BITS AND PIECES OF BRANTFORD’S HISTORY
THE WAR YEARS – BRANTFORD DURING
WORLD WAR I
BY
GARY MUIR
Index
Introduction
3
The First Seven Months
4
Brantford and the Military
10
The Foreign Element
22
Brantford’s Monetary Contribution
25
Brantford Industry & Labour
28
Women and the War
33
Food ‘n Stuff
36
Non Military Matters
43
The Election of 1917
46
The Coal Crisis
49
The Spanish Influenza Epidemic
53
After the War was over
56
Conclusion
59
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INTRODUCTION
BRANTFORD AND WORLD WAR I
During the early months of 1914, Brantford newspapers were very much lacking
in news on the mounting crisis in Europe. Even after Archduke Ferdinand and his wife
were assassinated, the newspapers gave little indication of the potential seriousness of the
situation. Little wonder then those Brantfordites went about their daily lives with little or
no interest in the events that were occurring in Europe.
Brantford citizens concerned themselves with a variety of problems and issues
during those pre-war months in 1914. At the municipal level, the taking over of the
Brantford Municipal Railway, and the use of hydro-electric power in the street-lighting
system, were two events that occupied the city fathers. The activities of the Trades and
Labour Council, and The Equal Franchise Club made the news frequently; and
economically, Brantford industry was fighting a slump that was Dominion-wide.
When the declaration of war came in August, Brantford men rushed to join the
colours, and few of them realized that the war was going to last for four long years. There
is no doubt that the war brought about a significant change in the life-style of the citizens
of Brantford, and those at home had to respond to several emergencies just as those at the
front had to react to the enemy guns. Shortages in food, coal, and manpower, had to be
faced, and overcome. The issues of recruiting and conscription, and the 1917 election
could not be avoided, and in many cases the city found itself split on these issues. The
Spanish flu' crisis forced the citizens to work together to solve a common problem, and
the end of the war also brought its special brand of question that had to be answered.
The result was, that when Johnny came marching home, he doubtless found
Brantford a different city from the one he had left.
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BRANTFORD - 1914-THE FIRST SEVEN MONTHS
During the first seven months of 1914, Brantford moved along at its regular pace,
seemingly oblivious to the crisis and developments that were taking place in Europe
which would involve and direct the energies of the city for the next four years.
As 1914 began, Brantford found itself the victim of a depression that was almost
world-wide, and her industry suffered accordingly. An Expositor editorial on December
31, 1913 had stated:
“Brantford has made very material progress during 1913, despite the fact that some of
her manufacturing industries have not been quite so active as they were during 1912.”
But the relief and unemployment situation in the city during the early part of 1914
was nevertheless serious. On January 19, over 400 men were reported registered at the
city employment office and by February 6, this had grown to 615. To help the situation,
early in February a by-law to provide work for many of the unemployed on the building
of new sanitary sewers was passed by the City Council. At the same time, the local
charitable organizations had set up a central store in the basement of the Y.M.C.A.
Citizens were asked to donate clothing and money, and those “thought worthy of help”
were given assistance. In spite of generous donations, by the end of February, the relief
committee had to report its funds almost exhausted. As spring came on, the situation
abated somewhat, but as late as April 25, over 300 were still out of work - most of them
“foreigners.” This led one man to write to The Expositor and complain:
“We Turkish people complain that city overseers never give any work to us in the same
way they give work to others. We cannot see why they do not want to give work to us. We
do not make any trouble or break the laws, and we have been here for 50 years, as good
citizens as other nationalities.”
There was grounds for the above complaint as many in Brantford felt the “foreigner”
should be kept in his place. On February 21, 1914, The Expositor in an editorial entitled
“Foreign Segregation,” made the following suggestions:
“The time has come in Brantford when some action must be taken to deal with housing
the foreigners who have come in our midst in such numbers... ...Large houses have been
purchased by foreigners in the midst of a good residential district, with the result that
surrounding property has greatly depreciated in value...
The objection to the foreigners is that most of them do not adapt themselves to the
conditions of this country... If the foreigners are to maintain eastern habits... it is as much
in their interest as those of the citizens of this city, that they be segregated...it might be
advisable to designate certain blocks in each section of the city to be used by
foreigners...”
This anti-foreign feeling would intensify against some of them with the outbreak
of hostilities.
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In spite of economic conditions, city business had to go on. In his inaugural
address Mayor Spence outlined what he saw as the city's priorities. The mayor wanted the
long-standing question of the city-hall-market area answered, and wanted additional
bridge accommodation across the Grand River, and more subways. As well, he wanted to
establish a purchasing department to increase efficiency in the transaction of city
business.
In March, a proposal was put forward to build a “fireproof, sanitary, public
market, entirely enclosed, lighted, and heated,” but nothing came of the proposal. In a
more positive vein, at 7:51 p.m. on Saturday January 17, the hydro-electric power was
turned on into the new ornamental street-lighting system in Brantford, and The Expositor
boasted:
“With this new system in vogue on the business streets of Brantford, this city has now, the
finest lighted streets in Ontario, with no exception, according to travelled men...”
Two days later The Expositor had to report that the lights were not working.
Late in 1913, the city had been given the power to seize “sufficient of the goods
and chattels” of the Brantford Street Railway to make up $7,000 of unpaid taxes. This
was the first step in the gradual takeover of the system by the city. In February, the City
of Brantford put in a bid for control of the Grand Valley and Brantford Street Railway,
and was successful. On a technicality, the Dominion Railway Commission ruled that
Brantford did not have the power to operate the railway, except by leave of the minister
of railways, until they could secure an act that would allow them to operate it. Permission
was received; on March 24, a referendum brought overwhelming approval of the
municipal purchase, and in August the line was officially taken over.
On January 23, 1914, James Taylor, a half-breed Indian, was the fifth man to be
executed in Brant County for murder. There was some question as to Taylor's sanity, and
the local medical association passed two resolutions asking that Taylor be examined. This
was acceded to, and Taylor was examined by the inspector of hospitals and charities for
Ontario. The inspector's findings were that Taylor was sane, and when a petition for
clemency was denied, Taylor “walked to the gallows with firm step and bowed head.”
In April of 1914, the police broke up the notorious “Black Elephants,” not a gang
of vicious cut-throats, but a group of young boys, “sworn over a black elephant and never
to 'squeal'.” Their total haul of stolen goods was quite impressive, and included revolvers,
a rifle, 4000 rounds of ammunition, fishing rods, and opera glasses.
The Trades and Labour Council was quite active during this period. This
organization very actively opposed the candidature of J.H. Spence for mayor because he
refused to allow union labour in his cigar shop. Their efforts were in vain as Spence was
elected. In February, the Council called for free text books in schools to replace the fee
that was being charged. This request was also unheeded at the time.
On the labour scene, in spite of hard times, the Brantford workingman was ready
to strike if he thought the cause was right. In January, 50 employees of the Civic Hydro
5
Department went on strike as they objected to being laid off when weather would not
allow outside work. They also wanted straight time, or a readjustment of their wages. In
February, core makers at Massey-Harris walked out protesting a cut in wages. Both
strikes were short-lived and were settled amicably.
“Despite the adverse attitude of the present Ontario Legislature, woman’s suffrage, in
some form at least, will come at no distant date, and it will come all the quicker if the
women show that they take an interest in public affairs.”
As the above Expositor editorial pointed out, the vote for women was on its way,
and the agitation for women's suffrage was being felt in Brantford as in other cities in
Canada. In March 1914, the Equal Franchise League (the woman's organization that was
leading the way for women's rights held its annual meeting. The organization showed a
healthy budget, and more important an increase in its membership, one-fifth of whom
were men.
Specifically at this time, the Brantford Equal Franchise Association was pressing
for an extension of the municipal franchise to married women who owned property.
Widows and spinsters who owned property did have the vote, and married women felt
they too should have that privilege. They made an impressive presentation to the City
Council, but the Council voted down the application. Their reasons varied from general
lack of interest on the part of women in politics, to the argument that two votes on one
property would be unfair. The Equal Franchise Club responded by a letter to the editor of
The Expositor. In part this stated:
“The Equal Franchise club have noted with regret the scant courtesy accorded them by
the majority of the municipal council when dealing with their very moderate request...”
His worship further stated that he did not believe in piecing women on the same basis as
many of the men who now have the vote. Judging by his decision, he does not believe in
placing us in the same category as the insane, paupers, criminals, and minors...
We cannot but admire the chivalrous attitude of his worship the mayor, in wishing to
“place women on a pedestal” (and keep her there), but being merely everyday women,
who do not find ourselves on pedestals, we prefer to deal with facts...
...In fact we have one reason to be grateful to the municipal council, as our membership
has materially increased since the council's attitude on the question became known...
We desire the members of the municipal council to note that, while they have allowed
their prejudices to rule their reason, the wheels of progress cannot be stayed, the
women's movement is with us, and we have not a doubt of the ultimate result...”
