Migration, Bureaucratic Reform and Institutional Persistence: Evidence from US Municipalities Alexander Bolton1 , James R. Hollyer2 , and Leonard Wantchekon3 1 2 Princeton University University of Minnesota 3 Princeton University March 2014 H IGHLY P RELIMINARY: P LEASE D O N OT C IRCULATE Abstract The manner with which a government recruits its bureaucratic agents impacts state capacity, public goods provision, levels of corruption, and economic performance. In this paper, we examine the determinants of meritocratic (as opposed to patronage-based) recruitment. To do so, we exploit a shock to the composition of the US electorate and labor force: mass migration from the close of the 19th through the beginning of the 20th century. We exploit variation in the composition of migration and in institutional forms at the municipal level to assess a series of explanations for merit reform. These explanations stress the importance of culture, human capital, economic performance, and social cleavages. Our preliminary results indicate support for cultural and human capital-based explanations of reform. As work progresses, we intend to further assess whether historical shocks brought about by immigration had persistent effects on government performance, mediated by institutional changes. The creation of a professionalized apolitical civil service is a critical step in the evolution of state capacity. Governments that have adopted meritocratic civil service reforms provide more public goods, experience lower levels of corruption, and – perhaps as a result – achieve more rapid rates of economic growth than states that rely on patronage to staff bureaucratic offices (see, respectively, Rauch, 1995; Rauch and Evans, 2000; Evans and Rauch, 1999).1 The decision to adopt civil service reforms thus has important implications both for the evolution of the state and for economic development. In this paper, we examine the adoption of civil service reforms by US municipalities in the late-19th and early-20th centuries. Specifically, we examine the effects of an enormous shock to the composition of municipal labor forces and electorates that took place during this time – the influx of more than 17 million migrants into the US around the turn of the 19th into the 20th century (Goldin, 1993). We examine a variety of avenues through with migration might impact civil service reform – through changes to the cultural composition of cities, changes in their levels of human capital, changes in the level of fractionalization among ethnic groups, and changes in the polarization of ethnic groups. And we assess whether the institutional changes induced by these shocks have persistent effects on levels of corruption, public goods delivery, and measures of state capacity through to the present day. To presage our results (to date):2 Raw measures of the percentage of immigrants in a municipality’s population are only weakly correlated with the adoption of civil service reforms. However, there appears to be a strong relationship between the percentage of Northern and Western European immigrants and the adoption of civil service boards – the percentage of immigrants from other source countries is typically not significantly – and in the case of central and eastern European immigrants, negatively – correlated with reform. These results persist after controlling for literacy levels (in English), suggesting that the effect of immigration may be due to cultural factors, rather than due to the high levels of human capital possessed by Northern and Western European immigrants. Nor does it appear that immigration’s effect is mediated by its influence on levels of cultural fractionalization or polarization. Northern and Western European immigration appears to correlate slightly with measures of government performance in the present day. We proceed as follows: First, we discuss the history of civil service reform and immigration in the late-19th and early-20th centuries, and why scholars have pointed to links between these two phenomena. Section 2 discusses in detail the mechanisms through which immigration shocks might influence civil service adoption. We develop four competing hypotheses relating to these various mechanisms, which we subject to empirical scrutiny. Section 3 discusses the related literature. Sections 4 and 5 discuss the data and methods we employ, and present our empirical results to date. Section 6 discusses steps we plan to take as we continue to advance this project. Finally, Section 7 concludes. 1 Krause, Lewis and Douglas (2006) contend that bureaucratic performance is maximized by a mixed system of meritocratic and political appointments to the bureaucracy. The former, they argue, increase bureaucratic competence; while the latter addresses agency problems between the elected executive and her subordinates. 2 Our work on this project remains on-going. 1 1 Migration and Reform The latter half of the 19th century, and the first few decades of the 20th, witnessed one of the most profound transformations of US society and demographics in the nation’s history. A massive surge in immigration had dramatic effects on American culture, on the labor market, and on politics. Abramitzky, Boustan and Eriksson (2012) estimate that, between 1850 and 1913, the US experienced an inflow of 30 million immigrants. Goldin (1993) notes that 17 million immigrants arrived on US shores in the 25 years to 1921. This inflow was attributable, in part, to the US government’s open-door policy with regards to (European) immigration: prior to the Emergency Quota Act of 1921, such immigration was virtually unrestricted (Goldin, 1993).3 This surge in immigration coincided with a substantial transformation of American political institutions, often termed the Age of Reform. Beginning with the passage of the Pendleton Act in 1883 affecting the federal bureaucracy and the creation of municipal civil service boards in such cities as Boston (1885), a wave of ‘good government’ reforms was launched at the federal, state and municipal levels (Civil Service Agencies in the United States: A 1937 Census, 1938). This wave of reforms would reach its height in the early 20th century, when the governing institutions of many US cities were radically restructured – including not only the creation of civil services, but also the appointing of city counselors and the replacement of mayors and city councils with commissions with dual executive and legislative powers (Rauch, 1995). Though the Age of Reform largely concluded by the 1930s, several states would not create systematic civil service procedures until well-past mid-century (Folke, Hirano and Snyder, 2011). The Age of Reform thus left considerable variation in the structures of local state and municipal governments as its legacy. The links between these two trends – immigration and the Age of Reform – have often