Response to the Commission for
Integration and Cohesion Consultation
COIC Questions
“Why do you think people from different backgrounds may live separate or parallel lives? Is
this negative or positive?”
“What does cohesion mean to you, what does integration mean to you? What might a
community that is both cohesive and integrated look like?”i
Our Premises
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Integration does not cause equality, cohesion is prevented by racism
Equality enables integration, reducing racism increases cohesion
Persistent and structural barriers to equality must be addressed
Much of White Britain needs to learn how to integrate and practice community
cohesion - they mainly live in all white areas and their levels of racism and prejudice
are unacceptable
There needs to be a Commission on the far right in the UK examining the extent to
which they cause racial attacks; inflame religious and racial hatred; their
contribution to the UK; their sign up to the British values of ‘tolerance’ and whether
any extremist parties should be proscribed
Islam means peace and is not equivalent to extremism
Extremism and terrorism is not fuelled by Islam, but by the lack of dialogue, foreign
policy, illegal wars, and a dualist conception of the world as either good or evil
designed to keep the status quo
The Commission for Integration and Cohesion as described in its terms of reference, has been
put in place to consider how local areas themselves can play a role in forging cohesive and
resilient communities, within the context of existing Government policy on for example,
managed migration and preventing extremismii. As an ad hoc commission with a one year life
span; selected rather than openly recruited chairs and commissioners; terms of reference
which are evidently about tackling ‘Islamic’ extremism and in the context of Government
views on integration and cohesion it is our contention that the very basis for the Commission
is flawed. Therefore we question the assumptions upon which the consultation questions are
based and indeed the commission itself.
In what follows we offer our views on the situation facing race equality and race relations in
the UK and postulate that no more integration (already best across Europe by the Prime
ministers own admission) can happen until structural inequalities and discrimination are
significantly reduced.
Context
The last two years have been tantamount to an onslaught on multiculturalism and Black
communities. Muslims and Islam have been particular targets. In our view this corresponds to
the fact that racism, religious discrimination, the far right and inequalities have persisted or
grown.
In a speech in Manchesteriii the then chairman of the Commission for Racial Equality and the
now commissioner of the CEHR, Trevor Phillips stated that we are sleepwalking into racial
segregation in Britain. Government ministers have been reiterating this point of view, citing it
as the primary cause of the radicalisation of young Muslims. The Media have gorged on
Phillips pronouncements especially about ‘British Values’. Comments such as ‘black people
in Britain should read Shakespeare and Dickens’ fuel this superficial discourse (the irony
being that in many schools in Asia and Africa students do learn these but English students
learn nothing of Asian of African literature).
Tony Blair’s speech in Decemberiv which was seen by many in Black communities to be
divisive, islamophobic and dangerous for Black communities, set out a series of requirements
that were now expected if people wished to call themselves British. It was a most intolerant
speech.
"Our tolerance is part of what makes Britain, Britain. Conform to it; or don't come here. …If
you come here lawfully, we welcome you. If you are permitted to stay here permanently, you
become an equal member of our community and become one of us. The right to be different.
The duty to integrate. That is what being British meansv."
Jack Straw inflamed anti Islamic sentiment regarding the wearing of the veil which followed
a Muslim woman in Liverpool being attacked.vi.Home Secretary John Reid lectured Muslim
parents to guard against fanatics “looking to groom and brainwash your children for suicide
bombing,” and at the Labour Party conference he announced to applause that he would not be
“bullied” by Muslim extremistsvii. David Cameron got the headline with 'I'll smash Muslim
ghettos'viii
In this context, integration as described by Government can now be interpreted as a
euphemism for assimilation
The Governments foreign policy choices coupled with the problems of poverty, structural
barriers and discrimination are the real underlying cause of discontent and yet these are not
the issues being discussed in government or the media with any real impetus to change things.
