Our hypothesis is that the first alternative is the correct one, and in order to investigate this we carried out an analysis of co-variance. In this analysis the main terms were the same as in the analysis that we have just described, and the co-variate was the children’s scores in the baseline trials. We used the baseline scores as the co-variate because, in our opinion, they provided a reasonably good measure of the children’s ability to carry out simple numerical divisions.2 If the improvement with age in the experimental problems was merely a matter of their knowledge of simple division facts, the year difference should no longer be significant when the baseline problems are entered as a co-variate. In fact, the results of the analysis of co-variance were very similar to those of the previous analysis. The main term of Year [F(3, 109) = 3.33, p < 0.05] and the Type of division × condition interaction [F(1, 109) = 61.53, p < 0.001] were again significant. How did children’s performance in the experimental tasks compare with their performance in the baseline tasks? Comparison of Tables 2 and 3 suggests that there is very little difference between children’s mean scores in the baseline tasks and their mean scores in the ‘difficult’ experimental tasks. However, it appears that their mean scores in the ‘easy’ experimental tasks were much higher than their mean scores in the baseline tasks. In order to investigate this, four further ANOVAs were performed. In these analyses, children’s scores in either the partitive or quotitive baseline tasks were compared with the two conditions in the experimental tasks. In other words, in these ANOVAs Year was the between-subjects factor and there were repeated measures on Task (baseline vs. one experimental condition). Two ANOVAs were carried out on the data from children who received the partitive experimental tasks. In the first ANOVA, the between-subjects factor was Year and there were repeated measures on Task (partitive baseline vs. Grouping-by-Divisor [‘easy’] experimental). There 2 Ideally, we would have had a direct measure of children’s knowledge of division facts. However, we wanted the control trials to be as similar as possible to the experimental trials in terms of the materials presented and that is why we chose to give the children ‘baseline’ trials in which the same problems and materials were presented and where the only difference was that the items were not grouped. Although we cannot be sure that children used knowledge of division facts in the baseline trials, they were unable to manipulate the materials and so could not have used a simple strategy such as sharing, or direct manipulation or grouping of the items to be shared. Also, there was an improvement in the baseline scores with age and we think that the most likely explanation for this is associated with an increase in knowledge of division facts or multiplication tables. © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 were significant main effects of Year [F(3, 54) = 12.2, p < 0.001] and Task [F(1, 54) = 26.8, p < 0.001], showing that children’s scores in the ‘easy’ partitive experimental trials were better than their scores in the partitive baseline trials. In the second ANOVA, the between-subjects factor was Year and there were repeated measures on Task (partitive baseline vs. Grouping-by-Quotient [‘difficult’] experimental). There was a significant main effect of Year [F(3, 54) = 28.9, p < 0.001], but no significant effect of Task [F = 0.734]. This shows that children’s scores in the ‘difficult’ experimental condition in the partitive tasks were no better than those achieved in the baseline trials. Two similar ANOVAs were carried out on the data from children who received the quotitive experimental tasks. In the first ANOVA, Year was the between-subjects factor and there were repeated measures on Task (baseline quotitive vs. Grouping-by-Quotient [‘easy’] experimental). The ANOVA revealed significant main effects of Year [F(3, 56) = 15.4, p < 0.001] and Task [F(1, 56) = 39.9, p < 0.001], showing that children’s scores in the ‘easy’ quotitive experimental trials were better than their scores in the quotitive baseline scores. The final ANOVA, with the between-subjects factor of Year and repeated measures on Task (baseline quotitive vs. Grouping-by-Divisor [‘difficult’] experimental), revealed only a significant effect of Year [F(3, 56) = 16.8, p < 0.001] and no main effect of Task [F = 0.004]. None of the above analyses revealed a significant Year × Task interaction. Together, these analyses show that children’s scores in the ‘difficult’ experimental condition were no better than their scores in the baseline trials, but that their scores in the ‘easy’ experimental trials were significantly better than their scores in the baseline tasks. Children’s errors We also looked at the kind of errors that children made. When the children got the quotient wrong they could give one of the other two terms in the problem – the dividend or the divisor – as the answer. Alternatively, they could give an answer that represented none of these three terms (‘other’).3 Table 3 shows the proportion of these different types of error that children made. It is apparent from Table 3 that divisor errors were not proportionally more frequent in the ‘difficult’ conditions 3 Approximately 13% of the ‘other’ errors were null responses. Most of the ‘other’ errors were arbitrary numbers, but these numbers were almost always smaller then the dividend (i.e. the ‘other’ number that the child gave as the answer tended to fall between 1 and 20). Quite often the child gave a number that was close in size to either the quotient or the divisor, but which did not correspond to either of these numbers. DESC_385.fm Page 461 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM From sharing to dividing Table 3 The proportion of different types of error made in each type of division problem and in each condition Type of error Division problem and condition Divisor Dividend Other Partitive Grouping-by-Divisor Grouping-by-Quotient 29.1 27.4 3.80 0.74 67.1 71.9 Quotitive Grouping-by-Divisor Grouping-by-Quotient 