ANAPHORA RESOLUTION: SHORT-TERM MEMORY AND FOCUSING RAYMONDE GUINDON Microeleotronlcs and Computer T e c h n o l o g y C o r p o r a t i o n (MCC) 9430 R e s e a r c h Blvd. Austin, Texas ?8759. ABSTRACT INTRODUCTION A n a p h o r a r e s o l u t i o n is the process of determining the referent of ~uaphors. such as d e f i n i t e noun phrases and pronouns, in a discourse. Computational linguists, in m o d e l i n g the process of anaphora resolution, have p r o p o s e d the n o t i o n of focusing. Focusing is the process, engaged in by a reader, of selecting a subset of the discourse items and maJ£ing them h i g h l y a v a i l a b l e for further computations. This paper provides a c o g n i t i v e basis for a n a p h o r a r e s o l u t i o n and focusing. Human memory is divided into a short-term, an operating, and a long-term memory. Short-term memory can only contain a small number of meaning units and its retrieval time is fast. Short-term m e m o r y is d i v i d e d into a cache and a buffer. The cache contains a subset of meaning units e x p r e s s e d in the previous sentences and the buffer holds a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of ~he incoming sentence. Focusing is r e a l i z e d in ~he cache that contains a subset of the most topical units and a subset of the mos~ recent units in the text. The information stored in the cache is used to i n t e g r a t e ~he incoming s e n t e n c e with the p r e c e d i n g discourse. Pronouns should be u s e d to refer to units in focus. Operating memory contains a very large number of units but its r e ~ r l e v a l time is slow. It contains the previous tex~ u n i t s that are not in the cache. It c o m p r i s e s the tex~ units not in focus. D e f i n i t e noun phrases should be used to refer to unite not in focus. Two e m p i r i c a l studies are d e s c r i b e d that d e m o n s t r a t e the c o g n i t i v e basis for focusing, the use of d e f i n i t e noun phrases to refer to a n t e c e d e n t s not in focus, and the use of p r o n o u n s to refer to a n t e c e d e n t s in focus. The goal of thls research is to show the relation between the psychological work on anaphora resolution based on the notion of a l i m i t e d s h o r t - t e r m or w o r k i n g memory and the c o m p u t a t i o n a l l i n g u i s t i c s work b a s e d on the notion of focusing. This r a p p r o c h e m e n t is important for the f o l l o w i n g reasons: I) From a theoretical viewpoint. cognitive evidence increases the v a l i d i t y of the c o m p u t a t i o n a l notion of focus. 2) F o c u s i n g c o r r e s p o n d s to one of the reader's c o m p r e h e n s i o n p r o c e s s e s and it needs to be i n c o r p o r a t e d in the model of the user in language understanding systems to adequately resolve a m ~ i g u i t l e s in the user's u t t e r a n c e s and to h a n d l e language generation. FOCUSING IN C O M P U T A T I O N A L LINGUISTICS A c c o r d i n g to Grosz ( 1 9 7 7 ) . who was i n t e r e s t e d in ~he r e s o l u t i o n of d e f i n i t e noun phrases, focusing is the process. engaged in by participants in a discourse, of h i g h l i g h t i n g a subset of their shared reality. Grosz. Joshi. and w e i n s t e i n (1983) d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n two levels of focus, global focus and centerimg. G l o b a l f o c u s i n g is a major factor in m a i n t a i n i n g global c o h e r e n c e and in the interpretation of d e f i n i t e noun phrases. Centering is a m a j o r factor in m a i n t a i n i n g local coherence and in the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of pronouns. Grosz. Joshi. and W e i n s t e i n further define the notion of centering. Each sentence has two types of centers whose purpose is t o integrate the sentence t o the discourse. The backward-looking center links the current sentence to the preceding discourse. The set of f o r w a r d - l o o k l n g centers p r o v i d e s th~ set of e n t i t i e s to which further anaphors m~y refer. The b 6 o k w ~ r d - l o o k l n g c e n t e r corresponds, roughly.