This last statement proved to be more than mere hyperbole, but no one at that
stage could know that an upcoming war would advance the position of women in society
to a degree never imagined by some.
In March of 1914, The Expositor reported that “temperance sentiment” had grown
in Brantford in the past few years as exhibited by the diminishing number of places that
were licensed. The temperance movement itself was gathering strength in Brantford and
would lead to general support for prohibition when it was introduced by the Ontario
6
Government in 1916. It should be noted, in passing, that not everyone was in favour of
prohibition. Four ladies from a Paris hotel placed an empty bottle on a clergyman's door
with a sign saying - “To Hell With You And Local Option Too.” They then threw eggs at
the minister's front door.
In April of 1914, a by-law was introduced providing for the setting apart of
William street as a residential district. When the real reason for the by-law was disclosed
- to prevent the erection of a synagogue - a storm blew up in the Council and throughout
the city. Overtones of racism were in evidence in the arguments for preventing the
building of the synagogue. One alderman argued that it would be acceptable if the
majority of Jews in the city were Americanized, but as they were mostly Russian Jews of
“the most undesirable class,” such a move would depreciate property values in that area.
Another argued that “foreigners scattered throughout the city were not so bad, but
congregated on one spot they became a nuisance.” The Jewish delegation answered each
of the arguments, and to the objection that they would make too much noise, they pointed
out that they would probably be less noisy than the Free Methodists on Market street.
At this time, Brantford was involved in professional baseball through having a
team in the Canadian League. The League was made up of teams from London, Erie,
Ottawa, St. Thomas, Toronto, Peterborough and Brantford. Interest was keen enough for
the City Council to ask all employers to permit such of their employees as wished, to
attend the opening game of the season. Even so, in July The Expositor editorialized:
“It is putting it very conservatively to say that the professional baseball situation is quite
unsatisfactory. Public interest in the game has fallen off slightly in some places, greatly
in other places, but apparently everywhere.”
Public interest in Brantford was low probably because the local team invariably finished
last. Public interest continued to wane until eventually that factor, and the war, led to the
disappearance of the Canadian League.
The arrival of a circus was a great event in Brantford at this time. One played here
on June 12, 1914, and school started at 8:30 so that children could be let out to see the
circus parade. The enthusiasm for the event was perhaps best summed up by a school
trustee who stated - “If my kids didn't sneak out of school to see the circus parade, I
would kick them where they were meant to be kicked.”
The first eight months of 1914 saw Brantford involved with three events of note two of them happy, and one tragic. In May 1914, The Empress Of Ireland, carrying a
large delegation of Salvation Army workers to England, sank in the St. Lawrence. Thirtyone people from Brantford were victims in that disaster. A much happier event had
occurred earlier in May, when on May 9, the Duke of Connaught and the Princess
Patricia visited the city. Their stay was brief (only 1½ hours), but the welcome given
them was enthusiastic. On August 9, 1914, in spite of the official declaration of war,
Brantford carried on with its plan for Old Home Week. The war did not sap the
enthusiasm for the event, and the occasion was quickly used for fund raising for the war
7
effort. For example, the I.O.D.E. held a tag day for the Hospital Ship Fund and raised
$500.
Brantford, along with other cities in Canada, seemed very unaware of the
significance of the events which would eventually lead to World War 1. The
assassination of the Archduke of Austro-Hungary was given little coverage by both local
papers, and they seemed more concerned with the trouble the Americans were having
with Mexico. As late as July 18, The Courier ran an article with the headline:
FACTS AND FIGURES SHOW BRANTFORD JUMPING AHEAD WITH EACH
PASSING YEAR
No Question as to Future Greatness of This City, But Only a Matter of Size - Telephone
City is a Producer For the World and When Quality is Wanted, Her Goods Are
Preferred.
The article boasted of Brantford's position in industry in Canada, and predicted future
growth and prosperity.
Only as the situation in Europe reached crisis proportions did the newspapers
respond. On July 31, The Expositor, in an editorial, conceded that Canada would aid
Britain in the event of war. “When need arises, Canadians one and all are Britishers.”
By August 1, war looked inevitable, and this sparked both comment and action in
Brantford. On August 1, The Expositor reported that local managers of implement
factories were alarmed at the prospect of war because of what it would do to Canadian
trade, and they pointed out that Brantford in particular would be hard hit industrially if
war came. On August 3, The Courier listed a number of Brantfordites who were in the
war zone, and The Expositor reported that the price of flour had jumped ten cents. On
August 4, the day Britain became officially involved in the war, The Courier reported
that because of the crisis, construction work on the C.P.R., and L.E. & N. railway would
cease, “and this is a hardship which will affect a large proportion of the foreign labourers
in Brantford and vicinity.”
Official word that Britain was at war was received in Brantford shortly after 8
p.m. on August 4. Here, in part, is how The Expositor described Brantford's reaction to
that news.
“.. .Thousands of citizens gathered in the heart of the city, and led by the 25th Brant
Dragoons Band which was returning from the civic band concert at Recreation Park, and
stopped in front of the new government building when it heard the news, they joined in
the singing of the National Anthem, O Canada, The Maple Leaf Forever, Rule Britannia,
and other patriotic songs. Cheers again and again were given for the King... A wild
outburst of cheers, coupled with the throwing of hats into the air, and other marks of
intense relief and gratification that at last the moment had arrived for England to throw
her forces into the balance, greeted the announcement...”
8
On August 6, the names of volunteers for active service were taken at the Armouries, and
over 144 men volunteered inside of two hours. On August 13, official orders from
Ottawa allowed for the immediate mobilization of all the volunteers in the city.
Steps were also taken to prevent sabotage. On August 13, special constables were
sworn in to guard the railway bridges in Brantford and vicinity. On August 14, all
wireless apparatus in the city, except that on the armouries, was ordered removed by the
government. On the same day, Major W.K. Muir, officer in command of the Burford
Armouries issued the following order:
“Notice” By orders which have been received from the Divisional Office, Toronto, a
guard has been mounted at the Armouries, Burford, and the public are warned not to
enter the building on any pretext whatever.”
Almost overnight it seemed the city's concern had turned from local and regional
matters, to national and international troubles. These troubles were to occupy the city for
the next four years.
9
BRANTFORD AND THE MILITARY IN WORLD WAR 1
Immediately upon the declaration of war, Brantford men began lining up outside
the armouries to volunteer for active duty. By the end of the day on August 5, drafts of
soldiers had left Brantford for training at Valcartier. They were all afraid of missing the
war. Two years, and many casualties later, few men were to be found to fill out the ranks
of Brantford's second “County Battalion,” the 215th. A year later, the government
introduced conscription, and Brantford men were lining up to see if they could qualify for
exemption from overseas service. A subtle change had taken place in the attitude of the
men of the area, in spite of the various pressures and recruiting drives to get them to join.
Perhaps it was the tales of returned men about the war; perhaps it was the good pay many
were receiving in the munitions plants in Brantford; or perhaps people were just sick of
war.
During the first six months of the war, it seemed that there was almost a steady
stream of contingents leaving Brantford for training elsewhere. By November, 1914, 488
men, in all services, had left Brantford. Whether they were members of the Dufferin
Rifles, the 32nd Battery, the 25th Brant Dragoons, or leaving to join a unit outside the
city, the volunteers were given a royal sendoff, and the assurance that their families
would be looked after by the city. When the 2nd contingent of the Dufferin Rifles left
early in November, The Expositor commented:
“They were a fine class of men, and going out to give their service and possibly their
lives to the Empire, they left behind them many proud but sorrowing hearts, and took
with them the best wishes of every Brantford citizen.”
Soon letters from Brantford soldiers at the front began to appear in the
newspapers. Their concerns ranged from lack of cigarettes, to snipers, to the havoc of
war. Their attitudes varied as well. One felt that war was “a picnic,” while another wrote:
“You cannot conceive, living at home where all is quiet, what a war like this means.
Wholesale destruction and damaging things for the mere love of striking terror seems to
be the one idea of the Germans...”
The people of Brantford were quite concerned with keeping in touch with
Brantford soldiers overseas, and with keeping them in touch with events in Brantford. In
June of 1915, The Expositor ran an editorial entitled, “Write Me A Letter From Home.” It
appealed to some organizations to “institute a correspondence bureau which could
prepare a newsy, 'homey' letter at least once a week for the boys.” In August of 1915,
plans were drafted for the organization of a Brant War Service Bureau. Its purpose was to
keep men at the front in touch with events in Brantford. As well, it hoped to get in touch
with returning soldiers and help secure employment for them. Any man who would write
at least one letter a week to a soldier at the front could belong.
The full impact of the war began to strike home to the people of Brantford when
the casualty lists from the 2nd Battle of Ypres were released in May of 1915. Many
Brantford men were part of the “Mad Fourth” battalion which fought at Ypres, and many
10
of them were either killed or wounded in that battle. The lists of Brantford killed and
wounded were to continue for the remainder of the war.
