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“A Politics of Forgiveness for Intractable Conflicts: The Role of MiddleRange, Religious Peacemakers in the Northern Ireland Conflict”
Jason Klocek
Georgetown University
The signing of the Good Friday Agreement on April 10, 1998 signaled the end of nearly 30
years of armed conflict in Northern Ireland, during which paramilitary organizations, divided
along religious and ethno-national lines, violently opposed economic and political disparity.
What occurred in the years leading up to the Good Friday Agreement, which finally resulted
in a viable peace process to a seemingly intractable conflict?
One significant difference was the engagement of paramilitary organizations by middlerange, religious peacemakers throughout the 1980s and 1990s. Through the development and
implementation of a “politics of forgiveness”, religious peacemakers encouraged parties
involved in violence to enter into a peace process. This process involved (a) the breaking
down of myths of mutual distrust, (b) a call to conscience, and (c) intra- and inter-group trustbuilding through dialogue.
After defining several key terms, this paper shall (a) provide a brief profile of two prominent
middle-range, religious peacemakers in Northern Ireland - Fr. Alex Reid and Rev. Dr. Roy
Magee, (b) assess their approach to religious peacemaking, identified within this paper as a
“politics of forgiveness”, (c) present lessons learned from the Northern Ireland context, and,
finally, (d) explore the application of a “politics of forgiveness”, guided by middle-range,
religious peacemakers, to other intractable conflicts.
Definitions
This paper examines the role of religious peacemakers who fit into one classification of
middle-range actors. These individuals are distinguished from the general pattern of other
middle-range actors because (a) they are relatively low-level leaders of their communities and
(b) they embrace and operate within their respective religious traditions.
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Middle-range actors:
Middle-range actors can be conceptualized into four main categories – (a) individuals within
specific minority groups who are well known both to their specific community and in other
communities, (b) highly respected, formal leaders of prominent sectors of society such as
education, business or health, (c) prestigious individuals from within the conflict setting, such
as well-known poets or Nobel laureates, and (d) primary networks of groups or institutions
that link otherwise disparate organizations, such as religious organizations, academic
institutions and humanitarian organizations (Lederach 41). While all four types of middlerange actors contributed to the peace process in Northern Ireland, this paper focuses
exclusively on the first category.
In addition, three key features distinguish the role of middle-range actors from those at the
top and grassroots levels.15 First, these actors may be linked to, but not bound by the political
or survival demands of, top-level and grassroots actors. Second, their position is not based on
political or military power. Rather, their status and influence derives from relationships with
parties directly involved in the conflict. Third, middle-range actors tend to have relationships
with counterparts that cut across the lines of division within the conflict setting.
Religious actors
The term religious actors refers to either individuals or groups who act “coherently and
consistently to influence politics in the name of religion” (Philpott 506). Rather than
marginalizing their religious identity, religious actors embrace and operate within their
respective religious traditions and belief systems. Such actors may take their cues from toplevel leaders or act in isolation from, and sometimes at odds with, their leaders and other
members of their faith community. In addition, religious actors may use violent or nonviolent methods to influence politics.
Religious actors who promote non-violence in conflict settings can be defined as religious
peacemakers, or those “committed primarily to the cessation of violence and the resolution of
conflict.” In contrast, religious extremists are “committed primarily to victory over the
15
Top-level leaders are typically key political and military leaders involved in the conflict. Grassroots actors
are usually local leaders, members of indigenous nongovernmental organizations, local health officials or
refugee camp leaders. For more, see Lederach 41-42.
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enemy, whether by gradual means or by the direct and frequent use of violence” (Appleby
13).
However, if the difference between peacemakers and extremists is based on intention, how is
one to ever be certain of the motivations of religious actors and their value to the conflict
resolution process? Do not some religious actors seek to foster the conflict in order to
increase the legitimacy of their grievances and advance a political agenda? This paradox
often leads analysts to discount religion as a unit of analysis in conflict situations and suggest
as a solution the privatization and marginalization of religion in the public square. Yet, this
recommendation ignores two points. First, religion continues to play a prominent role in the
public and private sphere in many places in the world. As Peter Berger argues, the world
appears “as furiously religious as it ever was, and in some places more so than ever” (Berger
3). Second, some religious actors, specifically religious peacemakers, do have a positive role
to play in conflict situations. After a brief comment on the first point, this paper shall provide
a more in-depth analysis of the second.
Why religion?
Karl Marx, Max Weber and Emile Durkheim first developed what became known in the
1950s and 1960s as secularization theory. Strongly influenced by those values of the
Enlightenment, it was their contention that a modern, rational scientific age of enlightenment
would lead to a decline in religion, both in society and the minds of individuals. However,
modernization has also provoked powerful movements of counter-secularization (Berger 3).
Examples of a “global resurgence of religion,” include the 1979 Shiite revolution in Iran, the
rapid growth of conservative Jewish groups in Israel and the diaspora, and the “third wave”
of democratization (Huntington 76-85, Philpott 509-514). Such examples suggest a more
complicated relationship between modernity and religion.