The 1990 Trusts important ‘Muslim Survey’ ix demonstrated that by way of British foreign
policy, Muslims are becoming increasingly marginalised. The survey of Muslim views found
very high levels of dissatisfaction with Britain's foreign policy, with 91% of respondents
disagreeing with it. A letterx dating back to 2004, written by Michael Jay, the Foreign Office
permanent under-secretary, to the cabinet secretary, Sir Andrew said that British foreign
policy was a 'recurring theme' in the Muslim community, 'especially in the context of the
Middle East peace process and Iraq British foreign policy and the perception of its negative
effect on Muslims globally plays a significant role in creating a feeling of anger and
impotence among especially the younger generation of British Muslims.' The 1990 Trust
survey found that the vast majority of respondents (82%) say Muslims have become more
radicalised in recent times but in the form of attending demonstrations, writing to their MPs
etc (46%). The government has made no acknowledgement of this link, Jack Straw
vehemently denied evidence that British foreign policy has played a role in radicalising
Muslimsxi and immediately gained support for his views from right-wing newspaper
commentators and critics of multiculturalism.
The role of the media should not be underestimated by the Commission for Integration and
Cohesion. Reports by the Islamic Human Rights Commissionxii and the GLAxiii show the
media was found to be heightening public fear and tension by regularly propagating
unfounded scare stories, making headline news without fail. Unsurprisingly ‘Islamic
extremists’ were the focal point. When there was call recently to sack Simone Clarke from the
English National Ballet for joining the BNP, Jasper Gerrard reported “Sack the sugar-plum
fascist for her arabesques, not her views on Arabs. Judge her interpretation of Swan Lake,
not rivers of blood. We can boo her public tiptoeing, not her private goose-stepping. We don't
expect John Prescott to do the demi-bras, so must one whose job is to prance about in a tutu
do multi-culturalism?”xiv This downplaying of the rise of the far right and the normalisation
of using ethnic minorities as British societies scapegoat is becoming increasingly common
and serves only to fuel feelings of isolation and marginalisation in communities. It has
resulted in creating more divisions in Britain, fostering a ‘them and us’ situation.
The focus in recent years by the media and the government has been largely on Black
communities and the questions put forward in the Commission for Integration and Cohesion’s
Consultation document can be interpreted as questioning the validity of the values and moral
codes that Black communities and faith communities are seen to be defined by. The debate is
moving away from integration and towards assimilation. The real issues of discrimination,
structural barriers, poverty and foreign policy are the real barriers to a society in which all
citizens share common values. Integration does not necessitate equality but equality will
increase integration. Therefore it is important to assess level of racial inequality in Britain
today and develop clear strategic and operational plans for tackling these.
The Reality
The popular belief in government, parts of the media and the far right is that Britain has
become a nation divided into racial ghettos, with the breakdown of communities and shared
values being the primary factor in the rise of religious extremism. Actual evidence however
shows this not to be the case. Population expert Prof Danny Dorling and the carefully
considered conclusion of other academics in Britain is that there are no ghettos here.
Ministers and policy makers they claim who think otherwise have been ill informed, or have
simply not understood what the relevant data is revealing. Prof Danny Dorling states that
racism is rife in Britain but it is not being expressed through rising levels of neighbourhood
segregation, nor are any ghettos likely to be formed in the near futurexv.
Dr Ludi Simpson in his most recent paper postulates that 'racial self-segregation and increased
racial segregation are myths for Britain. The repetition of these myths sends unhelpful
messages to policy makers.' He goes on to state that the essence of racism is an assumption
that people act on the basis of their measured 'race' or 'ethnic group' and that “such an
assumption leads to social policy differentiated by ethnic group. It is an assumption that
cannot be sustained scientificallyxvi."