In the fall of 1915, Brantford received word that the men and officers of the 84th
Battalion were to be quartered in the city over the winter. Arrangements were made for
them to have sleeping quarters at the armouries, and messing quarters at the old J.S.
Hamilton building. At the same time, the Y.M.C.A. agreed to set up a club room for the
men. The City Council was so anxious to have 84th quartered here, that they agreed to
undertake the cost of the headquarters staff, and half the company officers. Soldiers in the
city meant more money for the local merchants, and a chance for Brantford to feel that
she was more a part of the war effort. The Expositor was able to report in November of
1915, that mainly because of the arrival of the 84th, real estate values were “buoyant” for
that time of year.
During the latter half of 1915, Brantford, with the help of its member of
parliament, W.F. Cockshutt, had been pushing for permission to raise a distinctly
Brantford Battalion, as many other centres had been accorded this privilege. Finally, on
November 1, authorization for a Brant County Battalion was received. Recruiting began
immediately. With the 125th beginning to build, and the 84th training here, khaki was the
predominant colour in the city over the 1915-1916 winter. There were frequent parades
by both units through the city streets, and these attracted large numbers of citizens. The
troops were well-treated by Brantford citizens, and the soldiers in turn were generally
well-behaved. Not everyone was completely happy with everything the troops did. In
May of 1916, the Mayor ordered a platoon of the 125th off the streets as he felt that when
falling in, they had been interfering with civilians.
In May of 1916, the 84th Battalion left Brantford for Toronto, and 2 months later
the 125th were given a rousing farewell as they left for Camp Borden. The Expositor
estimated that over half the population of the city turned out. Its description of the sendoff was guaranteed to tug at the heart-strings. In part it noted:
“...Although inspiring, the scene was a touching one. Women clung to their husbands,
children were held up for a father's parting caress, girls clung to heroic sweethearts until
the train was ready to start out. Many a brave little mother or sweetheart made efforts to
keep up her courage until the boys left, but as the train pulled out pent-up feelings could
be restrained no longer, and parents who have placed their all on the altar of the country
by giving their loved ones, wept like little babies. Many could not contain themselves till
the train pulled out, and one young lady fainted.”
Early in 1916, authorization had been received for the raising of another Brant
County Battalion, the 215th. With both the 84th and the 125th having left, and no
summer military camp being authorized for Brantford, and only the 215th recruiting, it
meant that the military scene in the city would be far less hectic. In an editorial, The
Expositor lamented the quiet.
“...The absence of the 84th and 125th will deprive the city of much of its social life, our
streets will be less martial in their appearance, and some lines of business will obviously
suffer. The presence of so many soldiers in our midst during the winter months has been
11
greatly enjoyed, and there has been special occasion for satisfaction that the conduct of
all the men has been so exemplary...”
Another section of Brantford's soldiery should be mentioned as well, namely, the
Home Guard. A letter to The Courier two weeks after the war broke out questioned
whether men not able to “engage directly or indirectly in military operations,” should
meet daily to undergo some form of drilling, arguing that “at present the men in the street
would be driven like sheep to slaughter in the event of an invasion.” In September, 1914,
His Majesty's Army and Navy Veteran's Society in Brantford passed the following
resolution:
“Whereas the war is increasing in magnitude and with prospects that the Brantford
volunteers will be called to the Canadian front, and, whereas the members of the United
Army and Navy Veterans of Brantford are all men, who have been trained, and who have
seen service, and are now ready to guard the city, guard the public buildings, the
bridges, and support the police, therefore, resolved that this society...be now organized
into a home guard...”
The Brantford Home Guard was in fact formed on November 21, 1914. The Guard drilled
and practised rifle shooting, many men getting their first taste of military training through
this organization. As the push for overseas recruits increased, the membership in the
Home Guard decreased, until it eventually disbanded. Later in the war, the Home
Defence Force was formed, and a unit was established here. The purpose of this force
was to have men, who for some reason could not go overseas but who were physically fit,
replace the men of the Canadian Expeditionary Force who were being held in Canada for
home defence, so that the latter could be sent to France.
Brantford and Brant County men volunteered for overseas service in impressively
large numbers during World War 1. The methods used to recruit these men ran the
gambit from harangues from the pulpit, to patriotic rallies, to public shaming.
As previously mentioned, at the outset of the war, Brant County men were more
than anxious to get into the army so as not to miss the war. There was actually
competition to get into the army in the beginning as the government policy then was to
take only single men, and they had to be a good shot. As described by The Courier, when
the Dufferin Rifles opened to receive recruits “in case of necessity during the present
war;”
“There was no hesitation, every man was eager to sign his name, and he did so without a
tremor of fear. All sorts and conditions of men lined up and waited their turns to attest
their willingness to serve their country...”
The churches from the outset left no doubt as to where a man's duty lay, and many
ministers preached the righteousness of Britain's cause, and the need for men to uphold
this cause. For them it was truth, honour, and civilization, against barbarism and brutality,
lying and dishonour. One Brantford minister claimed:
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“...The very soul of our race is at stake, and there comes today a challenge to every
single man that is able to go to save our civilization from destruction. ...It is the Kingdom
of God upon earth we are fighting for...”
Another stated:
“...This is not merely a war in which we want to beat Germany, but is a fight for Right,
Freedom, and Truth...
My friends tonight the country is calling for men...In the face of such clear, urgent, and
ringing calls, I ask you, is it a manlything to hold back where men are needed so much
and count for so much...” The call is for you, if you are able, free, and eligible, answer
the call and respond as a man.”
In the early part of the war, the usual method of encouraging enlistment was
through patriotic rallies. In Brantford, these were held on Sunday evening at The Brant
Theatre. The theatre was decorated with flags and bunting, and large banners proclaimed
patriotic messages such as “England Expects Everyone To Do His Duty.” As the people
entered the theatre the orchestra would be playing patriotic songs. The program itself
usually included some short movies, or some slides showing leading war figures, or
pictures of battle zones. There were usually speakers, often returned veterans, who
addressed the audience outlining why men should enlist, and this was followed by a singsong of patriotic songs. The one constant factor was the recruiting sergeants who would
appear near the end of the program and call for volunteers. On one occasion The
Expositor reported that:
“Fifteen likely-looking young men responded, marching up onto the stage and accepting
the “King's shilling.” These have yet to pass their medical and physical examinations but
the recruiting officers figured that at least ten sturdy soldiers would be secured from the
bunch...”
This method was perhaps the one that appealed most directly to the emotional ties
of “King and Empire,” and it was an effective scheme for recruiting in the early stages of
the war. In 1915, Brantford was made the recruiting centre for Brant County, and with
this decision, a citizen's recruiting committee was formed. Its function was to assist the
military in recruiting men for local units. They were to stimulate recruiting through
advertising, arranging rallies, and inviting in speakers. The committee got to work
immediately, its first task being to help raise 1,000 men for the recently approved Brant
County Battalion, the 125th. Their first meeting was described by The Expositor:
“There was a clear presentation of duty's call from the stage of the Brant Theatre last
evening when the recruiting campaign to raise 1,000 men for the 125th Battalion was
inaugurated. Hard facts and straight arguments were given by the various speakers and
while the meeting was enthusiastic throughout, it was marked by grim determination. The
attendance was good, but the theatre was by no means packed to the doors. The meeting
last night was conspicuous for its lack of artificiality, there being a seriousness over the
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whole gathering at all times...The meeting was, according to the speakers, not to make
men enlist, but to show the need of men...”
In a January 1916 editorial supporting the campaign, The Expositor argued that
this was a golden opportunity to serve alongside people one knew, and that when the war
was over, those who had not joined would very much regret having to live and work
alongside those who had. It concluded:
“This is peculiarly the Day of Opportunity for the young man of Brant County who is still
in “civies,” and he is blind indeed if he does not realize the fact.”
During the campaign, the recruiting committee arranged for meetings throughout the
county. On one occasion, a special train was run to Burford, and the band of the 125th,
along with speakers, soldiers, and “prominent ladies,” tried to rally people from the
Burford area to enlist. A final blitz to bring the battalion up to strength was begun on
February, 13, 1916. The final drive was to begin on a Sunday with a church parade of the
battalion, and special appeals from the pulpit for recruits. During the week, parades
complete with bands, returned soldiers, and the children of soldiers at the front, were to
be held. As well, the city was to be covered with posters, and men were to be placed on
street cars to appeal for recruits among the patrons. As a final ploy, during two days of
the week, girls in khaki were to be used as recruiting sergeants, “and it is expected that
where the arguments of the men have failed, the wiles and soft pleadings of the women
will succeed.”