In the case of Northern Ireland, religion continues to be linked to social and political
identification. Catholicism and Protestantism “provide a rich source of symbolism, ideology
and moral evaluations…about social and political events” (Mitchell 137). Further, religious
identity defines to a large extent where people live and socialize, with whom they choose to
marry, and how they vote. While the conflict in Northern Ireland is not exclusively about
religion, it is exacerbated by and used as a key framing point of such differences.
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As a result of political and religious affiliations being closely aligned, religious leaders were
particularly well positioned to contribute to the political discourse and influence the direction
of the conflict. Some religious leaders either resisted this opportunity or cautiously became
involved. Others sought to use religion as a rallying point around which to garner support
and advocate a political agenda. In addition, two men on opposite sides of the conflict put
their lives and reputations at risk in the search for peace. What inspired their actions and
what can be learned from their example?
Religious Peacemakers in Northern Ireland
The work of two middle-range, religious peacemakers, the Reverend Dr. Roy Magee and
Father Alex Reid played a critical role in the early 1990’s to engage and encourage
paramilitary organizations to accept ceasefire agreements. In doing so, failed top-down
structural processes developed and implemented exclusively in the political sphere were
linked to grass-roots cultural initiatives focused on building relationships and reconciliation
efforts (Appleby 170).
The Reverend Dr. Roy Magee:
The start of Rev. Magee’s pastoral work coincided with the initial momentum of the Troubles
in the early 1970’s. The Dundonald minister, who grew up in the Shankill Road area across
from Belfast’s largest Catholic enclave, traces his role of mediating for and between the
loyalist paramilitaries to his ministry at Sinclair Seamen's Presbyterian Church in the Docks
area of Belfast (Bardon 2000). However, many of his most important relationships came
from his participation in the Vanguard movement, led by William Craig.16 Initially Magee
saw Vanguard as a response to “the awful atrocities being perpetrated by the IRA” and as a
vehicle to promote a “united Unionist vote” (Little 63). As it became apparent that the goal of
Vanguard was more to avenge the deaths of Unionists, rather than provide a united voice and
present political solutions, Magee resigned. As a result of his reputation as a strong defender
of Ulster Unionism, though, he soon developed connections with members of the Ulster
Unionist Party (UUP), including David Trimble (Little 63).
16
The Vanguard movement was originally a political pressure group within the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP).
Formed in 1972, the Vanguard movement split from the UUP following controversy over the Sunningdale
Agreement and formed the Vanguard Unionist Progressive Party.
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Magee eventually moved from the Sinclair Seaman parish to Dundonald, home to two of the
largest Loyalist paramilitary groups, the Ulster Defense Association (UDA) and the Ulster
Volunteer Force (UVF). At this time, he identified the more general trend amidst Loyalist
paramilitary groups of "active rather than reactive" attacks against Catholics, and decided it
was time to get more directly involved (Bardon 2000). At the invitation of Andy Tyrie,
leader of the UDA, he began to speak directly with paramilitaries and build relationships.
Father Alex Reid:
In 1949 Fr. Reid joined the Most Holy Redeemer, a Roman Catholic order known commonly
as the Redemptorists. Since 1962, he has resided and worked in Clonard Monastery, around
which the Troubles erupted in Belfast. In the early 1970’s, many of the parishioners
worshipping in his church were involved, even responsible, for much of the violence in the
streets. This led to the difficult realization that simply condemning the violence would be
ineffective (Little 60).
In 1975 and 1977, he became engaged with nationalist paramilitaries by mediating key
disputes between the Official IRA and the Provisional IRA. Although his immediate goal
was to mitigate the violence, or “get the situation off the streets and around the conference
table”, he also began to build important relationships with leaders of each organization (Little
65).
In addition, Fr. Reid spent several years developing relationships with nationalist, political
parties. From early on he enjoyed a strong connection with Sinn Fein’s leader Gerry Adams
and was key to establishing the first meetings between Adams and then Fianna Fáil leader
and Taoiseach Charles Haughey in 1986. In April 1993 he was instrumental in opening a line
of communication between Adams and Sinn Fein’s main political rival, the Socialist
Democratic Labor Party (SDLP). Talks between Adams and SDLP leader, John Hume, led to
the seventeen-month IRA cease fire, which began on September 1, 1994 (Appleby 186).
Throughout his work, Fr. Reid was often simply and endearingly referred to within
Nationalist communities as “the Stagart,” an Irish word for priest (Little 65).
Rev. Magee and Fr. Reid share several key experiences. Both were involved from early on in
the lives of those effected by the Troubles. Both sought initially to mediate within and
between paramilitary organizations to limit the violence. This resulted in mutually respectful
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relationships with key members of these groups. In addition, both men had a deep personal
conviction formed by their religious traditions, which enabled them to never lose sight of the
possibility that parties on both sides of the conflict could not only peacefully co-exist, but
come to forgive themselves and one another.