48.4 40.6 9.52 15.6 42.1 43.8 than the ‘easy’ conditions in either the partitive or the quotitive tasks; therefore, the kind of error made does not tell us much about the reasons for the pattern of performance in the experimental trials. However, one noticeable pattern observed from Table 3 is that divisor errors and dividend errors accounted for a greater proportion of the total errors in both conditions of the quotitive tasks than in both conditions in the partitive tasks. Sign tests4 showed that in both conditions in the quotitive tasks, there was no difference between the number of children who made more divisor errors than other errors, and the number of children who showed the reverse pattern. By contrast, a sign test showed that the number of children who made more other errors than divisor errors in the Grouping-by-Quotient condition of the partitive tasks was greater than the number of children who showed the reverse pattern (z = 4.07, p < 0.0001). In the Grouping-by-Divisor condition of the partitive tasks the same pattern was observed, although it did not reach significance. Why might a greater proportion of divisor errors have occurred in quotitive tasks than in the partitive tasks? There are several possible explanations, all related to the differences between the partitive and quotitive tasks. In the partitive task, the children answered a question about how many girls there would be around each table. It is possible that the children were more inclined to give arbitrary numbers in this task (e.g. based on their knowledge of how many children sit on each table in their classroom, at dinner or at home) than when asked about the number of tables in the quotitive tasks. Thus, children may have been more likely to give an ‘arbitrary’ number in the partitive tasks and a number that they had heard in the question in the quotitive tasks. 4 Note that Chi-square tests could not be used because the data are not independent; the same children made more than one type of error. Also, it was of little use to consider the actual numbers of errors made because it has already been established that, overall, more errors were made in one condition than the other (depending on the type of division). © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 461 Another possible explanation could be that in the partitive tasks the child was able to see the number of tables (divisor). In the quotitive tasks, the number of girls on each table represented the divisor but there was no explicit representation of the tables (as the number of tables was the quotient in these problems). It may therefore have been more difficult for children to have imagined allocating groups of girls to each table. This did not result in an overall difference in difficulty between partitive and quotitive tasks, but it might explain why there were different patterns of errors. In the partitive tasks, it might have been fairly easy to detect a ‘mismatch’ between the number of tables and the number of groups of girls in the difficult condition; if this happened, the child probably realized that the correct answer could not be the number of girls in each group (the divisor) and may instead have given an arbitrary numerical response. In cases where children were not sure about the answer in the quotitive tasks, it may have been more difficult for them to have noticed a ‘mismatch’ between the number of children in each group and the number of children which had to be put on each table. In other words, the size of the divisor may have been less salient in the quotitive tasks (there was always a picture of one table at the top of the page and it was the number of girls around it that varied). Children who made errors in the quotitive tasks may have experienced difficulty in deciding whether the girls in the picture were grouped by the divisor or by the quotient. This could have caused confusion between the divisor and the quotient and resulted in a greater proportion of ‘divisor’ errors overall in the quotitive tasks. It is worth commenting on the fact that, in both types of division, very few dividend errors were made. This suggests that children realized that the answer was smaller than the dividend, and were more likely to confuse the quotient with the divisor than with the dividend (this is consistent with other research, e.g. Squire & Bryant, 2002). Discussion The main result from this experiment is that, in both the partitive and the quotitive tasks, one condition was much easier for children than the other. However, there was a striking difference between the partitive and quotitive tasks in terms of which condition children found easier. In the partitive task, the ‘easy’ condition was the Grouping-by-Divisor condition and the ‘difficult’ one was the Grouping-by-Quotient condition. In the quotitive task, the reverse was true; the Grouping by-Quotient condition was easy and the Grouping-by-Divisor condition was difficult. DESC_385.fm Page 462 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM 462 Sarah Squire and Peter Bryant Non-mathematical factors must be involved because in mathematical terms there is no difference between the two conditions; the divisor and the quotient are represented in both conditions (via the number of sets and the number of girls in each set). In our view, the most convincing reason for this difference between the two conditions in each type of division problem is a psychological one. The easy condition coincided with the ‘portions’ and therefore the child could use a strategy of portion allocation, whereas this strategy would not be successful in the difficult condition. The child may have had a ‘mental model’ (Johnson-Laird, 1983) of the problem in which the dividend was grouped into portions and where the easy model coincided with these portions whereas the difficult condition did not. Johnson-Laird argues that although some models may be highly artificial and acquired only by cultural training (e.g. in pure mathematics), others are ‘presumably acquired without explicit instruction, and used by everyone in the course of such universal processes as inference and language