been commented upon by both historians and political scientists. Notably, urban political ‘machines’ – which were built largely through patronage politics – relied heavily on immigrants as members. For instance, the Tammany Hall Democrats of William ‘Boss’ Tweed catered to the interests of Irish working class immigrants – both in terms of policies and in terms of appointments to bureaucratic and party offices (Ackerman, 2005). Many years later, Richard Daley rose to political prominence in Chicago through Irish social and political organizations in the Bridgeport neighborhood on Chicago’s South Side. He later came to dominate Chicago politics through a political machine that relied heavily on working class first- and second-generation immigrant support, loosely allied to an analogous clientelistic organization that operated in African-American districts on the South Side headed by Congressman William Dawson (Royko, 1971). The reliance of urban political machines on immigrant support fostered theories linking immigration and reform in the academic literature. For instance, Banfield and Wilson (1963) suggest that immigrant constituencies played a prominent role in determining the shape of US municipal politics. Their explanation centers on the causal role of culture. An ‘Anglo-Saxon’ ethos, they contend, prevails among native born 3 The open-door did not extend to non-European immigrants. Notably, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 effectively baned Chinese immigration. Restrictions on Japanese immigration were agreed to in the bilateral ‘Gentleman’s Agreement’ with the government of Japan in 1907. 2 Americans and British descendants. This ethos stresses the ethical and practical necessity of a competent and impartial state. Government administration should be impartial – a crucial tenet of equality before the law. In essence, this ethos conformed with the ideals of the Weberian state (see Gerth and Mills, 1970).4 By contrast, many immigrants – particularly those from Southern and Eastern Europe – possessed an alternative ethos, according to Banfield and Wilson. This ethos stressed communitarian values and lines of mutual reciprocity and allegiances. “It was chiefly upon this system of values that the political life of the immigrant, the boss, and the urban machine was based,” (Banfield and Wilson, 1963, 46). Consequently, areas in which immigrants – particularly immigrants who arrived during the second wave of European immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe – were predominant were, according to Banfield and Wilson, less likely to participate in the Age of Reform. Wolfinger and Field (1966), however, find little evidence in support of the claim that areas with substantial immigrant populations were more prone to patronage politics than any others. In a series of bivariate analyses, they fail to reject a null hypothesis that the size of immigrant populations is uncorrelated with the adoption of political institutions (including civil service bodies) promoted during the Age of Reform. Indeed, in a multivariate analysis of the adoption of state-level civil service reforms, Ruhil and Camões (2003) find that states with larger immigrant populations were more likely to adopt meritocracy than those that experienced a smaller influx of immigrants. The literature on immigration and civil service reform has thus variously contended migrants inhibit (Banfield and Wilson, 1963), promote (Ruhil and Camões, 2003) and have no significant relationship with (Wolfinger and Field, 1966) reform. We attempt to adjudicate between these findings. We also attempt to delineate which mechanism might link immigration to bureaucratic reforms. Finally, we assess the extent to which any differences in the timing of reform have had a persistent impact on state capacity. RodriguezPose and von Berlepsch (2012), for instance, find a persistent effect of historical levels of immigration on economic development in the US States. We seek to determine whether one causal mechanism driving this relationship is mediated by political institutions: immigration → civil service reform in the past → institutional performance today → current economic outcomes. 2 Mechanisms Existing studies of immigration and the adoption of the civil service are either qualitative in nature or simply relate the adoption of meritocracy to the total percentage of immigrants in the population. While such relationships may point to an associational – or perhaps even a causal – relationship between immigration and reform, they do little to illustrate the mechanisms through which this relationship operates. Competing theoretical mechanisms suggest more nuanced relationships between immigration and reform. We assess the empirical leverage of these mechanisms using disaggregated measures of immigration based on information made available in the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) dataset. 4 Indeed, this argument clearly echoes Weber’s (2002/1905) ‘protestant ethic.’ 3 Take, for instance, Banfield and Wilson’s (1963) claim that the cultural ethos predominant in a population influences the shape of political institutions. For this mechanism to yield empirical claims regarding the aggregate stock of immigrants, it must be the case that the preponderance of immigrants carry with them a culture that is more prone to clientelism than that of native born citizens (this point is also raised by Wolfinger and Field, 1966). Even if relationship holds for immigrants and the native born in the US as a whole, one would expect to see considerable variation in the effects of migrants from different cultural backgrounds when looking at the municipal level. At the municipal level, the national background of immigrant groups varies considerably and, presumably, so too will the cultural ethos of these groups. Many migrants came from areas with a far longer history of meritocratic governance than that in the US. Prussia first began using civil service exams to staff bureaucratic offices in the mid-eighteenth century. Sweden included sweeping protections for tenure (and requirements for open competition for offices) in the opening years of the 19th century (Hollyer, 2011a). Seemingly, immigrants from these societies would carry with them a Weberian ethos that perhaps even exceeded that of the native born US population. If true, the cultural ethos claim should predict that the effect of immigration on civil service reforms should vary systematically with the composition of immigrants. Immigrants from countries with a long experience of civil service systems may promote the adoption of reforms; those from areas with a history of patronage politics should hinder such reforms. This claim echoes arguments advanced by several recent studies of the relationship between culture, economic policies and governance. For instance, Guiso, Sapienza