When the 125th was brought up to strength and had left for camp, the Recruiting
League decided to wind up its operations. However, with 500 men needed for the 215th,
and stimulated by a $500 grant from the Ontario government, the League was
reorganized in November of 1916. At its reorganization meeting, it was pointed out that
securing recruits would be difficult because of the number of men that the County had
already contributed, and because of the labour shortage in local factories. As well, the
League was told of the need for a more direct personal appeal, since the method of public
appeal and rallies had been used to the point of being ineffective. To this effect, the
slogan “Each one, get one” was employed by the recruiting committee in its drive for
men for the 215th. Each member of the organization was pledged to secure at least one
recruit. Public recruiting meetings were not completely abandoned as they created the
“necessary atmosphere,” but a personal canvass was to be the key. A new idea was also
introduced in a “civilian exemption board,” which would help men to decide if their place
was in the factory or at the front. Unfortunately, this drive met with little success due to
lack of co-operation by some sectors such as the manufacturers, who felt they needed the
men in their factories, and by the fact that there were few men left who were physically
fit enough to meet army standards. With the introduction of conscription, the need for the
League vanished. However, during its existence the Recruiting League had done much to
stimulate recruiting in Brant County.
14
“The Empire Needs You Now!” “Your King And Country Need You” “Canada
Now Needs You” “Are You A Canadian?” These were some of the slogans which
appeared on recruiting posters appealing to the patriotism of possible recruits. Other
messages and slogans on the posters very unsubtly questioned the manhood of those who
had not enlisted, and tried to shame them into action. During an appeal of the 125th, the
following message appeared:
“Can you afford to wait any longer, when the need for more men has been shown you?
Can you afford to be a weakling to stay behind with the women to cheer, with flag in
hand when the soldiers (the real men) come home from the front next year? All eyes are
turned on you. People are waiting to see what stuff you are made of.”
Another poster in that campaign questioned:
“Your neighbour is in the 125th! Is he a better man than you?”
Taking advantage of the burning of the parliament buildings in 1916, a poster asked –
“How much closer must the war come to you before you see your duty, and enlist?”
And it concluded:
“After the war, how can you cheer if you have failed to do your duty?”
Editorials in the newspapers, and letters to the editor were another source of
pressure in the recruiting drives. The editorials called on “slackers” to do their duty and
enlist. The letters to the editor, for the most part, deplored the number of men who had
not enlisted, and called on the women of the city to do many of the jobs now done by the
men in order to release the men for duty. Here is a sampling of some of the comments in
the letters.
“They cannot look a returned fellow in the face, and our presence makes them ashamed,
so they spite us.”
“...No matter where you go you see the slacker. Go to the show, see the young girls with
them who ought to be ashamed to be seen with them, or to even speak to them, when they
know that they have got someone at the front doing his bit, and that the slacker stays at
home reaping the benefit of your boy at the front...
Don't let him work again unless he is rejected from the navy or army, and put a stop to
the money-mongers employing them...”
“...My idea of the “slacker's” girl is not much. If I were a young girl I would not walk the
same side of the road as a “slacker” much less beside one. It's up to the girls to let the
“slacker” see where his place is...”
15
“I have been an objector to conscription in the past, but am now convinced that such a
considerable number of our men are without a conscience in this matter, that it appears
equal bearing of the burden of our nation generally.”
“...Again, women can, in each and every case, as entree to their homes, as conditional to
their companionship, demand either khaki or the rejection button. Chivalry is man-worn
but it is woman-made. “None but the brave deserve the fair,” but young women sit
unashamed beside mufti at theatre party, walk unabashed beside mufti on the streets.
Matrons welcome mufti to their homes. Yes mufti to-day is an insult to decency. It is like
entering your drawing room in shirt-sleeves or less...”
The papers were not beyond printing literary comments which were very strong in their
sentiment. For example, The Paris Review printed a poem called, “The Gink Who Stays
At Home,” which concluded
“I haven't a pimple, I'm perfectly sound, it's my grit
not my carcass that's ill.
I'm just a plain loafer, I belong to the bums, who
hide behind mother and sniffle,
I'm not even a sham, I'm not worth a damn, to Empire,
God, Man, or the Devil.”
The reasons men gave for not enlisting were always considered inadequate, unless
they were medical. Being a “conscientious objector” was deemed as equivalent to being
an ally of the Germans. The pressures were continuous, and the only assured means of
not being bothered by recruiters, or looked down on by the public, was by wearing a
“rejection button.” These were given out to men who had tried to enlist, but who were
declared unfit for duty.
In August of 1915, The Expositor reported that the Dufferin Rifles had decided to
follow the lead of Toronto regiments by placing recruiting sergeants, with red, white, and
blue streamers around their cap bands, on the streets of the city. As stated by the
newspaper:
“The duty of these N.C.O.'s will not be to offend any citizen in any way whatsoever about
his duty to his country, but simply to keep in touch with young men who are known to be
undecided as to whether to enlist or not.”
In 1916, The Expositor reported that women were telling recruiters the names of
eligible young men in the neighbourhoods of Brantford. And it was also reported that a
man proceeding downtown was surrounded by a squad from the 215th Battalion, and
asked for his reasons for not being in uniform. Sometimes, the pressure was too much.
On June 20, 1916, The Expositor contained a story about a young man, 19 years old, who
had committed suicide by drowning. The suggestion was made that the reason for his
suicide was that he had recently been “hard pressed by recruiting agents.”
16
Sometimes there was opposition to the recruiting, and it was often vocal and
adamant. This was the case during the last campaign for recruits for the 215th. When the
Recruiting League asked some of the factory owners in the city to allow a recruiter to
address the men in the factories during their lunch hour, the owners refused, claiming that
because of the labour shortage they could not spare any more men for the armed forces.
With the failure of voluntary enlistment, the next move for the government was
compulsory military service.
When the government announced in May of 1917 that it was introducing
conscription in order to bolster the strength of Canadian forces overseas, it came as no
surprise to the people of Brantford. The idea had been debated in the press, in the shops,
and even at public meetings. As early as August of 1915, The Expositor, in an editorial
entitled “Compulsory Military Service,” had pointed out who was liable to be called, and
commented that it hoped the measure would not be necessary, but concluded:
“Thus far, under the voluntary system Canadians have responded nobly to the call for
men, but there are still many young men who are holding back and in order to reach
them compulsion may be necessary if the war is to be prolonged very much longer.”
Agitation for conscription continued as the war progressed. As the various
methods of recruiting lost their effectiveness, many concluded that the only alternative
was compulsory service. In February of 1917, the Brant Recruiting League called a
public meeting on the question of conscription. By accounts, the meeting was wellattended, and it passed a strong motion to be forwarded to the government, asking that
they take “advantage of the provisions of the Militia Act” to call up men of military age.
When the government did finally introduce conscription The Expositor left no
doubts as to its stand:
“Meantime, for what is now promised, the country will thank God and take
courage.”
Interviewed by The Expositor, several leading citizens of the time expressed the opinion
that it was the proper measure to take, and the only mistake was that it had not been
introduced two years earlier. A public meeting on the question was called by the Mayor
for June 14, in the Armouries. It is interesting to note that the notice of the meeting
stated, “Opposition, if any, will be heard.” There apparently was no opposition as The
Expositor reported:
“With Marked Unanimity Local Citizens Favoured Conscription.”
But if opposition was lacking at the meeting, it nevertheless existed in Brantford.
The local Kith and Kin Association, although in favour of conscription, was upset that
only British subjects were to be conscripted while aliens were left behind to work in the
factories and make good money.
A letter to the editor noted:
17
“When we have got the slackers away from the factories, which includes all aliens, and
force them to enlist, then we can safely say, “We have done everything that can be done.”
If this had been carried out in the first part of the war, not even the shadow of
conscription would have entered Canada... and remember that the women of Canada, as
well as of England are ready to do their bit by taking the men's place in factories or
elsewhere...''
The local Trades and Labour Council came out strongly against conscription.
Some members contended that some of the local citizens who had come out so strongly
for conscription were young and fit, and if they and others like them in the country had
volunteered, conscription would be unnecessary. They complained that a soldier's pay
was all out of proportion to the risks taken, and that he should receive at least as much as
a man working in a munitions’ factory. They also called for a national referendum on the
measure, and for the conscription of wealth as well as men. In this stand, the Brantford
branch of the Trades and Labour Council lined up squarely behind the National Trades
and Labour Council. Their stand on conscription led to a “letter war” in the local papers
on the question. One supporter of compulsory service questioned:
“Does the Trades and Labour Council of Brantford want to line up with Montreal,
Quebec, Sherbrooke and others? We live in a real British city, let us be British.”
Obviously for some, to oppose conscription meant one was disloyal, and un-British.
Another group from the Brantford area also opposed the introduction of
compulsory service. This was the Six Nations Indians. They felt that if the white men in
Canada had volunteered in the same proportion as the Indians, conscription would not
have been necessary. They felt that because of their outstanding record of voluntary
enlistment they should be exempted from the terms of the Military Service Act. A
delegation was sent to Ottawa to present their complaint to the Governor-General.