- to Sidner's focus and the forward-looklng centers to Sidner's potentla~l fool. ~8 • L oomputatlon~l costs assoolated with inferential p r o c e s s i n g when testln~ the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the o o - s p e c l f l e r to the anaphor. One principle derived by Grosz, Joshl, and W e i n s ~ e i n is the following: if the b ~ o k w a r d - l o o k i n g center of the ourren~ utterance is the same as the b a o k w a r d - l o o k l n g cen~er of the previous utterance, a p r o n o u n should be used. In other words, if there are no ~oplc shifts, continue to refer to the same entity by using a pronoun. COGNITIVE STUDIES OF A N A P H O R A RESOLUTION A few representative empirical studies of anaphora resolution are d e s c r i b e d below. All the experimental par~dlgms used share the following assumptions: 1) h u m a n memory is func~ionally or s~ruc~urally divided into at least two types of memories, a s h o r t - t e r m memory with small storage capacity but very fast retrieval time and a long-term memory with very large s~orage capacity but slow retrieval time: 2) a topic shift transfers the units currently in short-term memory to l o n ~ - t e r m memory: 3) ~n anaphor transfers its referent from long-term memory to short-term m e m o r y (i.e. r e i n s t a t e s its referent), if it was not already in s h o r t - t e r m memory. However, violations ofthis principle have been p r e s e n t e d in Grosz (1977) and n o t e d in Grosz, Joshl, and Welns~eln (198~). They have shown that pronouns are sometimes used to refer to entities m e n t i o n e d many sentences back, even though the b a c k w a r d - l o o k l n g center of intervening sentences has been changed by topic shifts. Sidner (19V9. 1983) has proposed the notion of focus in the context of interpreting anaphors, especially pronouns. In Sidner's theory, an anaphor neither refers ~o another word nor co-refers to another word. but rather c o - s p e c i f i e s a cognitive elemen~ in the reader's mind. Moreover. a theory of an&phora resolution must predict the pattern of reader's correct and incorrect choices of co-specifiers and ~he failures ~o u n d e r s t a n d . This view makes explicit the c o n s i d e r a t i o n of the reader's mental model and inferential capa~bili~ies The first assumption is crucial. Other things being equal, c o m p u t a t i o n s involving retrieval from short-term memory will be faster than those involving retrieval from long-term memory. Turning to the second assumption, topic shifts have been found to be induced wlth a varify of l i n g u l s % i c devices. One of the devices is the introduction of intervening sentences between the referent and its anaphor. The i n t e r v e n i n g sentences are u n r e l a t e d zo the referent but related to the overall text. A n o t h e r device is the s p e c i f i c a t i o n of a temporal or Spatial parameter that is outside the normal range of a situation. When d e s c r i b i n g a dinner, the phrase "Five hours later," signals ~h~t the topic of conversation is no longer the dinner. A n o t h e r device is the use of an anaphor, frequently a deflnlte noun phrase, to refer to an antecedent tha~ is not currently the topic of c o n v e r s a t i o n bu~ is in the "background". Finally, there is the use of key phrases to signal a d i v e r s i o n in the flow of discourse, such as "Let's turn to.". as d o c u m e n t e d in Relchman (1978, 1984). A sEetch of Sidner's focusing process follows. First. an initial focus is selected on the basis of syntactic features and thematic roles indicating toplc~lity in the flrs~ sentence. Other elements i n t r o d u c e d in the sentence are stored as potential loci for later sentences. When an anaphorlc expression is encountered. this focus is tested as a c o - s p e c l f l e r for ~he anaphor. It has to satisfy syntaotlo r e s ~ r l o ~ i o n s on c o - r e f e r e n c e s (L~snlk, 1976), semantic seleo~ional restrlo~ions (Katz and Fodor, 1963), and pragmatic plausibility oons~raln~s expressed in the remainder of the sentence. If the focus fails ~s a co-speclfier for the ~n~phor, the potential fool are tried in turn. At the same time, the new elements i n t r o d u c e d in the sentence are stored as potential loci for later sentences. Third, the focus is updated to the selected co-speclfler for the anaphor. If the focus has changed, a topic s~ift has occurred. The second and third s~eps are cyclically applied after each sentence. The general pattern for the material used in these e x p e r i m e n t s is the following. A~ the b e g i n n i n g of the tex~ appears a sentence containing a referent (e.g. biologist). For example, "The mission included a biologist". Then, if ~he referent should not be in focus, the nex~ sentence or sentences indloate a topic shift as described aJ3ovs (e.g. The advantage of using a focus mechanism is tha~ it priorltlzes and r e s t r l c ~ s the search for a co-speclfier, and as a consequence, reduces the ~9 unrelated intervening sentences). If the referent should be in focus, no devices for topic shifts are used. The following sentence then contains an an&phor (e.g. scientist, he) to the focused or non-focused referent (e.g. biologist). For