comprehension’ (Johnson-Laird, 1983, p. 11). According to this approach, it is quite plausible that informal experience could contribute to the formation of a ‘mental model’ of a concept and hence that children could begin to acquire a mental model of division through sharing, which provides such experience. In other words, sharing might be the ‘schema of action’5 (Nunes & Bryant, 1996; Piaget, 1972/1947) from which an understanding of division develops. The pattern of results that we have described fits well with this notion because we already have evidence that children might have different schemas of action for partitive and quotitive division. When given concrete materials, children often model partitive problems by grouping by the divisor and quotitive problems by grouping by the quotient (e.g. Carpenter et al., 1993; Correa, 1994; Murray et al., 1992). The ‘easy’ condition in both our partitive and quotitive problems was the one in which the model presented to the children coincided with the model of the problem that they would probably have created themselves. This suggests that young children’s mental models of division may be the result of their experience of sharing and of creating portions. The theory of schemas of action is a developmental one. It includes the claim that children start from these schemas and progress, as they grow older, to a more abstract understanding of the mathematical concept in question. If correct, one would expect that the differences that we found between the easy and the difficult 5 ‘Schemas of action’ are familiar actions that might provide a first understanding of arithmetic operations, because the logical requirements and relationships that must be kept constant in arithmetical operations also have to be invariant in the child’s schema of action (Nunes & Bryant, 1996; Piaget, 1972/1947; Vergnaud, 1985). © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 conditions in the two types of division would diminish with age. Yet, this did not happen. In our study, older children found the same tasks easy and difficult as the younger ones did, and in our analysis of the results the interaction which would have shown a diminution of the pattern of differences (the Year × Type of division × Condition interaction) was not significant. One possible explanation for this is that the older children were more familiar with the division facts and used these more often than the younger children did. However, our analysis of co-variance suggests that it is not this simple, because when the children’s baseline scores were added as a co-variate in the analysis of our results, there was still a significant effect of Year. This means that the older children’s better performance is unlikely to simply be due to their greater knowledge of division facts. An alternative explanation for the age differences is that children become more able to concentrate on the abstract relations between the mathematical terms in these problems as they grow older. In other words, one condition continues to coincide better with children’s mental model of the problem (built up from their schema of action) than the other, possibly explaining why the difference between the easy and the difficult conditions in our study did not diminish with age. Older children may achieve higher scores in both conditions because they can also use their understanding of the relations between the variables in division problems – such as the interchangeability between the divisor and quotient (e.g. if 12 ÷ 4 = 3, 12 ÷ 3 = 4) – to find solutions. This should help them in all the problems, and not just in the more difficult ones. One reason why this explanation is a plausible one is because of the evidence that children’s understanding of the inverse relation between the divisor and the quotient improves significantly across the age range that we studied (Correa et al., 1998; Sophian et al., 1997). An interesting question for future research is whether the difference between the two conditions would diminish if even older children or adults were studied. Older children might be expected to have a greater understanding of the concept of interchangeability and to also have better working memory, making it easier for them to ‘transform’ the model that they are presented with into a model that coincides with their mental model (e.g. to imagine re-grouping three groups of four into four groups of three). Alternatively, it is possible that the difference in difficulty between the two conditions might also exist with older participants; the ‘easy’ condition may still coincide better with their mental model of the problem and therefore remain easier to solve. Also, an improvement in the understanding of the relations between terms in division problems might continue to improve performance in both conditions. Further DESC_385.fm Page 463 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM From sharing to dividing research (possibly using more difficult division problems, or response times) would be required to distinguish between these two possibilities. Presenting children with models of division problems in which the objects are grouped in the two different ways – Grouping-by-Divisor and Grouping-by-Quotient – should help them to go beyond sharing (and a simple strategy of portion-allocation) to consider the structure of the problem with respect to the dividend, divisor and quotient. It may also help children to mentally reorganize the model that they are presented with (e.g. to reorganize four groups of three into three groups of four)6 and this could help to improve children’s understanding of multiplicative relations. Since the difficult condition in the partitive problems (Grouping-by-Quotient) is the easy condition in the quotitive problems and vice versa, the different conditions also provide the opportunity for children to learn something about the relation between partitive and quotitive division. In the educational and the psychological literature considerable emphasis is placed on providing children with different problem representations. The NCTM (2000) suggests that ‘understanding of the meanings