Feelings sometimes ran high over the conscription issue. The Expositor related
one story which well illustrated the feelings of some on the subject. An employee at the
Steel Company of Canada in Brantford had sent a wire to the Mayor of Montreal backing
Quebec's opposition to conscription. When word of this reached his fellow employees,
many of whom were returned soldiers, he became the target of much abuse. As The
Expositor explained it:
“...On learning of their fellow employee's action, the returned soldier's who are
employed there became rather heated, and threats were made against the writer. The
superintendent, fearing for Henderson's safety, advised him to make his departure before
bodily injury was done him, and suggested that he would get his money if he wanted it.
This advice was followed out by Henderson, who called a taxi and left the shop.”
The government hoped to raise 100,000 men through conscription of class one
men. Class one men included bachelors and widowers without children, between the ages
of 20 and 34. All men in this class were to report to their local post office by the 10th of
November 1917, and obtain a form for reporting for service, or a form for claiming
exemption. The proclamation was issued on October 13, 1917, and on October 18, The
18
Expositor reported that there was “No Rush Of Men At Post Office.” Nine days later it
was noted that only 365 men from the Brantford area had reported to the post office and
of these over 350 had put in claims for exemption.
The granting of exemptions was left to a military service tribunal. Generally
speaking, those not in class A (those in the best physical condition,) were allowed
exemptions, at least until their class was called. Those in class A had to have a very good
excuse before they were granted exemptions. One man, who was the only help his father
had on the family farm, was exempted; another, who had a widowed mother to support,
and who had two brothers overseas was excused. On the other hand, many who owned
their own businesses were given time to close them up, and then told to report.
Many simply refused to register, or ignored the order. Occasional visits by
Dominion Military Police searching for defaulters sent many scurrying out of the city to
avoid detection. These visits were usually very thorough, and anyone not carrying his
registration papers, which stated his class, and which were to be carried at all times, was
rounded up and taken to the Armouries until he could prove that he was exempted.
During the winter of 1917, over 2,000 draftees under the Military Service Act
were quartered and trained in Brantford. It is interesting to note that when they paraded to
the train station for departure for points east and overseas, they were not accompanied by
a band, and virtually no one was at the station to see them off.
As well as looking after those soldiers who were stationed here and those soldiers
from Brantford who were overseas, the City had the problem of taking care of her
soldiers as they returned. In October of 1915, the City Council had set up a committee of
three to work to secure employment for returned soldiers. Very shortly after that, a
branch of the Soldier's Aid Commission was formed in Brantford. This body was to help
the veteran's readjust to civilian life. The commission made sure that a welcome home
was prepared for each veteran, and then helped them to attain a job. For those who had
been disabled, the commission assisted them by educating and training them for the type
of work they would be best suited for. There was a lot of public pressure to ensure that
the returning soldiers were guaranteed employment, and this pressure was particularly
keen when appointments to jobs in the public sphere were being made. In December of
1916, a letter to the editor of The Expositor complained:
“In view of the fact of the great need of men of military age in the army, and also the
high rates of taxes in this city, it seems to me the police commissioners have about gone
their limit in putting on the extra burdens on the tax payers of this city by putting on a
man of no former experience as a detective, and a young man as motor patrol driver.
Now both of these appointees are of military age, and if Brantford was or is in need of
such men there are many who have gone to the front like men, who need just such jobs
now that they have been returned, wounded, or discharged. The need of men in this war
was never greater than at present, and if the men who return are not given a fair show at
these public jobs, it will not help the recruiting any. I have heard public speakers in
recruiting meetings making big promises to induce men to enlist, and I think as far as
public positions are concerned, the man who has risked his life ought to be given the
preference.”
19
In May of 1917, a new jail governor was appointed in Brantford. This was
normally a political appointment, but pressure from local organizations such as the
Trades and Labour Council, and the Equal Franchise Club, led to a veteran being
appointed. In May of 1918, one of the commissioners of the Brantford Street Railway
Commission made the mistake of stating that if the employees of the commission did not
back down in their wage demands, the commission would be forced to hire cheaper
labour in the form of girls and disabled veterans. This brought forth a volley of protests
through letters to the editor, and deputations to the City Council. One such protest stated:
“...The greatest problem the returned men have today, is to keep themselves from being
exploited from unscrupulous employers, and seemingly the Street Railway
Commissioner's are the first in the City of Brantford to try and make use of disabled men
to the disadvantages of their fellow workers.”
Another organization, whose aim was to aid the veteran, was the Great War
Veterans Association (G.W.V.A.). This was a national organization, and the Brantford
branch was formed, in March of 1917. The aim of the organization was “to perpetuate the
close and kindly ties of mutual service in the Great War, and to maintain a proper
standard of dignity and honour between all returned soldiers.” Its activities varied from
handling complaints about returned men's pay and pensions, to locating soldiers at the
front who had been reported missing. Membership was open to all who had been
overseas during the war. Although it professed to be non-political, it did on occasion
enter into that sphere, such as during the 1917 election when it gave public backing to
candidates of its choice. In Brantford, the Association raised money to open their own
headquarters from which they could operate, and provide a home for homeless returning
veterans. The headquarters were officially opened by the Governor General, the Duke of
Devonshire, when he was in the city in October of 1917 to unveil the Bell Memorial.
When the war ended in November of 1918, the problem of returning soldiers
became more pressing and acute. To help solve the problem, the Ontario government set
up a special department in each of its employment bureaus to deal with the treatment of
veterans. This agency was to deal directly with the local employers, and was to have the
co-operation of the other civil re-establishment associations, such as the Soldiers Aid, and
the G.W.V.A. It was hoped that this would make things easier for the placing of returned
men in employment. From all reports, the agency was very successful in helping veterans
to find work. Further, in Brantford, as in other Canadian cities, a “Directory of Returned
Business Men of Brantford” was prepared. This contained a list of all business men in the
city who had returned after serving overseas. The Directory stated that:
“There is no desire to appeal for the creation of a favoured class, simply a desire to trade
on equal terms with others. The returned business men have no desire to crowd other
people off this earth, they have no hard feelings toward anybody, but what they require
and fully expect, is that citizens will show them that they at least are ready to trade with
those who forgot business and answered the cry of distress that went up from a little
Nation in August 1914.”
20
However, not everyone was happy with the treatment that was afforded the
returnees. One letter to the editor complained that an employee of Massey-Harris had
received $3.00 a day before he left for overseas, but on his return was receiving only
$2.50 a day. The writer asked why other men were getting $3.25 a day for doing the same
job, and suggested that the factories in the city could do more for the veterans. In March
of 1919, when several men, including fifty veterans, were laid off from a job putting in
city sewers the G.W.V.A. immediately protested to the City Council, and The Expositor
editorialized:
“Brantford's veterans have repeatedly proven that they are asking no favours, but only a
square deal. Their record is a splendid one, and they have no intention of besmirching it.
But in times such as these when the number of unemployed for whom work must be found
is increasing daily, city authorities should exercise the greatest of care to avoid a
repetition of such precipitate action as that which led to the display of feeling last night.”
Treatment of veterans went beyond just looking after their welfare. On two
occasions, the returned soldiers were honoured publicly. The first of these was in April of
1918 when all returned veterans from Brantford were honoured at a banquet held at the
headquarters of the G.W.V.A. A year later, Brantford citizens turned out in great
numbers to welcome home “The Mad Fourth.” This was not strictly a Brantford
regiment, but there were a large number of Brantford men in it. Permission had been
gained for the Fourth to parade in Brantford, even though they had been officially
demobilized in Toronto. Many non-Brantford men made the trip to Brantford to join in
the parade and the festivities.
During the war, the citizens of Brantford had done all they could to look after the
soldiers from this city, or those who were stationed in the city. They had helped with
recruiting drives, - looked after Brantford's men overseas, supported conscription, and
looked out for the welfare of those who returned. They took what they considered a
justifiable pride in Brant County's own battalions, the 125th, and the 215th, and did
everything they could to help those units reach their quotas in manpower. If in retrospect,
their attitude seems too chauvinistic, one must remember the temper of the times, and that
the people of Brantford were simply reacting as did the people across the country.
21
THE FOREIGN ELEMENT
The attitude toward foreigners in Canada, and Brantford, during the war was one
that can only be described as discriminatory. The degree of prejudice toward foreign
born people in Brantford varied in extremes, according to the attachment of their mother
country to the German cause. Naturally Germans, Austrians, and Turks, suffered a great
deal. But other races suffered too, as they often became convenient scapegoats for people
to turn against when the opportunity presented itself.