Politics of forgiveness
The peacemaking style of Fr. Reid and Rev. Magee has been accurately labeled as a “politics
of forgiveness.”17 How such a politics applies to their work, though, requires the answering
of three key questions. First, what exactly is meant by forgiveness? Second, how does
forgiveness fit into the public sphere? Third, how does forgiveness relate to the
reconciliation process?
A Definition of Forgiveness
Amstutz outlines three basic understandings of forgiveness (43-105, 221-233). First,
forgiveness can be a unilateral act in which a wronged person sets aside his or her own
resentment and anger. This neither requires nor eliminates the need for action on the part of
the other party. Second, forgiveness can be an interactive process between parties, which
negotiate their way from violation to a restored relationship. Finally, forgiveness can be an
ongoing moral process in which the virtue of forgiveness is learned and developed as a
character trait.
As this analysis is primarily concerned with the political behavior of religious peacemakers in
intractable conflicts, focus is given to Amstutz’s first description of forgiveness. The third
understanding suggests a process better conducted within societies not experiencing ongoing
armed conflict. The second more closely resembles the concept of reconciliation, outlined
later in this paper.
Forgiveness as a unilateral act neither eliminates nor necessitates personal accountability.
Rather the focus of this understanding of forgiveness is on the victim and a restoration of the
self. Restoration at the community level takes place more properly through the institutions
accompanying the reconciliation process. The distinct social and political benefits of this
17
The phrase “politics of forgiveness” applied to the context of Northern Ireland was first suggested to Appleby
(2000) by Paul Arthur during a personal interview on March 2, 1998.
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form of forgiveness will be discussed shortly. First however, a brief history of the
development of forgiveness within the Christian tradition, as this is most relevant to the
context of Northern Ireland.18
Hannah Arendt asserts that “the discoverer of the role of forgiveness in the realm of human
affairs was Jesus of Nazareth” (214). Forgiveness as a repair of broken social relations
learned in community appears as a prominent theme in the New Testament. However, as
Christian communities expanded and secured a place in society, they had to discern to what
extent forgiveness applied across, not simply within, communities (Shriver 45: 1995). No
one more influenced the Christian response to this question than Augustine of Hippo.
In City of God, one of the first treatises of Christianity’s relation to the public life, Augustine
(354-430 CE) differentiated between a temporal and divine order. “The transcendent
importance of the building of the City of God relegated the temporal order to a place…clearly
secondary” (Gilson 33). As a consequence, Christians came to prioritize their attention on
the Heavenly City, rather than the Earthly.
Nevertheless, as various heresies gained momentum within the early Christian community,
the Church increasingly appealed to the coercive power of the state for assistance and churchstate relations gradually overlapped.19 In addition, early Christians wrestled with the
questions of what sins were forgivable and who had the power to forgive them. “The when,
how, and by whom of the process became steadily more subject to precise
institutionalization, first in the bishop, eventually in the parish priest, and finally in the
canonical discipline of the sacrament of penance” (Shriver 49: 1995). As such, forgiveness
became an exclusively private and individual affair.
Martin Luther was one of the first to strongly challenge the relegation of forgiveness to the
private sphere. The assurance of divine forgiveness of personal sin was a cornerstone of the
Protestant Reformation and Luther attempted to reassert forgiveness as a function of the
church congregation. Confession was for consolation, not discipline. And, what of
forgiveness?
18
See Abu Nimer on Islam and Gopin on Judaism.
Augustine himself appealed to the Roman authorities to confront the Donatists. For me on this case, see
Shriver 49: 1995.
19
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In the end, Luther remained committed to the Augustinian distinction between temporal and
divine realities. He upheld the place of forgiveness as a divine act, although one which God,
not the clergy, controlled. Thus, the Reformation only further emphasized the power of
divine over human forgiveness, leaving “forgiveness more insulated than ever from
legitimate political expression. It remained in captivity in the church and a stranger to
politics” (Shriver 54: 1995).
It was not until the Calvinist movement that repentance was finally abolished as a private
institution and forgiveness restored to the life of the community. By clearly rejecting the
Augustinian duality of divine and temporal, the Calvinists argued that forgiveness did not
depend on Christian faith, so therefore could not be restricted to the Christian context. The
return of forgiveness to the public sphere was to be short lived, though.
The removal of the boundary between the secular and divine eventually led to the
Enlightenment philosophies of Locke and Kant, which peeled away all religious sensibilities
from moral reasoning, leaving the lone individual as the “sole custodian of moral knowledge
and agency” (Shriver 58: 1995). Enlightenment individualism asserts that fault rests entirely
in the self, and thus the repair of damaged relationships comes only through self-correction.
Just when forgiveness appeared to be returned to the public sphere, it became completely
irrelevant. Revenge and retributive justice were viewed as more appropriate responses, since
fault rests alone in the individual persecutor. What does the victim have to gain from
forgiving the persecutor? How can such forgiveness repair a relationship in which the other
side is completely at fault?