example, "The scientlst collected samples from the cultures". Another example is shown in Table 1 of this paper. These results show not only that &naphora resolution is easier when the referent is nearer the ~naphor but also that one intervenln E sentence may be sufflolent to produce a topic shift. C l a r e and Sengul (1979) used the sentence reading time technique to study a n a p h o r a resolution. In this technique. subjects control the onset and offset of the presentation of a sentence by pressing a button. The subjects are i n s t r u c t e d to press the button to see a new sentence as soon as they have u n d e r s t o o d the current sentence. The a s s u m p t i o n behind this technique is that additional processing required for comprehension will increase sentence reading time. C a r p e n t e r and Just (1977) used eye traoklng with other converging techniques to study anaphora resolution. Wlth eye tracking, one can monitor very p r e c i s e l y the trajectory of the eyes, with their forward and regressive movements, and the duration of eye fixations on small segments of the t e ~ . The assumption behind using this technique is that eye movements are closely related to higher level cognitive activities such as comprehension. Therefore. one can expect longer fixation durations on text segments requiring additional processing to be comprehended and one can expect the eye movement pattern to mirror the selective pickup of important i n f o r m a t i o n in the text. Clare and Sengul (1979) measured the reading time of a sentence containing an anaphor. They distinguished between two models of the effect of recency of a referent on the speed of ~naphora resolution. In the first model, called the "continuity model", entities mentioned in the d i s c o u r s e are searched backward from the last one. One should expect m o n o t o n i c a l l y increasing re~din~ time as the searched entity is farther back. In the second model, called the "discontinuity model", entities mentioned in the current or last sentence are kept in short-term memory and accessed first. All the entities that are further back are more likely to be in long-term memory (and not in shor~-term memory) and accessed second. They performed a series of experiments testln~ the effect of recency of a referent on the time course of anaphora resolution. Indirectly. they tested the effect of recency on the availability of an item in short-term memory. They presented texts where the number of sentences between the referent and the anaphor was varied from zero to three. The subjects read each sentence and. after the sentence, had to decide whether it was consistent or inconsistent with the previous sentences. The consistency Judgment times and the eye fixations were recorded. The consistency Judgment task, used as converging evidence with the eye movement technique, is believed to induce the subjects to integrate each new sentence and should pars,llel the d i f f i c u l t y of ~ p h o r a resolution. The overall reading time of the ~n&phorlo sentence was measured using the eye tracking technique. Each of these tasks should be faster if the referent was in short-term memory than if the referent was in long-term memory. Subjects rea~ short paragraphs where a referent could be separated from the anaphor by zero ~o two intervenin~ sentences. The readln~ time of ~he sentence containing the anaphor was fast when the referent was in the immediately preceding sentence but ~ a l l x ~ when it was two or three sentences before. This finding supports the discontinuity model. Entities in the last processing cycle are more likely to be kept in short-term memory than entities in previously processed cycles. Once a tex~ entity is not in short-term, the number of intervening sentences does not affect the speed of an~phora resolution. Lesgold, Roth, and Curtis (1979), who related the linguistic notion of foregrounding (Chafe, 1972) to ~he psychological notion of short-term memory, performed a series of experiments similar ~o those of Clark ~nd Sengul (1979), using more varied ways to produce topic shifts, and replicated the above findings. Response times for the consistency Judgments and reading times of the anaphorlc sentences increased as the n-mher of intervening sentences increased. The sharpest difference appeared between zero and one intervening sentence. Gaze durations within the anaphorlo sentence were shorter when there were no intervenlng sentences th~n in the other conditions. 