Brantford citizens were interested in the reaction of local “aliens” to the outbreak
of war. On July 28 1914, The Courier reported that “Local Foreigners Are Not Rushing
To Jump Into The War,” and the article went on to point out how most Austrians,
Hungarians, Russians, and Armenians in Brantford, were ignoring the notices from their
home governments for them to return. But people were suspicious, and only days after
the outbreak of war, three Hungarians were arrested for concealing weapons. The men
claimed that they were going on a hunting trip to the Canadian Northwest, and the judge
dismissed their case, but fined the merchant who had sold them the guns for not filling in
the proper forms. In October, the Federal Government evolved a plan for dealing with
“enemy aliens,” all those considered a threat to security were to be interned, while those
whom it was felt would behave themselves were required only to report regularly to the
authorities. In the case of Brantford, this meant a monthly registering at the police
station. By the end of the war, the newspapers noted that up to 1000 foreigners were
reporting to the police station each month.
When Turkey declared war on the side of Germany, the Brantford police were
ordered to round up all male Turks in the city and put them in the county jail. These
men, 104 in all, were then housed in the armouries until they were moved out to
Kingston. The newspaper account of their transfer to the armouries was a combination of
sympathy and self-satisfaction. In part The Courier reported:
“...Many of the captives are Turks who have resided in the Dominion for periods
upwards of ten years, and who are citizens and voters... They are thoroughly satisfied
with Canada and profess an utter disregard of the old country, and disclaim all desire to
share her battles... Many of them can speak excellent English, and it is amusing if
somewhat pathetic to hear their description of the police raid...”
The article concluded:
“...and Brantford's citizens might sleep the easier knowing their safety had been
assured...”
The Expositor article on the same incident stated:
“Many of them are very well known with blameless records as far as the police are
aware, but the greater number were out of work and seemed relieved, knowing that as
prisoners of war they would receive better food and care throughout the winter than if
they remained in the city.”
22
Although many of those arrested did spend the war in internment camps, several were
released because they held Canadian citizenship papers.
The discrimination and antagonism toward people born in the countries, who were
fighting against Canada, showed itself in various ways in Brantford. In November of
1914, The Courier contained an article entitled, “An Unpleasant Incident In A Local
Factory.” The article outlined how three young men, “Britishers,” were dismissed from
their jobs at Stedman Eros. Wholesale Warehouse by their foreman, “an alien,” for
leaving work without permission (which had been refused), during working hours, to
attend the departure of Brantford troops. “They wanted to see the parade and saw it, and
are angered at the fact that an alien discharged them in such circumstances,” The Courier
supposed that the foreman was a German, and indirectly suggested, that this was the
reason for his actions. Further investigation however revealed that the foreman was born
in Switzerland, and was a naturalized citizen of the United States. In February 1916,
while C.H. Waterous was addressing a recruiting meeting, he was interrupted by a
member of the audience who asked if the Waterous Engine Works employed Germans
and Austrians. This set off a flurry of letters to the newspapers. Some called for a “live
and let live” attitude, pointing out that the men in question were loyal; others questioned:
“Is it not natural that these men finding themselves unable to fight against us in the
trenches would avail themselves of any opportunity not to harm us at home?”
Mr. Waterous himself defended his employees, mentioning that all the “enemy aliens” at
his firm were naturalized, or had applications in for naturalization. More extreme
instances than the above also occurred. Mr. Fred Unger, Superintendant of Streets for the
city, found it necessary to write a letter to the editor of The Expositor defending himself
against rumours that he was German sympathizer. In fact, he had been born in New York
State of American parents. Two firemen were also accused of pro-German sentiments,
and an investigation was ordered. It was discovered that the accusations had been
brought forward by a disgruntled fireman who had been recently fired. It was even
suggested that German music be banned from schools and programs.
The “enemy aliens” were also convenient scapegoats for certain events. After the
burning of the parliament buildings in 1916, W.F. Cockshutt, Brantford's M.P., called for
every enemy alien to be interned for the duration of the war. The aliens were also seen as
being at the root of seditious attempts to overthrow the government. The Expositor
reported in July of 1918 that:
“...there is an insidious pro-German propaganda campaign in this city, more insidious
because it is cloaked in the form of a crude appeal to labour... The whole is so obviously
pro-German in its motive that the circulators, if apprehended, would doubtless be in for a
serious time with the authorities…”
Unfortunately, discrimination went beyond just that directed at the enemy. A
letter to the editor in February of 1915, protested against the closing of the local theatres
to “coloured citizens on account of more cases of smallpox amongst us...” The letter went
23
on to argue that there were other instances of smallpox in the city. In September of 1917,
another letter to the editor complained of discrimination against foreigners in application
of liquor laws. When several women complained of being molested by “foreigners,” a
“citizen” suggested that vigilante committees be formed to help the ladies of Brantford
defend themselves against “the scum of the earth.” There were those too who were quick
to criticize the foreigner for not enlisting in large enough numbers, and for making good
money in a munitions factory while “our boys' gave their lives in France”. They were
also accused of not contributing their share to the patriotic drives, and in some factories,
coercion was used to make them pay more.
The treatment of foreigners in Brantford during the First World War is unpleasant
to recall, and although some justified it on the grounds of a national emergency, others
simply took advantage of a situation to find scapegoats, and give vent to inherent
prejudices.
24
BRANTFORD'S MONETARY CONTRIBUTION TO WORLD WAR 1
During World War 1, Brantford citizens were called upon continually to donate
money to various war causes. By the time the war ended in 1918, they had contributed a
grand total of $1,240,768.85.
These campaigns, carried on throughout the war, and the causes for which the
money was asked, varied. Money on the home front was asked for by the Patriotic Fund a fund that helped look after soldiers' dependents and a veteran's fund - to help raise
money for a home for Great War veterans. For overseas, there were relief funds,
including British Red Cross, Italian Red Cross, Belgian Relief, and Sailor's Relief. The
Y.M.C.A. “Red Triangle Fund,” and the Catholic Army Huts Fund, sought to raise
money for the comforts of men overseas. As well, money was raised to purchase machine
guns, ambulances, and field kitchens; and when the disastrous Halifax explosion occurred
in 1917, Brantford citizens were quick to contribute generously to the Halifax Relief
Fund. Finally, on top of all these charitable fund raising campaigns, there were also
several drives for Victory Loans and War Bonds.
The methods of raising money varied. Sometimes organizations brought in
speakers, as when in June of 1915, the Women's Patriotic League sponsored a talk by the
well-known humorist Stephen Leacock, all profits going to the Red Cross, and Belgian
Relief Funds. Another means of acquiring funds and engendering enthusiasm was
through patriotic concerts and rallies. The concert usually included some singers, often
imported, and a special speaker, and these concerts were generally very well attended.
The rallies were similar to the concerts, but usually included a parade to the theatre, and a
patriotic sing-song. Sometimes a dance would follow the rally or the concert. Door to
door canvassing was employed to collect funds, and for those who were missed by the
canvasser, there were coupons provided in the newspapers which one could clip out and
send in with a donation. Usually, the actual collecting was done over a three day period,
with the campaigning starting earlier through newspaper advertising, and signs and
banners downtown. Catchy slogans were used such as - “Everybody Something,” “Shall
We Be True To Our Promise?” “Pay and Win,” and “Go On Or Go Under.” In every
campaign, Brantfordites gave generously. Even so, at times they were chastized for not
giving generously enough. An editorial in The Expositor, on October 19, 1915, was
entitled, “Brantford must Do Better.” It commented:
“...True, our civic finances are strained, but so are those of other cities as well and if
civic funds in other places are available to help a most deserving cause, those of
Brantford ought to be available too.
...Shall this splendid service be crippled for lack of funds? Shall the hand of mercy be
stayed because we have not given a helping hand? There can be no question as to what
our answer ought to be. England expects! And the people of Brantford, and of Brant
County, must do their full duty.”
As well as contributing generously to the various campaigns, many Brantford
citizens and groups gave private gifts to the war effort. For example, Harry Cockshutt of
the Cockshutt Plow Company had presented the government with a carload of army
25
wagons. Individuals and groups also donated money for specific items such as machine
guns and field kitchens.
The Patriotic Fund was the fund that Brantford citizens were asked to donate to
most frequently. This money was used to care for soldier's dependents; it was a nationwide fund with all money collected being sent to Ottawa for redistribution according to
the needs of different areas in the country. There was strict local distribution of the funds
through a visiting committee of the Ladies Auxiliary of the Patriotic Fund. This group
certified all applications made to this fund by visiting the homes of those who applied. As
the war continued, there was agitation for the Dominion government to take over the care
of soldier's dependents, and in 1918 this responsibility was in fact shouldered by the
Federal government. Although realizing the practicalities of such a move, The Expositor
did feel that something would be missing:
“...so the great three-days whirlwind campaigns are a tiling of the past. In many respects
this is unfortunate, since these combined efforts of the leading business men of the
various municipalities to secure money for the common cause of helping carry on this
war to a speedy and successful end have had a splendid moral effect upon the people.