Tension continues today between this Enlightenment idea of forgiveness and more religiously
grounded views. The actions of many religious peacemakers, including Rev. Magee and Fr.
Reid, indicate that resolution relies less on the placement of blame and enactment of
punishment, and more on healed relationships, which occur through forgiveness and
reconciliation.
Forgiveness and Reconciliation:
Forgiveness precedes reconciliation. Unlike forgiveness which can be one-sided or bi-lateral,
reconciliation is always mutual. For this reason it more closely resembles Amstutz’s second
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definition of forgiveness, in which parties negotiate their way from violation to a restored
relationship.
While forgiveness neither eliminates nor necessitates personal accountability, “reconciliation
can be sustained only in a society that is addressing the social inequalities that inspired the
insurrection or civil war” (Appleby 197). Since this view holds that restored relationships are
always the basis for long-lasting peace, reconciliation is the aim and hope of forgiveness. In
the end, reconciliation represents a social space - a space where truth and forgiveness are
validated and joined together (Lederach 29). Forgiveness is the first step towards the creation
of such a space. Yet, forgiveness remains no easy task, particularly when each party in the
conflict perceives their actions as justified.
Forgiveness in the political sphere:
Parties of intractable conflicts are trapped in a spiral of vengeance – “violence feeds on
revenge; revenge, on violence” (Shriver 19: 1995). Accordingly, forgiveness as a unilateral
act remains critical to the transformation of such conflicts. A spiral of vengeance results
from (a) misperceptions by each party of the others actions, what Miroslav Volf terms the
predicament of partiality (121) and (b) the temporal sequence in which actions take place,
what Hannah Arendt terms the predicament of irreversibility (212).
In the first case, the parties involved in the conflict are unable to agree on the moral
significance of their actions. One side of the conflict views their particular actions as just; the
other side interprets these same actions as vengeful and unjust. Thus, the predicament of
partiality indicates that “just” revenge continuously leads to “just” counter-revenge.
The predicament of irreversibility indicates another way in which parties of intractable
conflicts become stuck in a spiral of vengeance. Since acts are necessarily embedded in a
temporal sequence, it is impossible to “to undo what one has done though one did not, or
could not, have known what he was doing” (Arendt 212). If our actions could be undone,
what need would there be for revenge? Forgiveness as a unilateral act provides a powerful
way out of the cycle of violence in which both parties are trapped by the above predicaments.
Yet, what is so unique about the act of forgiveness?
First and foremost, forgiveness is a restorative act for the forgiver, while simultaneously
aiming to also restore relationships. As a genuinely free act which ‘”does not merely re-act,”
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(Arendt 216) forgiveness “breaks the power of the remembered past and transcends the
claims of the affirmed justice and so makes the spiral of vengeance grind to a halt” (Volf
121).
Forgiveness turns the entire system of retributive justice on its head, while neither demanding
forgetting nor substituting justice. Rather than expressing “a system of human selfestimation with the ego at the center…and the suitably repentant enemy as its beneficiary”,
the proper idea of human forgiveness expresses “the system of the new man in critical and
penitent and growing dialogue with himself” (Moore 89). Forgiveness enables the victim to
resist the temptation to either mimic or dehumanize the oppressor. It turns the focus back on
him or herself. In such a manner, forgiveness enables the victim to rise above his or her own
status as such.
In addition, true forgiveness seeks to awaken the goodness the offender has failed to
acknowledge in his own self and to return to him his dignity. Change by the oppressor is not
necessary, but always a potential result of forgiveness. Ultimately, forgiveness does more for
the forgiver than forgiven (Moore 89-90). Since the concept of forgiveness has been
developed so thoroughly through religious traditions, religious peacemakers have an
important role to play in initiating and guiding the process.
The Praxis of a Politics of Forgiveness
Forgiveness is never easy, especially in the context of extended violence and personal
suffering. However, the experiences of Rev. Magee and Fr. Reid reveal how a deep
connection to suffering opened a path out of the spiral of vengeance. Both men began deeply
entrenched in the issues of their individual communities, and were later opened to larger
society-wide problems through personal tragedy.
As described above, Rev. Magee initially mediated between Sinclair Seamen’s members and
later became active in the Vanguard movement until he disagreed over their aggressive
tactics. His most active involvement with Unionist paramilitaries began, however, shortly
after the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement. Signed in 1985, both Britain and Ireland
agreed that the status of Northern Ireland could change, but only if the majority of its citizens
favored such an outcome (Bardon 23: 2003).
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Following this agreement, strong feelings of betrayal were experienced in the Unionist
community. A surge of violence ensued over the next two years, during which Rev. Magee
not only conducted the funeral of many innocent people, but also lost one of his closest
friends. Magee reflects that “this brought me to the place where I realized that REVENGE is
not the solution and in order to try to establish a better future for my Grandchildren, I should
do all in my power to help end the bloodshed” (Little 68). While Magee’s previous
experience enabled him to understand how someone could be moved to seek revenge, his
forgiveness of those who committed violence enabled him to rise above his status as victim
and pursue a different path.