and Zingales (2006) contend that culture may influence individual preferences and expectations in a way that may shape political and economic equilibria (see also, Scheve and Stasavage, 2006). They find that preferences over redistribution persist in immigrant populations – even several generations after first entry. One might expect preferences and expectations regarding the appropriateness of government actions to shape the voting decisions and political behavior of immigrant populations. Immigrants who view patronage politics as an inappropriate abuse of power by the state may be inclined to support reform-minded candidates for political office. Given the reliance of patronage on long-term reciprocal exchanges, political leaders may find patronage unprofitable in an environment where citizens lack any expectation that the clientalistic provision of benefits should be rewarded. One would therefore expect that immigration from source countries where patronage is prevalent would inhibit civil service reform, while immigration from countries with a long history of meritocracy would have the reverse effect. Hypothesis 1: The relationship between the percentage of immigrants in a given municipal population and the hazard of adopting civil service reforms is conditional upon the historical experience of meritocratic government in the source countries from which those immigrants originate. The country-of-origin of immigrant populations might affect the adoption of civil service reforms through mechanisms beyond culture, however. Notably, an influx of immigrants is likely to substantially shift the distribution of human capital in a given municipality – that is it will likely alter the average education levels 4 prevailing among the citizenry. Immigrants from societies with extensive education systems are more likely – ceteris paribus – to themselves be highly educated. Consequently, the relationship between immigration and civil service reform may well be conditional on prevailing education levels in source countries. An educated populace may promote the adoption of civil service reforms through at least two mechanisms. First, education may play a role in promoting the adoption of impartial democratic forms of governance more generally. For instance, Lipset (1959, 79) contends that Education presumably broadens men’s outlooks, enables them to understand the need for norms of tolerance, restrains them from adhering to extremist and monistic doctrines, and increases their capacity to make rational decisions. Glaeser et al. (2004) lend further credence to these claims with their finding that increases in education levels under autocracy often presage democratization (see also Castelló-Climent, 2008). Education may thus increase preferences for impartial administration, reducing citizens’ tolerance of patronage and promoting the adoption of civil service reforms. Alternatively, increases in prevailing education levels may influence the adoption of reform by virtue of considerations of self-interest. Educated citizens are more likely to satisfy meritocratic criteria for appointment to government posts under a civil service system than are uneducated citizens. The relationship between educational qualification and appointment under patronage is likely to be weaker than under a civil service system. Thus, highly educated citizens may demand civil service reforms for self-interested reasons. Hypothesis 2: The relationship between the percentage of immigrants in a given municipality and the hazard of adopting civil service reforms is conditional upon the prevailing level of education in the source countries from which those immigrants originate. A third mechanism through which immigration might impact civil service adoption is economic. Immigration represents an expansion of the existing labor supply, and – importantly – a broadening of the set of skills available for production. This shock to the economy affects two parameters that have been highlighted as significant for bureaucratic recruitment: (1) income levels and (2) wage dispersion. A substantial literature in labor economics has documented a positive effect of immigration on per capita economic output. This effect is posited to operate through skill complementarities. Immigrants act as imperfect substitutes for native born workers, with sets of skills not available in the native workforce. These skills act as complements in production, as individuals are able to specialize in those areas of production to which their cultural and educational background leave them particularly well-suited. Increasing the diversity of the workforce thus increases per capita productivity.5 Ottaviano and Peri (2005) and Ottaviano and Peri (2006) find that immigration positively affects productivity and average wages in destination locales, 5 Other claims suggest that productivity should be non-monotonic in diversity, and will follow an inverted-U shaped pattern (Alesina, Harnoss and Rapoport, 2013; Ashraf and Galor, 2011). These authors argue that diversity has a positive direct impact on production, but a negative effect insofar as diversity fosters social strife. We discuss the potentially negative political effects of diversity in greater detail below. 5 and argue that this effect operates through the skill-diversity mechanism. More directly, Alesina, Harnoss and Rapoport (2013) note an initially positive – though non-monotonic – effect of birthplace diversity on productivity. And Ager and Brückner (2010) find that cultural fractionalization – resulting from immigration – boosts economic output in US counties during the period we examine. Such changes in the composition of skills will also have effects on the dispersion of wages. Skill complementarity implies an increase in productivity which should boost wages throughout the economy. But, immigration also boosts the supply of labor – particularly relatively unskilled labor. Immigrants act as imperfect substitutes for native born low-skilled laborers – since cultural factors imply that their skill sets are not identical (Ottaviano and Peri, 2006). But, immigrant labor may nonetheless substitute for unskilled native labor, implying that the concomitant increase in the labor supply will tend to hold down unskilled wages (on the political implications of the substitutablity of immigrant and unskilled native labor, see Goldin, 1993; Scheve and Slaughter, 2001). Increases in diversity brought about via immigration will thus have an unambiguously positive effect on the returns to capital and to skilled labor, and an ambiguous effect on the returns to unskilled labor – as, for unskilled laborers, the contrasting forces of rising productivity and increased competition tend to offset one another. Wage inequality will therefore increase. Indeed, Ottaviano and Peri (2006) find evidence for such effects based on immigration to