of these operations [multiplication and division] should grow deeper as they [children] encounter a range of representations and problem situations’ (p. 148). This view is also reflected in the psychology literature about children’s mathematics (e.g. Gravemeijer, 1997; Murray et al., 1992; Nunes, 1999) and in other fields of psychology. For example, Spiro, Feltovich, Coulson and Anderson (1989) recommend that multiple analogies be used in learning about complex concepts. Our study suggests that children may have two different schemas for the operation of ‘division’ (sharing in partitive division versus forming quotas in quotitive division). In order to bridge the gap between their informal and formal understanding, children need to anchor their understanding of the mathematical operation of division with the schemas of action for both partitive and quotitive division and, eventually, these actions schemas must also be related to the conventional sign(s) for the operation of division. Our study also highlights the importance of presentation in children’s problem solving; although the underly6 We have some anecdotal evidence that, in the difficult conditions, some children tried to restructure the model. For example, in one partitive problem (20 girls who had to be seated fairly around 4 tables) in the Grouping-by-Quotient condition (i.e. five groups of four girls), a Year 3 child explained that he was solving the problem by putting one group of girls on each table and with last group, he was putting one girl on the 1st table, one on the 2nd table, one on the 3rd table and so on. In this way, the child mentally reorganized the model into a more meaningful context, which was one that coincided with the end-point of sharing (four equal groups of girls for the four tables). This strategy resulted in him giving the correct answer. © Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 2002 463 ing mathematical structure was the same for partitive and quotitive problems, how the problem was presented had an impact on problem difficulty. Extensive research in cognitive psychology has shown that the manner in which problems are represented produces substantial differences in difficulty (Kotovsky & Simon, 1990). For example, Hayes and Simon (1974, 1977) showed that there were great differences in difficulty between sets of problems that were isomorphic (possessed the same structure) but which were described by different cover stories and therefore engendered different representations. Differences in problem representation have also been used to explain some of the differences between experts and novices (Adelson, 1984; Chi, Feltovich & Glaser, 1981). It has been argued (e.g. Novick, 1988) that although surface information may be included in the representations of both experts and novices, experts’ representations include abstract, structural features of the problem (e.g. how the quantities in the problem are related to each other). For this reason, when two analogical problems share surface, but not structural similarity, one might expect spontaneous negative transfer to be stronger for novices (focusing on surface similarities) than for experts (Novick, 1988). However, this prediction has not always been confirmed in the literature; Novick (1988) found that experts were just as likely as novices to think that the two complex arithmetic word problems should be solved in a similar manner because they had similar surface features. This could be because surface similarities between problems are very salient and readily learned (Lewis & Anderson, 1985; Medin & Ortony, 1989). Our findings tie in well with this research because we found that even the older children (who might be considered more ‘expert’) showed a difference in difficulty between the two conditions. The older children continued to find one condition easier than the other and this may have been because they were not always examining the underlying structure of the problem, but were instead relying on surface features (e.g. both problems are about sitting girls around tables). Interestingly, Novick found that the only response measure which was sensitive to experts’ superior performance was the type of solution procedures used, not the time taken to complete the problem, or accuracy of solutions (which was the response measure in our experiment). This raises an interesting question for future research, which is whether any developmental changes might have occurred if strategies used in the two conditions (and two types of division problem) were considered as the response measure. To summarize, our results are consistent with the idea that children begin to solve division problems by relying on their mental model of the problem, which is built up DESC_385.fm Page 464 Monday, October 7, 2002 4:25 PM 464 Sarah Squire and Peter Bryant from a schema of action that depends on the context. Our claim is that the experience of sharing may influence children’s mental models of division. When sharing, children allocate equal portions and we claim that children found it easy to answer the problems that we gave them when the sets in the model corresponded to the portions. More generally, we have also argued that it may be important to expose children to different problem representations and problem contexts in order to improve their ability to recognize the important variables in a problem, to develop their conceptual understanding of multiplicative relations and encourage them to think flexibly in particular and diverse contexts. Further research, including longitudinal studies, is required to establish whether there is a direct link between children’s ability to share and their understanding of division. Acknowledgements We thank the Medical Research Council (UK) for providing a graduate studentship for the first author. We are also grateful to the teachers and children of North Kidlington Primary School and Wolvercote County First School for taking part in this project. References Adelson, B. (1984). When novices surpass experts: the difficulty of a task may increase with expertise. 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