220 the e n d of the clause, as opposed to when the anaphor is encountered, the referent had time to be reinstated in shor~-term memory and be highly available. This is an important point. The a c t i v a t i o n p r o c e d u r e was not on-llne since the old-new r e c o g n i t i o n ocoured at the ~n~ of the sentence as opposed to M~ll~ the sentence was read and the a n a p h o r encountered. M c K o o n and g a t o l i f f (1980) used an activation procedure based on Chang (1980). A desoriptlon of the baslo paradigm and its underlying loglo follows. When one reads a text, only a small part of the text i n f o r m a t i o n is s t o r e d in s h o r t - t e r m m e m o r y and most of the information is stored in l o n g - t e r m memory. This is due to the very small s t o r a g e c a p a c i t y of s h o r t - t e r m m e m o r y (7 t2 chunEs; Miller, 1956). Given that retrieval time in s h o r t - t e r m m e m o r y is much faster than retrieval time in l o n g - t e r m memory, it will tame longer to r e m e m b e r s o m e t h i n g from the text if the memory is stored in long-term m e m o r y than in s h o r t - t e r m memory. A n o t h e r i n i t i a l l y s u r p r i s i n g effect was that ~he old-new r e c o g n i t i o n times for the r e f e r e n t s were slower in the zero intervening sentences when the a n a p h o r was a r e p e t i t i o n of the referent itself than when the anaphor was the category name. This last result suggests that it is not a p p r o p r i a t e to use a d e f i n i t e noun phrase, e s p e c i a l l y a repetition of the referent, to refer to a a n t e c e d e n t in s h o r t - t e r m memory. In their study, subjects read a paragraph sentence by sentence. I m m e d i a t e l y after the last sentence, the subjects were presented with a single w o r d and the subjects had to remember w h e t h e r the w o r d had appeared p r e v i o u s l y in the text or not (an old-new recognition). If the tested word was still in s h o r t - t e r m memory, the old-new recognition time should be faster than if it was in l o n g - t e r m memory. As explained previously, intervening sentences are not the only d e v i c e s that transfer text units from short-term to long-term memory. Stereotypical situations have spatial and temporal parameters with legal ranges of values. If one specifies a spatial or ~emporal value outside these ranges, a s c e n a r i o - s h i f t occurs. For example. Anderson (in Sanford and Garrodo 1981) constructed texts about stereotypical situations such as going to a restaurant. In one sentence of the text, there was a reference to a c h a r a c t e r related to the script, say a waiter. AZ the b e g i n n i n g of the next sentence, there was a mention of a temporal or spatial parameter, such as "One hour later" or "Five hours la~er". In the flrs~ case the parameter is within the range d e f i n i n g the scrip~, in the second case it is not. The rest of ~he sentence c o n t a i n e d an anaphor to the previously mentioned character, the walter. M e a s u m l n g ~he reading time of the a n a p h o r l o sentence. A n d e r s o n showed longer reading time when the spatial or temporal p a r a m e t e r w~s outside the range of the script th~n inside. This suggests that the referent was t r a n s f e r e d from short-term to long-term m e m o r y by the s c e n a r l o - s h l f t and it took longer ~o retrieve the referent during a n a p h o r a resolution. To test this hypothesis, the paragraphs were constructed in the f o l l o w i n g manner. The referent (e.g. burglar) was s e p a r a t e d from the anaphor by either zero or ~wo in~ervenlng sentences. The anaphor appeared in the last sentence of the paragraph. The last sentence was p r e s e n t e d in one of three versions: i) the subject of the sentence was a repetition (i.e. burglar) of the referent in the first sentence (anaphorio-identioal); 2) the subject was the name of the category(e.g. criminal) in which the referent b e l o n g e d (anaphorlc- category); 3) the subject was a noun (e.g. ca~) u n r e l a t e d ~o the referent (non-anaphoric). During the e x p e r i m e n t a l trials, the "referent" (i.e. burglar) was presented immediately after the last sentence for an o l d - n e w recognition. A s s u m i n g that an anaphor activates its referent by m a k i n g it a v a i l a b l e in short-term memory, one can expect s l g n i f l o a n t l y faster old-new r e c o g n i t i o n times for "burglar" in the a n a p h o r l c - c a ~ e g o r y oondi~lon than in the non-anaphorlo condition. This p r e d i c t i o n was observed. The results from all these experiments support the notion tha~ an anaphor activates its referent by malting it highly available in s h o r t - t e r m memory and ~hat topic shifts transfer units from short-term memory to long-term memoz'y. However. none of these