the US in the 1990s. Both income levels and wage dispersion have been directly linked to the adoption of meritocratic institutions. Many claim, for instance, that patronage politics tends to target economically disadvantaged populations. Chubb (1982) finds that, in the presence of scarcity, political parties often act as the only means through which individuals can advance or access crucial resources. Political machines may exercise monopolies over state resources and political offices to manipulate the hopes of poor citizens, ensuring their loyalty and the party’s continued grasp on power. She offers extensive evidence of such behavior by the Italian Christian Democratic Party in Palermo from the 1950s through the 1970s. Similarly, Stokes (2005) and Nichter (2008) hold that vote/turnout buying campaigns by machine-based parties are most effective when employed on poor citizens, for whom the marginal returns to income are highest. Rising citizen incomes may thus lessen the ability of political machines to manipulate scarce resources – and may lessen the buying power of those resources they do possess – weakening the grasp of patronage politics and increasing the likelihood of civil service reform. Hollyer (2011b) and Sorauf (1960) stress the importance of wage dispersion to bureaucratic recruitment. Both note that patronage mechanisms must operate in a labor market. Patronage, in its essence, consists of providing offices that return above market rents to officials who offer political services in return. As private sector wages rise, either the political services that may be demanded in exchange for office must fall, or citizens will opt out of the patronage workforce. Therefore, as the private sector skill premium rises, either skilled workers will tend to opt out of the patronage mechanism – as their efforts are more highly valued in the private sector – or politicians will need to demand less in terms of political services, diminishing the value of the patronage apparatus. In either event, the value of the patronage system will decline relative to that of meritocracy, either because patronage generates less in terms of political service 6 or because the competence of government service declines. Thus, as the private sector skill premium rises, civil service reforms are more likely to be adopted. Both per capita incomes and the skill premium are likely to rise most rapidly when immigration serves to broaden the set of skills available for production. Following the labor economics literature, we contend that this breadth of skills is likely to be larger, ceteris paribus, when the ethnic composition of a given municipality is highly fractionalized. Immigration thus influences merit reform only insofar as it increases municipality fractionaliztion. Hypothesis 3: Immigration is associated with the hazard of civil service reform only insofar as it increases the ethnic fractionalization of the destination municipality. Higher levels of fractionalization are associated with an increased hazard for civil service reform. Of course, diversity need not only have positive implications for economic development, and consequently for civil service reform. Diversity may also give rise to ethnic conflicts, leading to an under-provision of public goods (Easterly and Levine, 1997). In this account, diversity gives rise to inter-group conflict, which leads to a reduction in investments in communal goods, such as good governance. However, politics is most likely to break down along ethnic lines under particular sets of circumstances (Chandra, 2006). Ethnic ties are most likely to form salient political cleavages when ethnic groups are sufficiently large to credibly influence political outcomes (Posner, 2004). Thus, a community defined by many small ethic groups – i.e., one that is highly fractionalized – is less likely to suffer from the political conflicts induced by diversity than one that is dominated by a small number of large groups – i.e., a community that is highly polarized (Huber, 2012). Thus Ager and Brückner (2010) find that fractionalization is associated with increased levels of development – brought on by the skill diversity effects described above – while polarization is associated with the reverse in a sample of US counties during the 1870-1920 period. Polarization is likely to have particularly negative impacts on the adoption of reforms aimed at improving state capacity. When society is divided between highly polarized groups, each of which has some chance of attaining power, all such groups have an incentive to cripple the state to ensure that the others cannot abuse governmental power when they assume office (Acemoglu, Ticchi and Vindigni, 2011; Besley and Persson, 2010). Political parties that compete in highly polarized municipalities would thus have little incentive to pursue civil service reforms, given the danger than an effective bureaucracy could simply better enable its opponents to pursue ends of which it disapproves. Hypothesis 4: Immigration is associated with the hazard of civil service reform insofar as it increases/decreases the ethnic polarization of the destination municipality. Higher levels of polarization are associated with a reduced hazard of civil service reform. In what follows, we test the these four competing hypotheses, as well as the more general claim that the total size of immigrant populations correlates with the adoption of civil service boards in US municipalities during the Age of Reform. 7 3 Existing Literature This paper closely relates to the literature on the adoption of meritocratic reforms in the bureaucracy, and on the development of state capacity more generally. Unlike the bulk of this literature, however, we focus on the role demographic, economic and cultural factors play in shaping institutional equilibria. By contrast, most exiting studies focus on the interests and interactions political elites in determining the prospects for reform. Political competition plays an important role in many existing studies – to contrasting effect. On the one hand, competition creates an incentive to maintain patronage systems: no party wishes to unilaterally disarm itself by forgoing the electoral advantages offered by patronage appointments when faced with a strong challenger (Geddes, 1994; Robinson and Verdier, 2003). Yet the threat of turnover in office may create incentives for incumbents to establish civil service reforms. The history of the Pendleton Act – which established the civil service system at the federal level in the US – suggests that incumbent leaders may expand civil service protections to ensure that their patronage appointees will not be arbitrarily removed by a successor government (Skowronek, 1982). More generally, electorally weak incumbents may wish to tie the hands of opposition successors by preventing the use of future patronage