In response to the media’s and Trevor Phillips alarmist position on the segregation of
communities, Dr Ceri Peach made it clear that there was is not a single ward in Britain in
which the population is 100% minority-ethnic population. Tracts of 90 to 100% are common
in the United States. The proportion of individual minority-ethnic groups in 2001 living in
wards in Britain where they form as much as 50% of the population is 22%. There are several
wards where, if one aggregates all minority-ethnic populations together, they form the
majority. However, 78% of the minority-ethnic population do not live in such wards. The
Index of Segregation (IS), which is commonly used, measures the percentage of a minority
population which would have to change its location in order to replicate the distribution of the
rest of the population of a city. It has a range from 0 (no segregation) to 100 (total
segregation). Between 1991 and 2001 these measures indicate decreasing or stable degrees of
segregation in English citiesxvii.
Dr Ludi Simpson argues that the prevalent 'myth' needs to be challenged, and its wider
consequences understood by the academic community and government. Describing the
language used in recent official reports as "unhelpful, victimising and accusatory", he calls for
a new, more inclusive approach that recognises how geographical analyses "have become
unnecessarily racialised to the point that it is not the geography but the analysis which is
racially patterned."
The good news, he says, is that segregation is not the problem it is perceived to be: "Bradford,
held up by the purveyors of the legend of self-segregation as an archetypal polarising city, in
fact has a rapidly changing composition driven by growth."
His analysis of the 2001 national census data suggests a wide basis for the trends noted in
Bradford. "Racially, Britain is becoming more mixed, even though poor and wealthy areas
have polarised under Conservative and Labour governments alike," he concludesxviii.
Contributions made by Black Communities in Britain
Modern day Britain was founded on the fruits of slavery, colonialism and post war migrant
labour. The impact of Black communities involvement in the world wars to the social,
economic and cultural contributions made by Black communities to Britain has been
widespread and vast.
Many people in Black communities are hugely enterprising, owning and running their own
businesses. It has been argued that this is a form of ‘forced entrepreneurship’ which was
originally bought about because minorities were not able to access education and employment
in the same way as other citizens and so therefore had no choice but to effectively set up on
their own.
Of 3.9 million businesses in the UK, around 7% are owned by ethnic minorities. Equivalent to
approximately one quarter of a million firms. In London the proportion rises to 15%. Black
and Asian businesses contribute about £30 billion a year to the UK economyxix. Curries have
become Britain’s national dish. The charts of dominated by Black inspired music, the English
language is littered with influences from all its minority ethnic communities. The 2005
Mastermind winner Shaun Wallace was Black, the highly regarded winner of the BBC’s
Apprentice, Tim Campbell. Miss England was of Afghani decent, Hammasa Kohistani.
Amjad Hussain was appointed Rear Admiral of the Royal Navy. 9 out of the 14 medals won
at the Olympics won since 1988 have been won by Black athletes most notably recently Kelly
Holmes and Amir Khan.
The National Health Service has over 20,000 ethnic minority doctors and a quarter of all
health professionals are foreign born. Over 40% of all doctors, dentists and nurses in London
are Black. This is despite the evidence that British medicine systematically discriminates
against its ethnic-minority workforcexx. The obstacles begin at medical school entry and reemerge at various points in a medical career. For example, in certain specialties many nonwhite clinicians encounter a ‘glass ceiling’ beyond which promotion is impossible; and the
consequence is that some are forced into a less competitive specialty. So, the National Health
Service suffers a double loss, one, specialty is deprived of individuals with strong motivation,
while another gains members whose enthusiasm may be lowxxi. Two decades after the matter
of racism was first highlighted, there has been little obvious progress in improving the racerelations record of medicine in the UK.
Despite all of these achievements, and despite the Prime Ministers insistence that Britain
prides itself on its sense of fair play and ‘tolerance’, the government by way of the
Commission for Integration and Cohesion put the onus on Black communities for lack of
cohesion and integration. Despite a backdrop of adversity, racial inequality, discrimination
and an increasingly normalisation of open racism, Black communities continue to excel in all
spheres of life. It is therefore more attention to structural inequalities which will bring about
any more integration than we already have.