studles~ except some eye movement siudles. provide data on ~ a n a p h o r a resolution occurs during the reading of a sentence ~nd when i~ ooou2s in relation to the Surprisingly, the number of intervening sentences did not have an effect. This suggests that the two i n t e r v e n i n g sentences did not remove the referent from short-term memory (i.e. "backgrounds" the referent). It is p r o b a b l y not the case. Rather. i~ is llkely that by testing the referent at 2~ lexioal, pragmatic syntactic. analyses. semantic, COGNITIVE BASIS FOR FOCUSING and Cache ~ . During the input of a sentence into the buffer ~nd the c o n c u r r e n t i n t e g r a t i o n of the sentence into the cache, a subset of the s e m a n t i c u n i t s h e l d in the STM is s e l e c t e d to be held over in the cache for the next cycle. F o l l o w i n g E l n t s c h and van Dijk (1978), the cache management strategy s e l e c t s a subset T of the most topical items and a subset R of the most recent items to be held over in the cache. The selection strategy aims at m ~ x l m i z i n ~ the p r o b a b i l i t y that an anaphor in the nex~ sentence will refer to a semantic unit held in the cache. Cache management is applied after each s e n t e n c e or clause. A sketch of a cognitive model of a n a p h o r a r e s o l u t i o n is offered here. It has b e e n heavily influenced by the short-term~long-term memory model of Kintsch and van DiJk (19~8) and e s p e c i a l l y its leading edge strategy. ~tructure ~f ~ memg/~ Analogically, human memory can be conceptualized as a three level s t r u c t u r e similar to the m e m o r y of most mini and main frame computers. It consists of a small, very fast memory called short-term memory (STM); a relatively larger main or operating memory (OM): and a vast store of general w o r l d knowledge called l o n g - t e r m m e m o r y (LTM). Pronouns and d e f i n i t e noun phrases r e s o l v e d using different strategies, will d e s c r i b e four cases: The total STM is only large enough to c o n t a i n 7t2 chunks of i n f o r m a t i o n at any one time (Simon, 1974; Miller. 1956). The resources for STM are dynamically allocated to one of two uses. First, par~ of the STM is used to store the incoming sentence or clause. This is a temporary storage of the sentence or clause before further processing and is called the STM buffer. The second part of STM is c a l l e d the STM cache. It is used to hold over. from one sentence or clause to the next. the information necessary to provide local and global coherence. It contains a subset of the previous text items that are topical and a subset of those that are recent. Retrieval times from s h o r t - t e r m m e m o r y are v e r y fast. are we i. The anaphor is a d e f i n i t e noun phrase and the referent is not in focus, that is, i~ is in operating memory, 2. The anaphor is a d e f i n i t e noun phrase and the referent is in focus, that is. it is in the cache. 3. The anaphor is a the referent is (in fOCUS). 4. The anaphor is a pronoun and the referent is in o p e r a t i n g m e m o r y (not in focus). pronoun and in the cache It is hypothesized that the explicitness of sm anaphor is a signal. used by the readier, which denotes whether the referent is in the cache or in o p e r a t i n g memory. Conceptually. operating memory is the subset of the w o r l d k n o w l e d g e in long-term memory which is deemed relev~n~ to the prooesslng of the current par~ of the text. It also contains the growing m e m o r y structure o o r r s s p o n d i n ~ to the tex~ read so f~r. I~ contains the less topical and less recent information from the text. Retrieval times are much longer than for short-term memory. If the ~naphor is a d e f i n i t e noun phrase, operating memory is searched immediately. If the referent is in operating memory it is then r e i n s t a t e d into the cache. A topic shift has occured. If the anaphor is a definite noun phrase and the referent is in focus (i.e. in the cache), anaphora r e s o l u t i o n will be hindered. The reader searches operating memory while the referent is in short-term memory. Correspondingly. this violates a rule of cooperative communication: use a d e f i n i t e noun phrase to refer to an ~ntecedent not in focus. The d e f i n i t e noun phrase signals a topic shift, while in fact. the same entity is being talked about. The time course of anaphora resolution is greatly d e t e r m i n e d by the current content of shor~-term memory and of operating memory. Moroever, pronouns and definite noun phrases are resolved using different s~rategies. 