Fr. Reid also had first-hand experience of the suffering of the people of his community, as
Clonard Monastery was located in the area of Belfast around which much of the violence of
the Troubles took place. In addition to his work with paramilitary organizations, Reid
advocated on behalf of Nationalist prisoners. During the first hunger strike at Maze prison, in
1980, he successfully encouraged Cardinal O’Fiaich, an Irish Cardinal and Roman Catholic
Archbishop of Armagh, to petition the British government to improve conditions and urge the
prisoners to end their strike. While the initial strike was called off, a failure to improve
prison conditions by the British government resulted in a second hunger strike a year later
and the death of Bobby Sands.
Between these two events, Fr. Reid became physically and emotional exhausted. Upon one
return trip from Maze prison, he collapsed and was rushed to the hospital where he nearly
died. After several months of recuperation in Rome, he returned to Clonard monastery
around the time of the Shankill murders in October 1993. The daily tragedy of death and loss,
however, only strengthened his resolve to work for peace (Little 67).
The breaking down of myths:
Myth is a particularly powerful tool of religion, conveying through symbol and ritual the
shared memory of a community. In Northern Ireland, stories of communal suffering
reinforced a siege mentality formed in reaction to a threatening, opposition community.
Unfortunately, the Protestant and Catholic churches initially reinforced the climate of mutual
distrust through the promotion of myths of victimization and self-righteousness. As a
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consequence, and as suggested by the predicament of partiality, a cycle of “just” revenge and
“just” counter-revenge ensued.
Eventually some religiously motivated actors became involved in cultural initiatives for
peace, such as Corrymeela, Fellowship of Reconciliation, and Witness for Peace. In addition,
Protestant and Catholic leaders, such as the Right Reverend John Dunlop and Cardinal Cahal
Daly, proved to be influential critics of their respective communities. However, the attitudes
of paramilitaries remained immune to such challenges. Change at this level would require
the work of Rev. Magee and Fr. Reid, through their direct experience of suffering and strong
relationships with paramilitary leaders and members.
The turning point for Magee came after the Shankill murders in 1993. As he assisted in the
clearing of rubble and ministering to those who had lost loved ones, several ladies
approached him and said, “The killing has got to stop. There should be no retaliation” (Little
76). Magee notes that this was a rather typical response to a minister, but what made this
most extraordinary was the fact that a military commander was standing next to him.
Fr. Reid found the best way to break the myths of mutual distrust was to get involved in the
lives of the paramilitaries. He came to recognize that they had multiple identities – members
of paramilitary organizations and, at the same time, members of families. Reid comments
that, “The interesting thing was that when you started to talk to them, you found that the
people who were most interested in stopping the violence were the people who used
violence” (Little 78). Reid and Magee offered these paramilitaries an alternative path
through their own example. After myths of mutual distrust began to break down, the next
step involved an honest evaluation of individuals’ consciences.
A call to conscience:
Once paramilitaries recognized the cycle of violence in which they were trapped, Rev. Magee
and Fr. Reid challenged the legitimacy of this violence through the strong relationships they
had built and respect they had gained. Magee stresses that you must earn the right to tell
people they are wrong, and once you have gained that respect you must not be afraid to use it.
Shortly after the eruption of violence in response to the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, Rev.
Magee met with the inner council of the Ulster Defense Association (UDA) and reproached
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them, “You may escape the court of the land but you will not escape the judgment of God”
(Little 69). Surprisingly the paramilitary leaders agreed.
Fr. Reid also relied on core religious beliefs and religious traditions to push for peace. In
1986 he decided to “put it all on paper so that the opportunity that was there to end the armed
struggle would be known” (Little 71). His letter to Charles Haughey, then Fianna Fail leader
and former Taoiseach, and John Hume, SDLP leader, suggested a partnership between the
Nationalist parties of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. In addition, he
emphasized his own pastoral and moral duty to work for peace.
In another example of Reid’s writings, “A Pastoral Response to the Conflict in Northern
Ireland,” he emphasized the need to promote “a Christian presence in the midst of the conflict
which could light and lead the way to peace by the power and after the example of the Good
Shepherd who is always among us” (Little 89). This presence was often in the form of Rev.
Magee and Fr. Reid. Their lifestyles and contact with paramilitaries sought to awaken the
goodness of those engaged in violence and return to them their dignity.
The persecutor cannot ask for forgiveness if the emotional and physical space for such action
is absent (Moore 99-100). Magee and Reid created this space and enabled paramilitaries to
reflect on the legitimacy of their actions. Acknowledging their situation and own
responsibility in the conflict, paramilitary groups were finally prepared to consider options to
end the conflict. At this point, Magee and Reid promoted dialogue within and across
communities.