The Role Of Poverty
According to studies conducted at Manchester University, economics factors, not racial ones
are the key to segregation of communities. But the seeds of segregation, in those parts of
Britain where it might exist, were not planted by an over-emphasis on diversity but by the
interaction of industrial decline with institutional racism. And to misdiagnose the problem as
an 'excess' of cultural diversity leads inevitably to 'solutions' that can do more harm than
good.
In Oldham, Burnley and Bradford, for example, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis were recruited to
work in the textile mills from the 1960s onwards. But soon afterwards, the mills began to be
'outsourced' to places where labour was cheaper. Those towns found themselves left on the
scrapheap, with the only remaining jobs in the service sector, particularly the local authorities.
Evidence suggests that whites were favoured in these jobs; as a result Asians took to working
as taxi drivers or running take-aways. At the same time, whites were prioritised for the new
estates being built to rehouse those who had lived in the old houses around the mills. Those
Asians that did get rehoused were often driven out by racial harassment. Plus with whites in a
rush to flee the ghettoes, property prices were kept low, giving further encouragement to
Asians to seek to buy their own cheap homes in these areas.
Segregation in housing led to segregation in schools. And the mechanism of parental choice,
introduced at the end of the 1980s, meant that, in schools with catchment areas that ought to
have produced mixed intakes, white parents chose to send their children to majority-white
schools a little further away. After the riots of 2001, when Britain woke up to the fact that a
generation had grown up living 'parallel lives', this whole history was forgotten and, instead,
it was Muslims and Black communities who were blamed for refusing to mix. Now in 2007
More than 50% of Pakistani and Bangladeshi households are in the 10% most deprived wards
in England, and one third of Black Caribbean households compared to only 14% of White
households. About one third of Pakistani and Bangladeshi households live in unfit properties
compared to about 6% of White householdsxxii
Another worrying reality is that Black people remain three times more likely to be arrested
than white people. The number of Black prisoners has risen by almost 60% since 1997 and
the imprisonment rate is almost 10 times as high as white men.
Statistics for 2004-05 also found black people were six times more likely to be stopped and
searched. According to the Home Office's report, the number of stops and searches rose by
14% over the year, the figures show that twice as many Asian people were stopped than white
people.
There are only 15 black MP's and representation at local authority level is at around 2.5%,
only two out of the 410 local authority leaders are blackxxiii. At the present rate of progress, all
of Britain's democratic institutions will remain grossly unrepresentative for another 100 years.
Inequalities that exist in British society for the most disadvantaged groups continue to widen.
In education Just 27.3% of Black Caribbean boys gain GCSE grades A-C, compared to the
national average of 52.3%xxiv. While overall GCSE results are improving year on year, the
same is not true for Black boys. Although there have been some examples of huge
improvement, the attainment of Pakistani and Bangladeshi pupils is also a major cause for
concern. This pattern of failure destroys life-chances and perpetuates generational
unemployment. This is a problem that’s needs to be tackled if British society is to afford
everybody equality of opportunity.
The NHS is failing the Black community, from the cradle to the grave. Infant mortality rates
in the Pakistani and Caribbean communities are twice that of White peoplexxv. There is a
higher incidence of cancers, haemoglobinopathies, diabetes, mental illness, tuberculosis,
stroke and cardio-vascular disease among the Black community than the population as a
whole. A report by the British Medical Association on the health of asylum seekers suggests
that their health worsens after they reach the UK
An Identity Crisis?
“Post-war immigration to Britain has, it appears, contributed to a national
identity crisis. Having lost its imperial, military, economic and sporting prowess,
Britain is no longer confident of its role and cultural identity. Some British, or
more accurately, English people, doubting whether their culture is resilient
enough to survive perceived dilution by other cultures, feel threatened by
immigrants who may have different customs and values and do not, in Lord
Tebbit’s terms, adopt England’s cricket team as their own.xxvi”
It could be argued that this national identity crisis which is the focus of the Commission for
Integration and Cohesion has called into question the very meaning of the word “Britishness.”