appointments (Folke, Hirano and Snyder, 2011; Mueller, 2009; Ting et al., Forthcoming). On the other hand, turnover in office may also generate the reverse incentive for sitting leaders. If civil service reforms result in a more capable government, weak incumbents may have an incentive to avoid – or even undermine – such reforms. In so-doing, they ensure that successors with opposing political viewpoints will be constrained in their ability to enact policies deemed undesirable (Acemoglu, Ticchi and Vindigni, 2011; Besley and Persson, 2010). Other accounts stress different elite-centered explanations of the determinants of bureaucratic reform. Increases in the government’s demand for the provision of public goods – particularly shifts brought on by the threat of war – may drive politicians to abandon patronage in an effort to increase the capacity of the bureaucratic apparatus to deliver on these demands (Besley and Persson, 2010; Brewer, 1989; Popa, N.d.). Analogously, reform may be prevented or delayed if the technology for the delivery of public goods can also be efficiently exploited for political mobilization (Reid and Kurth, 1988, 1989). Other arguments stress the importance of the separation of powers and conflicts between the executive and legislature, particularly for the adoption of merit reforms at the federal level in the US (Skowronek, 1982). Finally, bureaucrats themselves may act as an important constituency, or may mobilize political pressure in favor of merit recruitment (Carpenter, 2001; Johnson and Libecap, 1994). We set aside these considerations to focus on the role of shifts in economic and demographic factors that affect the populace on the adoption of merit reform. We share this focus with a literature on the relationship between immigration and meritocracy that dates to Banfield and Wilson (1963) (see also Ruhil and Camões, 2003; Wolfinger and Field, 1966). Our focus on the manner in which the composition of the population affects the constraints under which patronage and merit systems operate is shared by accounts that emphasize the role of labor supply in the functioning of the patronage system (Hollyer, 2011a,b; 8 Sorauf, 1960). While our argument that the economic and cultural ‘shock’ of immigration shifted patronage equilibria is similar to Chubb’s (1982) focus on the manner in which the economic shock of an earthquake played a similar role on patronage systems in Sicily. This study additionally contributes to two literatures: one on the economic effects of immigration, the other on the endogeneity of political institutions. We build on a substantial literature in labor economics which argues that immigration induced skilldiversity increases per capita incomes (e.g., Alesina, Harnoss and Rapoport, 2013; Ottaviano and Peri, 2005) and widens wage dispersion (Ager and Brückner, 2010; Ottaviano and Peri, 2006). And we contribute to a literature on the effects of diversity on economic and institutional performance (Alesina, Harnoss and Rapoport, 2013; Ager and Brückner, 2010; Ashraf and Galor, 2011; Easterly and Levine, 1997; Miguel, 2004). In particular, we examine a novel mechanism through which diversity may affect economic performance: Ethnic fractionalization (polarization) may increase (decrease) the willingness of governments to adopt institutional reforms that promote the building of state capacity. The evolution of state capacity, in turn, has implications for investment in public goods and long-term growth. Our mechanism thus offers one potential explanation for the findings of Rodriguez-Pose and von Berlepsch (2012), who find that historical level of immigration into the US positively affect current levels of economic development at the state level. Our findings are also relevant for a far broader literature on the role of political institutions in economic development – and on the endogeneity of these institutions. Our approach in some ways mirrors that of Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson (2001, 2002), who contend that migration and settlement patterns of early European settlers explains the adoption of inclusive political institutions. Our contention that shifts in the distribution of cultural and human capital – and the economic consequences of these shifts – may influence the form of political institutions relates to the work of Glaeser et al. (2004), who contend that human capital stocks drive both the adoption of democratic political institutions and economic growth (also see Lipset, 1959). Our work, however, is far more micro in scale than these related pieces. We examine the relationship between migration patterns, human and cultural capital and the adoption of a particular institution – namely a professionalized civil service. Nor do we wish to make broad claims about the determinants of economic growth. Our contention is merely that demographic factors shape institutional equilibria and that these institutions may have persistent effects over time. We directly test these claims below. 4 4.1 Data and Methods Data Description Our outcome variable is a simple binary {0, 1} indicator that takes the value 1 if a given US municipality adopted a civil service board in a given year. This indicator is coded based on two surveys conducted by the Civil Service Assembly of the United States and Canada in 1937 and 1940, along with an addendum to the 1940 survey published in 1943 (Civil Service Agencies in the United States: A 1937 Census, 1938; 9 Civil Service Agencies in the United States: A 1940 Census, 1940; Civil Service Agencies in the United States: A 1943 Supplement, 1943). These surveys note whether a given municipality has a civil service board in operation during the year in which the survey was conducted and – if a civil service board is in place – the year in which that board began operation. The surveys provide further detail on the extent of coverage of civil service boards – in particular whether or not civil service protections were unique to the police and fire departments. For the purposes of this paper, we simply code whether or not a civil service board is in place. We code this variable as multiple record survival data. That is, each municipality enters the dataset with the outcome variable coded as zero. Municipalities remain in our dataset until they fail – that is, until they adopt a civil service board. In the year in which the civil service board is adopted, the outcome variable equals 1. After that year, all observations of that municipality are treated as censored. This coding precludes the possibility that municipalities abolish and then re-create civil service boards multiple times in the dataset. Moreover, it is possible that our outcome measure misses instances of civil service reform as a result of abolition. If a given municipality created and then abolished a civil service board prior to 1937, it will appear in our data as if no such board was ever created. In practice, this concern is unlikely to substantially influence our results. Instances in which municipalities abolished civil service boards between 1937 and 1940 – the years during which the surveys used to code the outcome variable were conducted – are exceedingly rare. Ting et al. (Forthcoming) similarly note that, in practice, once civil service boards are created, they are never abolished. Our data run from 1883-1943. The former date corresponds to the first adoption of the first municipal civil service boards – and with the passage of the Pendleton Act and the birth of the reform movement. All years prior to this date are left-censored. 