999 TWO ON-LINE RESOLUTION If the anaphor is a pronoun, the cache is searched for a plausible referent. If found, mnaphora resolution is completed. Because cache management is based on t o p i o a l l t y and recency, pronouns can refer to ~he main ~opio of ~he text even when the main ~opio has no~ been mentioned directly for mamy sentences. Unless there is a global ~opic shift, the main topic in the cache remains u n c h a n g e d throughout ~he text. STUDIES OF ANAPHORA The presented studies test the notion tha~ focus is cognltively realized in the reader's limited short-term memory. They also test Grosz. Joshl. and W e l n s t e l n ' s claim that d e f i n i t e noun phrases, and not pronouns, s h o u l d be used to refer ~o items no longer in focus and ~hat pronouns, ~nd not d e f i n i t e noun phrases, should be used to refer to items in focus. Moreover, if one assumes that the content of short-term memory is dynamically updated on ~he basis of recency ~nd topicality, one can explain why p r o n o u n s can be used to refer Zo recent items ~nd also to topical n o n - r e c e n ~ items. If the anaphor is a pronoun but no referent is found in the cache, it is then necessary to search operating memory. If a referen~ is found in o p e r a t i n g memory, it is reinstated into the c~che. A ~opic shift has occured. Using a pronoun ~o refer ~o information in operating memory is d e ~ r l m e n t a l ~o a m a p h o r a resolution. The reader first searches the cache. ~hen ~he operating memory, and ~hen has ~o relnst~te ~he referent into the cache. A new technique, called Q~zli~ ~ i Q n , was developed specifically to p r o v i d e the e m p i r i c a l da~a for these studies. The on-line activation t e c h n i q u e can be compared to "closely" t r a c i n g the e x e c u t i o n of ~ program. COMPARISONS In the on-line activation technique, passages are p r e s e n t e d using rapid serial visual p r e s e n t a t i o n (RSVP), one word a~ a time. In ~dditlon to reading each text. the p a r t i c i p a n t s were also given the ~ask to recognize whether some s p e c i a l l y m a r k e d words, presented surreptitiously wi~hln ~he ~ext, had a p p e m r e d before in the tex~ or not. Some of ~hese special words were p r e s e n t e d before in the text and others were not.. We will call ~hese specially m a r k e d words zest words. This task is c a l l e d am old-new recognition task. A clear relation exists between ~he notion of focusing proposed in c o m p u t a t i o n a l l i n g u i s t i c s and the model of human memory and d i s c o u r s e processing proposed in cognitive psychology. The Q ~ h ~ is used to store the items in f.~Q~. Given the small number of items stored in the cache, a sketchy anaphor such as ~ ~ is sufflclen~ to retrieve the referent. The cache management strategy in human .memory is aimed at m a x i m i z i n g ~he p r o b a b i l i t y that the cache contains the information relevant to the next cycle of computation. The cache, by containing topical and recen~ i~ems, allows to maintain global and local coherence. The passages contained anaphors referring ~o a n t e c e d e n t s which were either in focus or not in focus. An antecedent was removed from focus by introducing a topic shift, with ~he restrlc~ion that the antecedent was not the main topic of the discourse. An example ter~ is presented in table I. Note that only one of the a l t e r n a t i v e sentences 5a, 5b. or 50 was presented for each text to the participants of the study. Q ~ m~y~ is used ~o store items that are not in f ~ A ~ . Because the set of items is large, an informative descrlp~ion of the Item ~o be searched for is needed. D~fi~i~ ~ou~ ~ h / ~ e s a/e used ~o indlc~te to the reader ~ha~ the i ~ e m is no~ in focus. thus In operating memory. Other things being equal, it will tame more time to retrieve an item from operating memory than from the cache. The referent will need to be reinstated into the cache. This will produce a topic shift. The reinstated referent is then highly a v a i l a b l e and can be referred to by using a pronoun. In each text. one of the test words was the referent of the anaphor. At some point before or after the anaphor was presented on the CRT, its referent was p r e s e n t e d for old-new recognition and recognition times and errors were collected. The d e l a y between the onse~ of the anaphor and the onset of the test word is called the stimulus onset a s y n c h r o n y (SOA). The ~naphor is acting as a prime, which should activate the referent. The old-new recognition time for the referent test word indicates 223 whether the referent in o p e r a t i n g memory. is in the cache or TABLE 2 SCHEMA OF THE P R O C E D U R E TABLE 1 SOAs E X A M P L E OF TEXTS WITH A N T E C E D E N T S IN FOCUS AND NOT IN FOCUS Antecedent: Anaphor: in Focus 1The assistant was preparing s o l u t i o n s for a c h e m i s t r y experiment. 