Men who in the past have been prone to become too self-centred, and to take but little
interest in anything but their own affairs, have had their outlook broadened and their
public spirit awakened by contact and association with men in every walk of life during
the strenuous days of these campaigns...”
Getting people to pledge money to the various campaigns was one thing, but
getting them to pay when the installment came due (usually the payment was spread over
18 months), often presented a problem. On February 4, 1916, The Expositor had to
report:
“In this connection a brief statement of the financial situation of the local patriotic fund
has been secured... and it reveals a fact that will not be particularly pleasing to
Brantfordites, and that is that this city is indebted to the head organization at Ottawa... to
the extent of $17,971.85. That seems that this city has not been keeping up its end of the
work, and that the parent organization has been forced to advance the above sums of
money to this city to take care of the wives, children and dependents of Brantford
soldiers, the sum supplied from the local association having fallen that much short.”
In May of 1917, The Expositor again carried an article stating that subscriptions
for the 1916 Patriotic Funds, were well past due, and it reminded the delinquents that
signing the pledge was just as binding as signing a promissory note. Later, in August, a
notice appeared in The Courier calling a special meeting of all subscribers to the Patriotic
Fund “to decide what action shall be taken to collect the arrears due by subscribers to the
1916 campaign fund.” Obviously, some citizens were still reluctant to pay.
The campaigns continued up until the end of the war, and even as the war ended,
a Victory Bond drive was going on. The Patriotic Fund had had great difficulty in
reaching its objective in the 1918 drive, and The Expositor, perhaps sensing that the
26
public was growing weary of continuous campaigns, had suggested in May of 1918, that
there be one large campaign for all causes. Even though Brantford citizens by 1918
obviously were getting war-weary, and weary of contributing, they nevertheless had
given generously throughout the war, and had established a record of which they could be
proud.
27
BRANTFORD INDUSTRY & LABOUR DURING WORLD WAR I
The First World War, after initially stifling industry in Brantford, gave a great
impetus to manufacturing in this city. Then, just as the outbreak of war had caused
certain problems for the city, so too the coming of peace was accompanied by certain
economic dislocations. Throughout this down-up-down process, the labour movement
quietly gained some badly needed support, and made some significant advances.
When war looked imminent, The Expositor reported:
“Few cities in Canada are more vitally interested from an individual and commercial
point of view in the present European crisis than is Brantford, by reason of the fact that a
large portion of the products of this city's biggest industries are marketed in European
countries and the declaration of a general war in these countries would mean the
demoralization of business.”
The prediction proved correct. Upon the outbreak of war for example, Massey-Harris
announced that it would close down much of its operation, and reduce its output. In
answer to mounting public criticism, the company published a letter describing its
reasons. In part it stated:
“The effect of the war is so widespread that during its continuance we cannot hope for
further business in Europe, and must therefore, reduce our output accordingly. You will
appreciate what this means when we say that about one-half of the output of the Works
during the season just closing was for European countries. ...Immediately the war broke
out every order we had in hand from Europe was cancelled by cable...”
The cancelling of European contracts for many goods manufactured in Brantford
led to hard times in the city over the winter months of 1914-15. The situation was serious
enough to force the city into setting up public works projects for those who were out of
work, and the Social Service League was kept busy looking after families who were
wanting. To help stimulate the local economy, a “Buy In Brantford” campaign was
promoted in late October of 1914. People were urged to patronize local merchants in
order to keep money flowing in Brantford. Brantfordites were advised:
“Spend your money where it will do most good to the majority, and don't forget you are
one of the majority. Your money spent at home, with the other fellows money spent at
home, gives the local merchant a working capital to reinvest in labour.”
The first “war budget” brought down by the Federal government in February of 1915, did
not do much to make easier the economic crisis facing Brantford. The tariff on many
articles was raised, but not on agricultural implements, and the Massey-Harris Company
in particular was angered at this.
To try to get Brantford industry on the move, a strong deputation had visited
Ottawa in October of 1914 to ask that government war contracts be directed to Brantford.
28
Promises were made, but the Brantford delegation had to make another trip in February
1915 before anything substantial transpired. Shortly after the outbreak of war a few war
orders had been placed with local firms. Slingsby Mills had secured an order for
blankets, and Adams Wagon Works for wagons. Later, in October, the Kitchen Overall
and Shirt Company, and the Brandon Shoe Company, announced that they had received
orders for war goods. In the spring of 1915, orders began to pour into various factories in
the city, and Brantford became involved in a variety of war manufacturing, including
army ovens, shells, and motor trucks.
With the arrival of the war contracts, the economic situation improved markedly.
During the winter of 1915-16, the Social Service League reported a minimum number of
relief cases, and by August 1916, The Expositor made the following comment on “The
Local Industrial Situation.”
“The local industrial situation is, in some respects, far from being satisfactory. There is
no scarcity of orders; on the contrary, more business is offering than the factories are
able to turn out. The chief trouble is the scarcity of labour. Hundreds more men could
find employment if they were available... So far as the labour shortage is concerned, it is
due in part to the number of men required for munitions work here and elsewhere, and
also to enlistments...”
In September 1916, the Cockshutt Plow Company announced that earnings were up over
$100,000 from the previous year, and the report to the stockholders noted:
“The abnormal conditions, which on account of the war have prevailed, are still with us.
The prices of our raw materials are extremely high, and delivery very slow and
uncertain. The lack of sufficient labour has also proved a very serious handicap to our
business and the present outlook does not hold out any hope for improvement in the near
future.”
The labour shortage was further emphasized when, during the same month, The
Expositor reported that the extension of the Brantford Municipal Railways System to
Terrace Hill was being held up for lack of labourers. As well, local ministers were upset
because Sunday attendance was down due to men working in munitions factories, and
they felt that the real motive was profit, not patriotism. The shortage continued to the end
of the war, even with the return of servicemen, and with women going to work in some
factories.
Profits were high during the war, and although wages dragged behind the rising
cost of living, people did have money to spend. However, at times they had little to
spend it on as many articles were unavailable. In July 1918, The Scotland Woollen Mills
Store placed a large advertisement in The Brantford Courier explaining how the clothing
market was being affected by the war. They pointed out that nearly “every woolen mill is
on Government work,” and consequently there was a strain on the source of supply and
on labour. The result was soaring prices in the clothing industry. With the inflated
prices, there were charges of war profiteering against some Brantford firms, but these
29
were either disproved or not substantiated. In fact, a number of factories who could have
received a city tax exemption waived this right in 1918 in order to help out the city's tax
situation.
During the war, there was at least one incident where a Brantford firm was
involved in a minor munitions scandal. In late 1917, Edward L. Hanselman, a worker at
the Goold, Shapely, and Muir plant, was charged with, tampering with shells, deception
and fraud, and treason. Some of the shells being manufactured at the plant had been
drilled too deeply to pass inspection. In order to have them get through the inspection,
Hanselman plugged the holes with fitted pieces of steel. The trial brought out the fact that
the plugging had been done quite openly, but that management was not aware of the
practice. Hanselman was found not guilty of treason, but guilty of deception and fraud,
and for this he was fined $200. It is interesting to note that in his summation,
Hanselman's lawyer felt it necessary to advise the jury that, although the accused was of
German parentage, his family had been in Canada for 70 years. The lawyer went one
step further and reminded them that King George V was also of German parentage.
As the end of the war approached, local factories were confident that because of orders
they had already received, prosperity would continue in Brantford. On November 5
1918, The Expositor reported:
“That there will be little if any cessation of production in this city either among the
munitions manufacturers or the agricultural implement makers consequent upon a
sudden declaration of an armistice, or of peace, was the general opinion of a number of
leading manufacturers interviewed by The Expositor today... In some cases, there was
decidedly optimistic feeling that the period of replacement would prove a wonderful
period of prosperity and development.”
The farm implement firms in Brantford in particular anticipated “bumper export trade,”
as they felt that Europe would have to be supplied with new machines to replace those
destroyed by war.
On December 31, 1918, an Expositor editorial entitled, “Brantford's Industrial Outlook,
1919,” commented on the city's future:
“...There is, comparatively speaking, no unemployment in Brantford to-day... The basic
industry of Brantford, the manufacture of agricultural implements, is facing a period of
unprecedented activity...
...What is actually taking place in Brantford right now is transition, and it is in such an
advanced stage that the future is faced with high courage and optimism.
With the changing from war to peace completed in entirety, Brantford industrial leaders,
one and all, look toward a period of great prosperity, in fact are organized for such a
period, and it is very reassuring to know that there is nothing on the horizon at present to
lead to any other belief…”
The labour movement on the whole was rather quiet in Brantford during the war.