What is Britishness? Clearly, the Irish, Scots and Welsh have strong national identities linked
with their respective nations. But they do not necessarily consider themselves British.
Proportionately more Black people consider themselves British than the English. The English,
on the other hand, are caught in the middle. Are they English? Are they British? And now,
how do they cope with their perception of Black people permeating ‘their’ land, jobs,
resources and fuelling terrorism. This coupled with the emergence of China and India as the
next imminent superpowers, viz, a shift in the power axis, the post-war wave of Black
immigration and the British press fuelling alarmist views about the increase of
refugee/asylum seeker intake in Britain has led white Britons, mainly Englanders, to question
their national identity.
From 1948 up until 1962, Britain experienced massive waves of immigration from
Commonwealth states while the government maintained a laissez-faire stance. Then in 1962,
did the government begin to place restrictions on immigration To fully understand why this
was done it is important to understand the consequences of this massive wave of unrestricted
immigration of Commonwealth citizens into British society to meet the increasing demands
for unskilled labour in the early post-war years. The large influx of Black labourers into
predominantly white British cities eventually began to lead to social strain: “the arrival of
large numbers of migrants, particularly in inner city areas with the most acute housing
problems, inevitably exacerbated already serious shortages and supplied ready-made
scapegoats on whom already extant problems could be blamed.xxvii”
In the eyes of many whites, the new arrivals of ethnic minorities were causing shortages in
resources and eventually began to take their jobs after the demand for unskilled labour began
to subside in the 1950s. Journalists Mike and Trevor Phillips point out that “natives of the
British Isles saw themselves as being at the head of the hierarchy of the British nations and
the idea which underpinned this role and held the whole structure together was a belief in the
racial supremacy of whites born in Britain…and the British had a destiny to rule over ‘lesser
races’xxviii.”
Integration of these new arrivals from the ‘new’ Commonwealth states was essential. But
Arthur Marwick, Professor of History at the Open University, points out that: “The British, at
the best of times, are a xenophobic people. For their part, the immigrants had long-standing
and deeply felt cultural and religious traditions of their own. To hope for integration, let alone
assimilation, was perhaps to hope for too muchxxix.”
On 10 October 2000, the Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain (MEB) called for
the government to make a formal declaration that the UK is a multi-ethnic society. Basically,
the government was being asked to rethink what it means to be British. The chairman of the
MEB, Lord Bhiku Parekh, says such a declaration would be “a statement of who we are,” a
way of saying to ethnic minorities and the world that the UK cherishes its diversityxxx.
In September 2002, Home Secretary David Blunkett set up a controversial “Britishness” test
for immigrantsxxxi. He “mentioned two things in particular – forced marriages and genital
mutilation – which he said were certainly not part of Britishness. But stating in any detail
what are characters of Britishness is a challenging task.xxxii”
The fact will remain that a single national identity for Britain is impossible to define.
According to Spencer, “Identity implies a distinct, homogenous, common culture, marked by
common values, shared understandings and loyalties…. Like individuals, a nation does not
have one identity but many…. Nevertheless, the sense of national anxiety is real.xxxiii”
Identity now is being questioned globally and the main catalyst for this questioning is the
increasing globalisation, flows of international trade and the effects of colonialism and
migration. New superpowers, like India and China will arise to challenge America's
supremacy, just as imperial Germany and the US itself were challenging Britain's by the end
of the 19th century. It will transform the geopolitical landscape, with impacts potentially as
dramatic as those of the previous two centuries. In the same way that commentators refer to
the 1900s as the “American Century,” the early 21st century may be seen as the time when
some in the developing world, led by China and India, come into their own and this will be a
time of changing power axis which will lead people to question themselves and their place in
society as a whole.