Intra- and inter-group trust-building through dialogue
It is one thing to correct misperceptions (predicament of partiality), quite another to undo
actions (predicament of reversibility). During the Troubles, more than 3500 people were
killed and at least 40,000 more injured (Morrissey and Smyth 3-4). Does forgiveness without
retribution not fail to honor the dead and injured?
Rev. Magee and Fr. Reid experienced the suffering first hand and recognized that resolution
depended on healed relationships which occur only through forgiveness. Guided by religious
beliefs that rejected a radical form of individualization in which fault rests entirely in the self,
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they recognized that the repair of damaged relationships comes only through dialogue. One
example is as follows:
In 1990, Fr. Reid organized, jointly with Reverend Ken Newell of Fitzroy Presbyterian
Church in south Belfast, meetings with Gerry Adams, president of Sinn Féin. 20 Newell and
two other Presbyterian ministers, along with Reid and another priest, met two or three times a
month in Clonard monastery’s library with Adams and members of his staff. The
Presbyterian ministers sought to balance a pastoral approach with an accurate representation
of the pain and hurt in their communities from IRA attacks.
After 18 months of unproductive talks, the Presbyterian ministers moved to end the stalled
dialogue process. However, Sinn Féin members finally demonstrated a genuine desire to
make peace “on the basis of the principles of self-determination of the Irish people, consent,
and a democratic resolution to the conflict.” The agenda of talks became more substantial
under what Reid believed was “the impact of genuine friendship and real concern for each
other.” At Adam’s suggestion, the group eventually created a broader forum for CatholicProtestant/Nationalist-Unionists dialogue involving Presbyterians, the Church of Ireland,
Methodists and Catholics.
Lessons Learned
The above analysis does not suggest that forgiveness alone is responsible for the peaceful
settlement of the conflict in Northern Ireland. However, a politics of forgiveness based on an
understanding of forgiveness as a unilateral act, has a critical role to play in the resolution of
intractable conflicts. In addition, religious actors and religious sensibilities do have a role to
play in the formulating of a politics of forgiveness. As Appleby accurately points out, further
consideration must be given to which religious actors, which religious sensibilities and what
role will such actors have in the conflict process.
Rev. Magee and Fr. Reid, as respected and well-known members of their communities, were
well situated to engage paramilitaries. As mentioned above, they were not the only religious
actors involved in the peace process. Religiously motivated individuals promoted peace
20
For a more detailed description of this event see Appleby 187.
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through cultural initiatives, such as Corrymeela, and Protestant and Catholic leaders, such as
Rev. John Dunlop and Cardinal Daly, challenged the actions of the members of their
communities. However, it was Magee and Reid that had earned the respect and trust of
paramilitaries, and so were most able to guide the process at that level. While they utilized
many of the tactics of secular middle-range actors, they also continuously relied on their
religious traditions. In fact, religion helped to establish their credibility in the first place.
The religious sensibilities that appear to have guided their actions can be conceptualized into
four main themes: (a) suffering, (b) relationships, (c) discernment, and (d) hope.
A modern understanding of suffering implies something to be avoided at all costs. The fact
that many religious actors embrace suffering can be puzzling at times. Friedrich Nietzsche,
levied a harsh criticism on this point asserting that, “at the bottom of Christianity is the rancor
of the sick instinct directed against the healthy, against health itself” (Nietzsche 51). While it
is true that some religiously motivated people have imposed afflictions on themselves in the
false belief that in so doing they were more closely following the way of Jesus Christ, a more
proper way to understand suffering is as the response to the call of living in community with
the afflicted (Nouwen, McNeill and Morrison, 41). Suffering properly understood denotes a
process of enduring, “to go or pass through, be subjected to, undergo, experience” with
neither a negative or positive connotation implied (Oxford English Dictionary, s.v. “suffer”).
Both Magee and Reid were powerfully present to their communities, despite personal tragedy
and health concerns. They did not differentiate between persecutor and victim, sinner and
oppressed. Rather, they believed that all people involved in the conflict had needs that had to
be addressed in order to achieve peace. As Magee explains, “Even though they may have
been…violent people, they have problems. They have difficulties that need to be addressed.
And I always left myself open and said, ‘If you have any problems, don’t be afraid to come to
me” (Little 87). The willingness of Magee and Reid to engage and endure the conflict with
all the members of their community resulted in the powerful, mutually respectful
relationships that helped transform the activity of paramilitary organizations.
These mutually respectful relationships are a second important theme informed by the
religious sensibilities of Rev. Magee and Fr. Reid. Neither man condoned the use of
violence, even though they were working directly with men who saw violence as a necessary
tool. Each had to be careful not to coerce the paramilitary organizations, while at the same
time arguing their own theological and political positions. Magee summarizes, “As we
progressed from stage to stage, I always ensured that the decision to move was THEIRS”
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(Little 87). To move the process towards peace, each man relied on the strength of his
argument, which gained legitimacy as myths were broken down, consciences were examined
and intra- and inter-community dialogue increased.