1943 corresponds to the last year coded by the civil service surveys we rely on to construct our outcome measure. All observations after this date are treated as right-censored. We code our explanatory variables based on the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) dataset. The IPUMS dataset contains over ten million individualized census records from samples of the 1880, 1900, 1910, 1920, and 1930 censuses. We aggregate these individuals records to the county level and then match the cities and municipalities for which we have civil service data to their counties in the dataset.6 The key independent variables that we code for in the analysis are the percentage of total immigrants in the county and the origins of these immigrants. Following previous literature, we code migrants as individuals who were born outside of the United States or who had both parents born outside of the United States. The regions that we code for in the analysis are Northern Europe (Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Lapland, Norway, Sweden, UK, Ireland); Western Europe (Belgium, France, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Monaco, Netherlands, Switzerland); Southern Europe (Albania, Andorra, Gibraltar, Greece, Italy, Malta, Portugal, San Marino, Spain, Vatican City); Central/Eastern Europe (Austria, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, 6 Unfortunately, it is not possible to match individual records directly to all the cities and municipalities in our dataset. For this reason, we use the county-level data, which is the closest geographic and political subunit available for all observations in our data. 10 Germany, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia); Russian Empire/Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Russia); Asia; and Central/South America. We additionally use the IPUMS data to construct indexes of fractionalization and polarization. Our definitions of these terms follow those of Ager and Brückner (2010). Fractionalization follows the typical definition, wherein the level of fractionalization of a given county c in year t is given by: F ractionalizec,t = 1 − N X 2 πg,c,t i=1 where g denotes group g and there are N such groups in the population. These groups are defined as native-born whites, African Americans, migrants from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, from the Benelux countries, from Canada, from Latin America, from Scandinavia, from Eastern Europe, from France, from Germany, from Greece, from Ireland, from Italy, from Poland, from Portugal, from Spain, from Switzerland, and from the UK. Polarization of county c in year t is defined as: P olarizec,t = 1 − N X 0.5 − πg,c,t 2 ( ) πg,c,t 0.5 i=1 where all subscripts are defined as in the above. Both measures range from 0 to 1. The polarization index is maximized when there are two equally sized groups in the population, and minimized either when society is composed of a single group or is composed of many groups of vanishingly small size. In future work, we intend to match the IPUMS data with information on source country levels of education and experiences of meritocracy. We also use the IPUMS data to ascertain the proportion of the population in each county that is African American. The literacy rate, female labor force participation, the proportion of males in the county, and the average age. These additional controls help to account for other potential economic and social confounders that could affect both immigration and the adoption of civil service reforms. Finally, while the census is decennial, we have yearly data on civil service adoption. In order to take advantage of this, we linearly interpolate each variable between censuses. As progress on this project continues, we intend to add controls for variation in prevailing political institutions and behavior. In particular, given the emphasis in the existing literature on the importance of political contestation for reform, we intend to control for levels of political competition. 4.2 Econometric Model As noted above, we code our data as a multiple record survival dataset. We assess the relationship between the adoption of civil service boards and various measures of immigration using multiple record Cox proportional hazards regressions. The Cox model takes the form hi (t) = h0 (t)eXi,t β where i denotes municipality i (Box-Steffensmeier and Jones, 2004). hi (t) is hazard of civil service reform as a function 11 of time t which, in turn, is measured as the number of years from 1883. The hazard is defined as a the risk that a given municipality experiences reform in year t conditional on not already having established a civil service board.7 h0 (t) is the baseline hazard rate for all municipalities, while Xi,t β is the product of a matrix of variables and Xi,t and a vector of associated coefficients β . The Cox model is a semi-parametric specification in which the baseline hazard rate h0 (t) is estimated non-parametrically. This function is determined simply by the fraction of municipalities that create civil service boards at time t relative to the total number of municipalities at risk for doing so – i.e., those that have not already created such bodies and are thus censored from the regression. Time-dependence is thus factored out of the regression model and time is, in essence, reduced to a nuisance parameter (Beck, Katz and Tucker, 1998). The parametric portion of the Cox model assumes that covariates shift the baseline hazard up or down according to the function eXi,t β . Covariate values thus shift the baseline hazard up or down, but do not alter its shape – this is the proportional hazards assumption. We test this assumption through examination of the Schoenfeld residuals from our regression models and correct for violations of proportional hazards using the recommendations of Box-Steffensmeier and Jones (2004) and Keele (2010). 