The Emergence of the Far Right in Britain
The effects of the BNP on the nations integration and cohesion is hugely significant and an
area that the commission should be researching independently, if only because the Prime
Minister endorsing in his ‘Tolerance’ speech mentioned earlier some of their views and
backing motions which were passed by large majorities at the BNP annual conference such as
the proscribing the veil on Muslim women. On their website the BNP claim “Blair has
vindicated the message of the BNP” and “…looks like Blair [he] has been watching copies of
speeches made by Nick Griffin.
The Barking result follows a massive increase in support for the BNP in the European,
London and local elections on 10 June, where the BNP received over 800,000 votes
nationwide and came close to winning four seats in the European Parliament. In London, they
narrowly missed winning a seat in the London Assembly. In Bradford they won four seats on
the local council, their highest representation in the country. London mayor Ken Livingstone
stated
‘If this trend continues, the BNP is on the verge of a major breakthrough in national politics’
It needs to be clearly understood that although they did not win the seats they targeted, these
were the highest votes for the far right in Britain since the Second World War. They indicate
that if this trend continues, the BNP is on the verge of a major break-through into national
politics. Indeed, had it not been for the surge of the UK Independence Party in June, and the
campaigning work of Unite Against Fascism, it is likely that the BNP would now have four
MEPs and a London Assembly Member. That would give them a significant platform in
national politics for the first time.
As Barking shows, those who suggest that the BNP is plunging into crisis after their failure to
make that breakthrough in June are living in cloud cuckoo land. The reality is that the BNP is
winning more votes than ever before. It is represented on more councils than ever before. And
it is poised to make a major advance into national politics.
Nick Griffins acquittal in 2006 on charges of inciting racial hatred after a jury heard extracts
from a speech Mr Griffin, in which he described Islam as a "wicked, vicious faith" and said
Muslims were turning Britain into a "multi-racial hell hole" and "Let's show these ethnics the
door in 2004” was a huge step back in establishing a cohesive and integrated society when it
was made clear that Black communities could not be protected against legitimised white
racists and fascists and the furore that they cause because of the location and audience of
certain meetings. This contrasted with the 23 year old Muslim man who was charged with
inciting racial hatredxxxiv when protesting outside the Norwegian embassy with placards again
does not give an message to Black communities of a society that is dedicated to the principles
of equal justice for all.
It is clear that the BNP has in the past been proven to be racist, violent and abhor the ethnic
minority presence in the UK. The BNP evidently does not stand for the values of a just and
fair democratic society and yet there is no commission investigating their validity, their moral
codes and their ability to ‘integrate’ into wider society, they are not subject to a ‘Britishness’
test which would demand that they be tolerant in accordance with the guiding principles of
Britain. The toleration of the BNP by government against the backdrop of the scrutiny under
which Britains Black communities have to face and the flagrant intolerance of Muslims,
especially by government ministers does not bode well with the values of a just, free
democracy about which the Labour government has been so vocal .
The Way Forward
To believe that Britain is becoming less integrated and less cohesive would not be looking at
all of the analysis and evidence of people living in the UK. There are areas of self
segregation, whether they were bought about because of government policies of the time or
high levels of discrimination or racism, this does not necessarily have to be a bad thing. In
itself, multiculturalism simply
means cultural diversity, and that diversity can either be a good thing, leading to integration,
or a bad thing, leading to separatism. It is the socio-economic context and the country's
policies that
determine the direction in which multiculturalism developsxxxv The real barrier to a cohesive
and integrated society are the structural barriers and discrimination faced by Black
communities. This will lead to a natural multiculturalism. It is also important to note that
integration on any level has to be a two way process, it cannot continue to be the case that
Black communities are blamed for ‘not integrating’ when the indigenous white communities
do not make any effort to do the same. The risk of this is that the values that are ascribed to
being a British Citizen become the domain of the white population from which Black
communities are alienated.