Rev. Magee and Fr. Reid also stress the value of relationships with members of the other
community. The example of Presbyterian ministers, Catholic Priests and Sinn Féin members
is but one instance. In his “A Pastoral Response to the Conflict in Northern Ireland,” Reid
calls for relationships based on respectful listening and dialogue and focuses on shared
democratic values among religious leaders, religious communities and the key parties to the
conflict (Little 89). Rather than focusing on what divides, this response leads eventually
from the unilateral process of forgiveness to a mutual process of reconciliation.
Discernment is a third theme to the religious sensibilities important in conflict transformation
by middle-range, religious peacemakers. Discernment is essential to breaking free from the
predicament of partiality, since this is an inability to agree on the moral significance of each
party’s actions. Characteristics of a process of discernment are openness, fairness and
reflective listening.
Fr. Reid stresses the importance of listening because “the way to peace is to be found within
the conflict itself” (Little 86). In addition, his actions and position papers illustrate that the
road to peace is through exchange and dialogue by those who usually prefer not to engage
one another. The process of discernment paves the way, however, to such dialogue and the
identification of common goals and challenges.
Finally, the religious virtue of hope sustained the work of Rev. Magee and Fr. Reid. Hope
strengthened Magee and Reid in the face of personal tragedy and the ongoing suffering of
those in their communities. As cease-fires were reached, failed and then returned to, Reid
and Magee never lost their hope for peace strengthened by their direct interaction with the
people of their communities. Fr. Reid wrote as early as 1989, “My own conviction, based on
daily experience of the faith-inspired goodness of the ordinary men and women of Belfast, is
that, because of that goodness, peace will come sooner rather than later; a peace that will
inspired by the spirit of justice and compassion” (Little 91). One might also add, a peace
inspired by the spirit of forgiveness.
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These religious sensibilities point to a role for middle-range religious peacemakers as
conciliators and mediators in intractable conflicts. Conciliators aim to simply build
relationships with no explicit aim at dispute resolution; mediators seek a win-win outcome
for both parties (Laue 74). Conciliators often attempt to reduce the hostile feelings each side
has towards the other by reducing fear and correcting misperceptions in order to create an
atmosphere conducive to clear communication and formal negotiation (Steele 31). Rev.
Magee and Fr. Reid clearly began in this role, as they helped their respective communities
overcome myths of mutual distrust and examine their individual consciences. As they
became more active in promoting dialogue, they moved into the role of mediator. In this
capacity, they facilitated a connection between forgiveness and reconciliation.
Rather than rush towards reconciliation, they first helped their communities move through a
process of forgiveness, difficult enough in light of the tragedies of the Troubles. The politics
of forgiveness employed by Magee and Reid understood that definitive change occurs
through restored relations, not simply the change of individual attitudes. As such, the
pastoral role of both men remains their most important position in the peace process.
Application of these lessons
As this analysis shows, a politics of forgiveness has an important role to play in the resolution
of intractable conflicts. The praxis of forgiveness, guided by middle-range, religious
peacemakers, focuses on the breaking down of destructive myths of mutual distrust, an
examination of conscience and trust-building through dialogue. This process aims to restore
relationships, first within the self, then within the community, and finally across
communities. Forgiveness as a unilateral act moves parties closer to the mutual act of
reconciliation. This process indicates several key applications for other intractable conflicts.
First, solutions to intractable conflicts can be found within the conflict itself. A politics of
forgiveness suggests that conflicts are transformed as the attitudes of individuals and
communities change, even amidst the lack of structural change. What institutions can
completely change the memory and/or actual events of the past? Forgiveness is the only way
to break free from the spiral of vengeance.
This is not to undermine the importance of structural change, but only to suggest that it has a
complimentary role to forgiveness in bringing about a the cessation of violence. “Just as
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political forgiveness does not eliminate personal accountability, then, reconciliation can be
sustained only in a society that is addressing the social inequalities that inspired the
insurrection or civil war” (Appleby 197). Institutions have a critical role to play in the
reconciliation process, when social spaces which join truth and forgiveness together are
created. What this analysis does suggest, though, is forgiveness as a unilateral act can occur
in the absence, and even work towards the promotion of, structural change.
This is a particularly important point when applied to two of the longest standing global
conflicts – the Israeli-Palestinian and the conflict between the Burmese government and
ethnic minority groups in Burma. In both cases, territorial and political disputes, particularly
controversy over constitutional change in the case of Burma, result in impasses between the
parties. Increased attention should be paid to the myths that perpetuate these conflicts and the
middle-range, religious peacemakers who might initiate and guide a process of forgiveness.
In the case of Burma, increased attention should be paid to the Sangha, or the main
institutional assembly of Buddhist monks in Burma, which has gradually been shifting their
support from the military junta to the National League for Democracy.21 Is this simply a
political strategy or are the underlying religious sensibilities of Buddhism guiding the actions
of religious leaders? Since Buddhist monks still represent the Burmese, many minority
ethnic groups do not see them as allies. However, their recent involvement in the September
2007 demonstrations has reduced the perception of the Sangha as a threat to minority groups.