5 Results We first examine the relationship between overall migration levels and the adoption of civil service reforms. Results from these regressions are reported in Table 1. Model 1 present the simple bivariate relationship between the hazard of civil service reform and the percentage of migrants in the population (ranging between 0 and 1). Model 2 adds controls to this specification: the percentage of the population that is African-American, the percentage employed in agriculture, the female workforce participation rate, average age, literacy rates, the proportion of the population that is male, and county population levels (in hundreds of thousands, logged). Model 3 also incorporates these controls and adds state level fixed effects. In all tables, we report coefficients rather than hazard ratios. A positive coefficient indicates that an increase in a given variable is associated with a higher hazard rate of reform, a negative coefficient indicates the reverse. In keeping with Ruhil and Camões (2003), Model 1 finds a large and positive relationship between migration and the hazard of civil service reform. Cities in which a higher proportion of the population was foreign born are more likely to adopt civil service reforms. But, this relationship appears to be spurious. The relationship between raw levels of immigration and reform diminishes in magnitude (and switches in sign) when controls are introduced. Both with and without state fixed effects, estimates on the magnitude of the relationship between migration and reform are small and imprecise. Our results thus accord most closely with Wolfinger and Field (1966), who find little evidence of a relationship between raw immigration 7 Formally, let the probability of reform in a given year be distributed according to the pdf f (t), with the associated cdf F (t). f (t) The hazard rate is defined as 1−F (t) . 12 Table 1: Cox Survival Results: Civil Service Reform and Migration Levels Migrant Model 1 0.55 [0.23] Black Agriculture Female Labor Age Literacy Porp. Male Population Model 2 -0.05 [0.34] -2.24 [0.80] -1.88 [1.14] 2.10 [0.92] 0.04 [0.02] 3.99 [1.79] -8.97 [1.97] -0.07 [0.05] Model 3 -0.10 [0.46] 1.37 [1.16] -3.08 [1.36] 1.23 [1.09] 0.07 [0.03] 5.76 [2.20] -4.81 [2.32] -0.09 [0.06] State Fixed Effects X Results of a Cox regression of civil service reform on migration levels and controls. We present coefficient estimates (and not hazard ratios). Standard errors are reported in brackets. 13 numbers and reform. The bivariate relationship between migration and reform largely reflects the correlation between immigration and prevailing literacy levels in a given city (on this relationship, see Robinson, 1950). Literacy is highly predictive of reform – a one standard deviation shift in literacy from its mean level is associated with a nearly 70 percent increase in the hazard of reform. This finding is consistent with the human capital hypothesis, discussed in Hypothesis 2 above. Though, literacy rates may also be acting as a proxy for economic development in this instance. (Unfortunately, controls economic indicators are not available at the municipal level until the early-1910s.) While raw immigration levels do not correlate strongly with civil service reform, more nuanced measures of immigration may do so. The mechanisms summarized in Hypotheses 1 and 2, above, indicate that characteristics of the source countries from which migrants originate may have varying implications for reform. In particular, Hypothesis 1 contends that the expectations and preferences of immigrants from countries with long histories of meritocratic government administration may enhance the likelihood of reform, while immigrants from countries without such a history may retard reform. So long as neither group is predominant in the total migration to the US during this period, thees effects may offset each other when looking at the raw proportion of immigrants in the population. Analogously, Hypotheses 2 and 3 contend that immigration affects reform only insofar as it shifts levels of ethnic fractionalization and polarization. An influx of migrants into any urban population is likely to increase fractionalization, but may increase or diminish polarization depending on the preexisting distribution of ethnic groups. As a first-cut at testing Hypotheses 1 and 2, we test whether the relationship between immigration and reform differs systematically depending on the countries from which immigrants originate in Table 2. We divide source countries into six categories: Northern Europe (Scandinavia, the UK, and Ireland), Western Europe (Benelux, Liechtenstein, Monaco, France, and Switzerland), Souther Europe (Albania, Andorra, Gibraltar, Greece, Italy, Malta, Portugal, San Marino, Spain, and Vatican City), Central/Eastern Europe (Austria, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Germany, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Yugoslavia), the Russian Empire and Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Russia), Asia, and Central/South America. Because prevailing education levels and experiences with mass education are correlated (Hollyer, 2011a), these regional indicators provide preliminary tests of both Hypotheses 1 and 2. Both hypotheses would suggest that Northern and Western European immigration should positively influence merit reform. However, further work is required to differentiate between these two hypotheses. We include higher order polynomials of literacy and female labor force participation rates, to adjust for violations of the proportional hazards assumption (Keele, 2010). The results in Table 2 are consistent with the claims of both Hypotheses 1 and 2. The coefficients on the percentage of the population who migrated both from northern and western Europe are highly positive and significant at, respectively, the 95 and 90 percent levels. By contrast, immigration from central and eastern Europe is negatively associated with the adoption of reform. A one standard deviation increase in the percentage of northern European immigrants in a given municipality is associated with a roughly 20 14 Table 2: Cox Survival Results: Civil Service Reform and Migration by Source Region Variable Name Coefficient Standard Error Northern Eur. 1.81 0.82 Western Eur. 5.45 3.07 Southern Eur. -1.61 1.71 Cent/East Eur. -2.00 0.70 Asia -4.43 7.67 Cent./South Am. 0.41 2.13 1.62 1.22 Black Literacy -379.04 313.61 Literacy2 499.57 360.07 Literacy3 -209.09 137.46 Agriculture -1.24 1.40 Porp. Male -5.81 2.34 25.10 23.73 Female Labor Female Labor2 -107.20 142.34 Female Labor3 186.38 354.32 Female Labor4 -99.04 308.87 Population -0.02 0.07 State Fixed Effects X Results of a Cox regression of civil service reform on migration levels by source country and controls. We present coefficient estimates (and not hazard ratios). percent increase in the hazard of adopting civil service reform. Whereas, an analogous increase in the percentage of western European migrants is associated with a roughly 9 percent increase in the hazard rate. Given that prevailing education rates are highest in northern and western European countries and that – with the notable exceptions of Prussia and Austria-Hungary – northern and western European countries have the longest experience with meritocracy of states in our sample, these results support the contention that highly educated immigrants from cultures that emphasize meritocracy are most likely to support reform in the US. By contrast, immigration from southern Europe, Asia and the Americas is not significantly associated with the adoption of reform. In some instances – notably with regards to immigration from Asia – the point estimates reported in Table 2 are large, but very imprecisely estimated. With regards to Asian and central and south American immigration, this imprecision is likely due to the high concentration of immigrants in a small number of states – and consequently the high correlation of these variables with the state fixed effects employed in our model. Southern European immigration, on the other hand, is more evenly dispersed across the US, implying that our null results are less likely to simply reflect multicolinearity. Finally, we test the claims advanced in Hypotheses 3 and 4: immigration is associated with reform by virtue of the extent to which it affects ethnic polarization and fractionalization. We examine these claims using the definitions of fractionalization and polarization developed by Ager and Brückner (2010) 15 and described above. We regress the hazard of reform on these terms, a series of controls, and state fixed effects. Results are reported in Table 3. Recall that the proposed mechanisms in Hypotheses 3 and 4 operate through the economic and social implications of diversity. Fractionalization is posited to increase the diversity of skills available in the population and – since skills may be complements in production – economic productivity will rise. Fractionalization is thus posited to increase average incomes in a given municipality. Though this increase is likely to be larger for skilled than unskilled labor, given the imperfect substitutabilitiy of migrant and unskilled native labor. Both the increase in average incomes and the increase in wage dispersion may positively influence the chances of reform. Polarization, by contrast, is anticipated to increase political conflict within a municipality. Social cleavages may give rise to incentives to underinvest in the state, given the danger that an effective bureaucracy might be used by opponents of the sitting leadership to further ends they do not support (Besley and Persson, 2010; Acemoglu, Ticchi and Vindigni, 2011). Table 3: Cox Survival Results: Civil Service Reform, Ethnic Fractionalization and Ethnic Polarization Variable Name Coefficient Standard Error Polarization 0.26 0.48 Fractionalization -0.61 0.44 4.12 2.09 Literacy Age 0.06 0.03 Female Labor 5.36 4.09 Female Labor2 -8.45 8.61 -4.35 2.33 Porp. Male Agriculture -3.06 1.38 Population -0.05 0.07 State Fixed Effects X Results of a Cox regression of civil service reform on migration levels by source country and controls. We present coefficient estimates (and not hazard ratios). We find very little empirical support for either Hypothesis 3 or 4. We are unable to reject the null hypothesis that fractionalization and polarization are uncorrelated with reform. Indeed, the point estimates on the coefficients for each term have the opposite sign from the theoretical predictions. 6 Future Work Our work on this project remains quite preliminary. Our evidence to date is supportive of cultural and human capital-based explanations accounts of civil service reform. But, we plan to attempt to differentiate between these claims. And we will reexamine all of the above hypotheses employing further controls. Broadly speaking, we plan to take three steps to advance our analysis: (1) incorporate data on characteristics of 16 source countries, (2) expand the set of controls, and (3) assess the persistent effects of reform. Our first step will be to attempt to better differentiate between cultural and human capital-centered explanations for the relationship between migration and reform. The relationship between source regions and reform is consistent with either explanation. Rather than defining immigration in terms of geographic source, we would prefer to define immigration in terms of the characteristics of the source countries. To do so, we will first rely on data on prevailing education levels in source countries. Ceteris paribus, an immigrant from a country with widespread education is more likely to be educated. We have access to information on education enrollment rates in Europe from Flora (1987), and from countries across the globe from Lindert (2004) and Mitchell (1975). We are in the process of merging these data with the datasets employed above to construct measures of the average level of education among migrants. We define cultural experiences in terms of historical experiences with meritocracy. At present, we have access to data on the adoption of meritocratic reforms from a subset of European countries from Hollyer (2011a). Our second step will be to expand the set of controls employed in our regressions. In particular, given the results of Ting et al. (Forthcoming) and Folke, Hirano and Snyder (2011), which relate civil service reform to levels of political competitiveness, we wish to add controls for political competition to our specifications. At present, we have access to such data at the state level from David and Claggett (1998). We continue to look for competitiveness data at a lower level of aggregation – either the city or county-level. We also hope to add additional controls for economic factors, which may be available at the countylevel. As for step 3, we hope to assess the relationship between historical migration patterns, reform and current measures of state capacity and governance. At present, we have access to corruption indexes and corruption conviction rates at the state-level in the US. Highly preliminary regressions show some signs of a relationship between historical reforms and these indicators. However, we continue to look for measures more directly related to capacity and measured at lower levels of aggregation. 7 Conclusion We examine the relationship between migration patterns and civil service reform at the municipal level in the US. In contrast to existing claims (Banfield and Wilson, 1963; Ruhil and Camões, 2003), we find little evidence of a general relationship between aggregate immigration levels and reform. Our results instead indicate that immigration from northern and western Europe is associated with an increased hazard of reform (while, immigration from central and eastern Europe is associated with a reduced likelihood of reform). These findings are consistent with mechanisms that stress the role culture and human capital in shaping political institutions. 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