There are many measures that the government can take to push for equality which will result
in less disparity in society and will result in a more secure sense of identity. A National
Action Plan against racism should be implemented, a plan that the government agreed to
formulate when it signed up to the Programme of Action agreed as part of the declaration at
the 2001 UN World Conference Against Racism Xenophobia and Related Intolerances in
Durban.
As part of this process Government should consult and involve Non-Governmental
Organisations (NGO), products of Black self organisation that often goes unheeded, that are
part of the black and minority ethnic communities and that work in the field of race equality.
Any government strategy that is not supported by Black communities and the NGOs who are
working for race equality does not have any realistic prospect of success.
The Government must review its foreign policy and be aware if the views of its people and
how foreign policy choices have impacted on ‘cohesion’ and ‘integration’, and the blame for
this cannot lie at the door of the Black communities, the Government must take responsibility
for its own mistakes also and work to rectify them before irrevocable damage is done.
Structural barriers and discrimination must be addressed and positive action should be used as
a tool for redressing the balance.
i
Commission on Integration and Cohesion ‘Your chance to tell us what you think’
http://www.communities.gov.uk/index.asp?id=1501522
iii
uk/Default.aspx.LocID-0hgnew07s.RefLocID-0hg00900c002.Lang-EN.htm
iv
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml;jsessionid=ZHNLLZ4UE04JVQFIQMGSFFWAVCBQ
WIV0?xml=/news/2006/12/08/ublair208.xml
v
Ibid.
vi
http://news.independent.co.uk/uk/politics/article1816867.ece
vii
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2006/oct2006/ukin-o07.shtml
viii
http://www.islamophobiawatch.com/display/ShowJournal?moduleId=103277&currentPage=2&categoryId=9951
ix
http://www.blink.org.uk/pdescription.asp?key=12982&grp=19&cat=87
x
http://politics.guardian.co.uk/foi/story/0,9061,1558169,00.html
xi
http://www.ekklesia.co.uk/content/news_syndication/article_06106straw.shtml
xii
http://www.ihrc.org/
xiii
http://www.london.gov.uk/londonissues/equalityanddiversity.jsp
xiv
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,,1978484,00.html
xv
http://observer.guardian.co.uk/uk_news/story/0,6903,1577741,00.html
xvi
http://www.hero.ac.uk/uk/inside_he/archives/2004/race_is_not_the_issue6204.cfm
xvii
http://www.guardian.co.uk/letters/story/0,,1579644,00.html
xviii
Statistics of Racial Segregation: Measures, Evidence and Policy by Dr Ludi Simpson is published
in the journal Urban Studies
xix
DTI http://www.dti.gov.uk/ministers/speeches/timms090304.html
xx
Coker N, ed. Racism in Medicine. An Agenda for Change. London: King's Fund, 2001
xxi
ibid
xxii
http://www.blink.org.uk/bm/manifesto_section.asp?catid=7
xxiii
ibid
xxiv
ibid
xxv
ibid
xxvi
S. Spencer, “The impact of immigration policy on race relations,” in Blackstone et al., p. 83. Lord
Tebbit suggested that the ‘cricket test’ would determine Britishness. Immigrant communities should
support England even when it was playing their country of origin. This was, according to Tebbit, “not a
test of Britishness, but a test of integration” (BBC News).
xxvii
Phillips, Mike and Trevor Phillips, Windrush: The Irresistible Rise of Multi-Racial Britain,
London: Harper Collins Publishers, 1998
xxviii
ibid
xxix
A. Marwick, British Society Since 1945, London: Penguin Books (1990), p. 164
xxx
BBC News, “What is Britishness?” 11 October 2000, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/966849.stm.
xxxi
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/2248319.stm
xxxii
BBC News, “What is Britishness anyway?” 10 September 2002,
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/1701843.stm.
xxxiii
Spencer, p.82
xxxiv
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/4847752.stm
xxxv
http://www.irr.org.uk/2006/may/ha000024.html
ii