In what ways can minority groups work with the Buddhist monks? To what extent can
Buddhist monks work to transform the opinions of Burmese leaders, or promote intercommunity dialogue?
A second important application of these lessons is the need to engage all parties of a conflict.
Until the Israeli government and the democratically elected leaders of Hamas are willing to
enter into dialogue, a political solution will remain out of reach. It would not be surprising to
find that, similar to Northern Ireland, violent actors are among those who most seek an end to
violence. The question remains whether or not a public space can be opened for such a
confession. This analysis suggests that official criticism and cultural initiatives at the grass-
21
A pivotal moment occurred last year when a group of monks meditated and prayed in front of the house in
which Aung San Suu Kyi is imprisoned. It was her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), that won
392 of 485 seats in the 1990 parliamentary elections. The Burmese military junta refused to honor these results,
however. The actions of the monks was in effect an overt ritualistic demonstration of the transfer of Buddhist
legitimacy and blessing from the junta to the NLD.
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roots level are not enough. Those who use violence must be approached directly and in their
own communities. Middle-range, religious peacemakers, supported by their religious
traditions, are often willing to put their own reputations and safety at risk for such a task.
Finally, this analysis advocates the acknowledgement of religious sensibilities in resolving
some intractable conflicts. Even when a conflict is not exclusively about religion, differences
are still often bound up in religious identity. Such identities can define to a large extent
where people live and socialize, how they remember the past, and their political views. As
such, religion and religious actors should be included in the analyses of contemporary
conflict situations and for their resolution. In such situations where religious identities
overlap with other affiliations, religious actors earn an important form of legitimacy from
their status as pastor, priest, monk, etc., and they should be incorporated more fully into the
process of conciliation and mediation.
The current situation in Iraq reveals the pivotal role of religious actors at all levels in a
conflict, although the exact role of middle-range, religious peacemakers remains unclear. The
four main Grand Ayatollahs in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Mohammad Ishaq al-Fayyad, Bashir alNajafi, and Ahmed Alhasani al-Baghdadi, exert great influence in the shaping of public
opinion for the majority of the Shiite population, including lower-level clerics.
These lower-level clerics are more tightly bound to the rulings of the four Grand Ayattolah’s
in Iraq than Fr. Reid or Rev. Magee were to their religious institutions. Even without the full
support of the Roman Catholic Church, Fr. Reid had the support of his religious order, the
Redemptorists. In addition, while Rev. Magee did not have the full backing of his Church,
his authority as pastor was not threatened by the lack of this institutional support.
In the case of Iraq, it appears necessary to first garner the favor of all, or at least some, of the
four Grand Ayatollahs before turning to lower-level clerics. However, a politics of
forgiveness can be compatible with Muslim societies. While reparations and the
acknowledgment of wrong are intimately connected to the Islamic view of forgiveness, acts
that vanquish hatred and anger are prized even greater than justice (Abu-Nimer 67).
Accordingly, a politics of forgiveness, supported by the Grand Ayatollahs and implemented
by lower-level clerics could prepare Iraqi society for the longer task of reconciliation and
structural change.
Conclusion
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A politics of forgiveness has a critical role to play in the resolution of intractable conflicts.
Parties in such situations are trapped in a spiral of vengeance, a result of (a) misperceptions
by each party of other’s actions (predicament of partiality) and (b) the temporal sequence in
which actions take place (predicament of irreversibility). The predicament of partiality is
strengthened and supported by myths, often religious in nature, and ultimately broken by a
genuine examination of conscience, along with intra-group and inter-group trust-building
through dialogue. While the predicament of irreversibility cannot be eluded, forgiveness can
free one of the past, open one to dialogue with the other side, and create a future committed
to peace.
Forgiveness is the place “where the presence of another human being, selfish and mean like
yourself, precludes any possibility of bullshit” (Moore 88). As a unilateral act it empowers
the victim to restore relations with first him or herself, then within his or her community, and
finally with members of the opposition community. This process leads parties to the mutual
act of reconciliation. However, debate continues over whether forgiveness can transcend the
interpersonal to the political realm. Can groups rather than individuals forgive and be
forgiven? Can people other than immediate victims forgive?
This analysis of the Northern Ireland conflict suggests that both scenarios are possible.
Victims are seldom, if ever, solitary individuals and groups all too often make decisions that
affect the lives of individuals. As Shriver asserts, “If politics is about forming, preserving
and equipping human groups for collective deliberation…and forgiveness is about
reestablishing the capacity of alienated people to see themselves as members of a collective
again, then…forgiveness is one of the indispensable preconditions for the growth of political
power” (1: 1996). As conciliators and mediators, middle-range, religious peacemakers have
much to offer the further development of a politics of forgiveness, which aims for a
restoration of relationships in order to establish a lasting peace.
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