2The e x p e r i m e n t would take at least four hours. 3There w o u l d then be a ten hour wait for the r e a c t i o n to complete. 4He m e a s u r e d the temperature of a s o l u t i o n u s i n g a thermometer. 5a- The thin instrument was not giving the e x p e c t e d re~ding. 5b- A broken instrument was not giving the e x p e c t e d reading. 5c- The c o m p u z e r terminal was not giving the e x p e c t e d reading. Antecedent ~50 msec 1250 msec Time T1 The The The T2 thin thin thin T~ "thermometer* i n s t r u m e n t instrument T4 i n s t r u m e n t *thermometer" was T5 was was not T8 not not giving T7 giving giving *thermometer" thermometer instrument Antecedent Before The p r e d i c t i o n s I. If a referent is not in focus, due to a topic shift, the o o o u r e n o e of the a n a p h o r should reinstate t h e referent into the cache, leading to faster old-new r e c o g n i t i o n times. In terms of the experimental conditions, there should be a decrease in old-new r e c o g n i t i o n time at the 350 and 1250 msec conditions in the S+R÷ condition (i.e. after the anaphor), but not in the S+Rand S-R- conditions, w h i c h are not anaphorio. 2. The use of a definite noun phrase to refer to an a n t e c e d e n t in the cache (i.e. in focus) should be d e t r i m e n t a l to a n a p h o r a resolution. IZ should slow down the r e c o g n i t i o n of the referent as old or new. In terms of the e x ~ e r l m e n t a l conditions, if the referent is in focus, the old-new recognition times in the 350 and 1250 msec SOA conditions should be slower than in the before SOA coD~Litlon. not in Focus IThe assistant was preparing solutions for a c h e m i s t r y experiment. 2- He m e a s u r e d the temperature of a solution using a thermometer. 3- The e x p e r i m e n t would take at least four hours. 4There w o u l d then be a ten hour w~it for the r e a c t i o n to complete. 5a- The thin instrument was not givlng the e x p e c t e d reading. 5b- A b r o k e n instrument was not giving the e x p e c t e d reading. 50- The c o m p u t e r terminal was not giving the e x p e c t e d reading. In addition, there were three types of primes, as shown in sentences 5a, 5b, 8~d 5o in T a b l e i. The prime could be either semantically related and referential (S+R÷) ~ in 5a, s e m a n t i c a l l y r e l a t e d and not r e f e r e n t i a l (S+R-) as in 5b, or semantically unrelated and not referential (S-R-) as in 5c. In the S÷R÷ condition, the prime is the an~phor. The two conditions S÷Rand S-Rwere control conditions to s e p a r a t e the effect of semantic priming, due ~o semantic ~ s s o c i a t i o n between the a n a p h o r and the referent, on the old-new r e c c g n l t l o n for r e f e r e n t s . were: Method ELT.TJ,~,pA~ There p ~ r t i o i p a n t s in this study. were 36 ~/~I~ There were 36 e x p e r i m e n t a l texts. They c o n t a i n e d as a referent an instance of a cl~ss (e.g. thermometer) to be used later as a test word, and a~ an an~phor the class name (e.g. instrument). In this study, the a n ~ p h o r w~s a d e f i n i t e noun phrase. An e x a m p l e of the m a t e r i a l was p r e s e n t e d in Table i. There were three p~imlng oondltlons, S+R+. S+R-, and S-R-, A schema of the procedure is shown in Table 2. The words surrounded by stars a~e the test words. 224 exemplified respectively 5 a , 5b, a n d 50. by focus and that f o c u s is r e a l i z e d i n t o the cache. T h e y a l s o s u p p o r t the n o t i o n that an anaphor reinstates a referent not in f o c u s a n d d o e s so by t r a n s f e r r i n g the r @ f e r e n t to the cache. sentences During the presentation of each text. two or three test words were p r e s e n t e d , one e x p e r i m e n t a l a n d one or two fillers. The filler words were p r e s e n t e d at semi-random locations in the text. In the entire experiment t h e r e w a s an e q u a l n u m b e r of old and new t e s t words. 1345. L A T E N C I E S ~r~re The experiment was computer-controlled using real-tlme r o u t i n e s on the V A X / V M S 11/780 of the Computer Laboratory for I n s t r u c t i o n in P s y c h o l o g i c a l R e s e a r c h at the U n i v e r s i t y of Colorado. Each p a r t i c i p a n t sat in f r o n t of a CRT s c r e e n with a keyboard which had a "yes" b u t t o n on the right. for old test words, a n d a "no" b u t t o n on the left. for n e w test words. The t e x ~ s were presented using RSVP. with each word presented in the center of the s c r e e n for 300 msec. The participants w e r e a s k e d to r e c o g n i z e w h e t h e r the test words were old or new. as fast as p o s s i b l e but w i t h o u t m a k i n g m i s t a k e s . and 1265 m Not in Focus 1225 ~ In Focus 1185 1145 1105 (msec) 1065 1025 S+R+S*R-S-RPRIMING FIGURE I. R e c o g n i t i o n l a t e n c i e s az e a c h focus and priming condition. An a p r i o r i c o m p a r i s o n d e m o n s t r a t e s that using a definite n o u n p h r a s e ~o refer to an item in focus hinders anaphora resolution. What seems ~o h a p p e n is a s u r p r i z e effect caused by the violation of a linguistic usage r e l a t i n g the f o r m of the a n a p h o r to the fOCUS S~atus of its referent. The r e c o g n i t i o n t i m e for the referent, in the focus c o n d i t i o n , was l o n g e r at the 350 m s e c a n d 1250 m s e c SOAs t h a n in the before SOA. ~(35) - -4.1. R ~ 0.001. MSe - 24 by s u b j e c t s , and ~(35) - -2.9, , 0.008. MSe - 31 by items. T h i s is s h o w n in F i g u r e 2. D~i~ There were 36 experimental texts and 18 experimental conditions. The first m a n i p u l a t i o n was the focusing of the referent: in f o c u s or not in focus. The s e c o n d m a n i p u l a t i o n was the SOA: i m m e d i a t e l y b e f o r e ~he prime. 350 m s e c after. 1250 m s e c after. The third manipulation was priming: S+R+. S+R-. S-R-. The design was completely within-subject, w i t h two t e x t s r a n d o m l y a s s i g n e d to e a c h e x p e r i m e n t a l condition usin~ two randomly sampled 18 by 18 Latin Squares. Each participant was randomly a s s i g n e d to a row of the L a t i n Squares. ~sul~a 1305. L A T E N C I E D~.scusl~ The predicted interaction of focusing and p r i m i n g is s h o w n in F i g u r e I: the prime in the S+R+ condition (i.e. the anaphor) reinstates the r e f e r e n t into t h e cache, focusing it. while ~he r e f e r e n t is not r e l n s t a z e d in the non-referentlal conditions. E ( 2 . 7 0 ) = 3.6. ~ , 0.04. MSe = 213~21 by subjects and E ( 2 . 7 0 ) = 2.5, ~ , O.Og, MSe = 277568 by items. A priori comparisons show that the difference b e t w e e n the r e c o g n i t i c n t i m e s in the two f o c u s c o n d i t i o n s in ~he S¢R+ condition is much smaller than in the o t h e r two p r i m i n g c o n d i t i o n s , S-R- a n d S-R-. w h i c h do mot differ between themselves, ~ ( 3 5 ) ° 2.6. ~ , 0.01. MSe - 87 by subjects, and ~(35) = 2.14. ; , 0.02, MSe = 114 by items. These resul~s support the n o t i o n s that i ~ e m s in f o c u s are m o r e a c c e s s i b l e t h a n items not in 1345. 1305126512251185- (msec) 110510651025 F I G U R E 2. 225 • before 350 1250 SOA (~sec) Recognition la~encies a~ e a c h SOA for a r e f e r e n t in focus. In another study (Gulndon, 1982), using ~he same on-llne ~c~iva~ion technique, the ~c~ivation of an antecedent by a pronoun was ~raced. In this study, it was fo%L~d tha~ referring ~o an anteceden~ not in focus by using a pronoun was detrimental to anaphora resolution. The delay between reading the anaphor and reins~atlng the an~eceden~ was as long as 2400 msec. The a c t l v a ~ i o n of an anteceden~ no~ in focus by a pronoun takes a long ~ime because ~he reader is induced: I) to search the cache unsuocesfully; 2) to search operating memory with a "sketchy" pronoun: 3) to relnstaZe the referent into the cache. Activation was immediate for ~he antecedents in focus. As opposed ~o the previous s~udy where referring to a focused referen~ using a d e f i n i t e noun phrase hindered anaphora resolution, no such effect was observed when using a pronoun. This is expected since pronouns signal tha~ ~he referent is in the cache. the basis an~iysls. of discourse or dialogue REFERENCES CarpenZer, P.A. ~ Just. M.A. lnZegraZlve processes in comprehension. In D. LaBer~e ~.j. Samuels (Eds.), ~i~ P/.OD~ses i~ E.~,~&L'LD~. Hillsdale, N.g.: Erlbaum, 1977. Chafe, w. Discourse structure and human knowledge. In J.B. Carroll ~ R.O. 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Simon, E.A. ~Ql~fi, Focusing in %he of definite anaphora. and R. C. Berwlck com~tQn~l Cambridge: ~ MIT of Press. Eow big is a chunk? 1974. IE~, 482 - 488. ACKNOWLEDGMENT Thls research was performed as par% of the auZhor's doctoral dissertation while a~ ~he University of Colorado. She is ex%remely grateful for ~he help of her d i s s e r t a t i o n oommlZ~ee. Wal~er EinZsch. Peter Polson, Alice Healy. Richard Olson. AndrzeJ Ehrenfeuch~. Bur%on Wagner has provided many insightful comments on this paper. MCC is kindly ~hanked for ~he technlcal suppor% p r o v i d e d while oomposlng ~hls paper. 227
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