Because of the labour shortage, a man's pay was well-above what he could have earned
30
before the war, and complaining about conditions or wages was viewed by many as being
disloyal, and a hindrance to the war effort. There was a short-lived strike at Barber-Ellis
in February 1915, over whether the firm had the right to stamp the names of its
employees on envelope boxes for the purpose of identification. Later, in May 1917, the
moulders and coremakers in the city went on strike for a nine-hour day, but this too was
settled amicably.
The local Trades and Labour Council was quite active during the war years. The
Council passed resolutions favouring the introduction of income tax, and the
establishment of Wednesday as a half-holiday, but at the same time, they strongly
opposed conscription; they also opposed military training in the schools arguing that “it
inculcated the spirit of military jingoism in the country at a time when the Allies were
fighting German militarism, and that it bred hatred in the hearts of the youth.” The actual
resolution stated:
“Whereas militarism is so widely denounced by the neutral as well as by the majority of
those belligerent countries at present engaged in this war, as being the principle factor in
causing this, the most terrible of all wars;” “And whereas, Great Britain and her allies
are sacrificing thousands of their best and able-bodied men in an awful struggle to put
down and do away with “German militarism” as a common foe for all time to come;”
“And whereas the encouraging of military training of any kind in our public schools or
colleges is fostering this same demon as has committed such inhuman and diabolical
outrages in overrunning Serbia and Belgium and other countries in their lust for blood;”
“And whereas the inculcating of military jingoism in the minds of the children and the
sowing of the seed of hatredism in their innocent hearts, crowds out all that God desires
there: Sunshine, love of mankind, love for flowers, unselfishness and to be forgiving. Be it
therefore resolved that this council go on record as being decidedly opposed to military
training of any kind in the public schools and colleges of this province...”
This stand was not a popular one with many, and it brought forth an irate letter from a
Brantford soldier serving in France. He wasted few words:
“...The low-down cusses. If it wasn't for the khaki-clad men that they call degenerates,
they wouldn't be going to their beds in peace and safety each night. If Canada did right
and had conscription, no doubt some of these so-called “men” (?) would be over here
and would change their opinion, instead of staying at home and comparing us with
Germans by saying soldiering leads to what happened in Belgium and Serbia...” “My
fellow comrades, among whom are many trade unionists, including myself, are more than
surprised and disgusted that such statements and “men” (?) are allowed to live
undisputed...”
The Labour Council decided, in 1916, to become directly involved in municipal
politics by supporting candidates in the 1917 civic elections. They developed a six point
program which included a reduction in the high cost of living, free access to public
buildings for discussion of public questions, municipal ownership of public utilities,
31
appointment to civic service by qualification not favouritism, municipal work to be done
directly by the municipality by day work, and representation of women on all public
boards to which the City Council had power of appointment.
In 1917, the Trades and Labour Council backed M.M. MacBride in the federal
election of that year. MacBride ran as an Independent Labour candidate, and although he
did not win, he polled a very respectable number of votes. Less than a month later,
MacBride was elected Mayor. The Expositor made this comment:
“The large vote polled by this candidate in the parliamentary contest of last month, and
the winning vote of yesterday, suggest the breaking up of the old order of things in
Brantford, and the determination of Labour to be given a greater voice in the councils of
the nation, and of the city than it has had heretofore. There is likely, therefore, in the
future to be a new alignment of parties, and this fact ought to be frankly recognized.
That Labour is able to successfully administer as well as to agitate, must now be shown.”
Brantford prospered during the war, and both the businessman and the worker
benefited from it, as did the city as a whole. With the end of the war certain
readjustments had to be made, and although they caused some temporary problems,
Brantford was soon on its way to “normalcy” again.
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WOMEN AND THE WAR
It is generally agreed that the status of women was given a very decided boost
because of their efforts during the First World War. All over the country women
organized to help the war effort through raising money, doing war work, and in many
cases enlisting in the nursing corps. Brantford was no exception to this rule, and the role
played by the women of this city during World War I was an outstanding one.
In early September 1914, the women of Brantford formed the Women's Patriotic
League. The Local Council of Women organized this body with the purpose of uniting
all of the women's patriotic societies in order to give more strength to the women's war
effort. The League gave out and shipped materials, and marshalled city-wide campaigns
for food, clothing, and money. Some of their specific projects were to raise funds to
support soldiers' dependants, to secure funds for a field kitchen for Brantford’s own
125th Battalion, and to make war veterans feel welcome as they returned to the city.
Generally, they busied themselves in preparing “comforts” that could be used by the men
overseas. For example, in March of 1915, the members of the third contingent of the
Dufferin Rifles received a parcel from the League containing a cake of soap, a silk scarf,
three cotton handkerchiefs, and a cholera belt. In the cooler weather, articles that would
keep the men warm were produced. Their total output was very impressive. The
following is a list of their first year's work. There were 2167 pairs of socks, 300 scarves,
310 Balaclava caps, 499 pair of wristlets, 2986 handkerchiefs, 298 silk scarfes, 489
hospital garments, 1018 pieces of soap, 500 dozen bandages, 132 sheets, 106 pillow slips,
8 dozen towels, 32 dozen linen handkerchiefs, 150 cheesecloth handkerchiefs, 5968
surgical pads, 1876 dozen compresses, and 12,000 sponges.
Although the Women's Patriotic League carried on the brunt of the supply work,
the local chapters of the I.O.D.E. also contributed in similar ways, holding teas and
dances to raise money, and knitting anything that might be of use to the men overseas. An
organization which grew out of the war was the “Soldiers Associated Kith and Kin of
Brant County.” It was made up of the wives, mothers, sisters, and daughters of
servicemen, and its purpose was to provide comfort and companionship for women
whose husbands were overseas.
In early 1916, the Federal government encouraged the formation of The Women's
Emergency Corps. Its purposes are best explained by an Expositor editorial on January
27, 1916.
“...From what is already known, however, it is certain that one of the objects aimed at is
the bringing of the persuasive influence of women on women to induce them to let their
husbands and sons go to the front. Still another is the registration of women who are
willing to accept employment in factories and stores, and thus relieve men who ought to
enlist for the service of the Empire.”
On February 1, the Brantford Branch of the Women's Emergency Corps was formed, and
over 150 city and county women registered with the organization.
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But if the women of Brantford were willing to work in the factories in the city, it
took some time to convince the owners that women could do a man's work. A meeting of
the Women's National Service in January of 1917 complained that although women were
willing to work in factories, “manufacturers do not appear to have looked with favour on
the plan.” A letter signed “Feminus” appeared in The Expositor in May of 1917. It
stated:
“Sir, - at such a crucial time, when men are in such great demand, both for the country's
service and for the farms, why not make it possible for girls to take their places? Driving
bake wagons, milk rigs or such like is work any strong sensible girl could do. Will not
some of the business men of the city of Brantford consider this offer?”
Another letter suggested that a day nursery be opened to look after children so that the
women could work. Women in Brantford did eventually work in some of the factories
such as Waterous Engine Works, and Massey-Harris, and apparently did a competent
enough job that some of them were kept on after the war for peacetime production.
Another “man's domain” that was broken during the war was the position of bank clerk.
An article in The Expositor on January 30, 1919 noted:
“Yes it looks as if they will be a permanent fixture in most banks from now on. They have
proved themselves capable to the first degree, and there is no reason why they should not
continue the vocation which so many of them have adopted during war time.”
But if women were willing to help in the war effort, they expected something in
return, and that something was the right to vote. Speaking in November of 1916, the
president of the Brantford Equal Franchise League gave reasons why women wanted the
vote at that time.
“...Like the wave of prohibition, a wave of women's suffrage is sweeping the country.
Prohibition has been introduced into Ontario, and the women of the province are
desirous of having a vote in the referendum on that question to follow the war... Another
reason is the sincere desire in the hearts of all loyal women of Canada to do their utmost
to bring the war to a swift and successful conclusion, and it can not be doubted in the
least that the support of the women of the country would serve to strengthen greatly the
hands of the government...”
In contrast to its attitude of 1914, when it had voted against extending the municipal
franchise to women, the Brantford City Council unanimously passed a resolution on
February 5, 1917, requesting of the Dominion government, that “legislation be enacted
this year granting to women the vote and placing them on political equality with men.”
In May of 1917, the Ontario government granted the franchise to women, and later that
year, the Federal government also extended the vote to certain of the country's women.
Brantford women did not give up there as the Women's Win the War Committee of The
Local Council of Women decided to remain as an organization after the war, but change
its name to the Citizenship Committee. Their program included getting women elected to
34
the Board of Education, obtaining a position on the Library Board for a woman, and
seeing that married women were on the municipal voter's list for the next year.
The role of women in our society was greatly expanded because of their
contribution to the war effort. In Brantford, this contribution was significant, ranging
from fund raising, to working in factories. The women of this city had won respect and
rights because of their role in the war.
35
FOOD 'N STUFF
Besides the obvious effects that a war has on a community such as the men going
to war, and the switch-over from peace-time to war-time production in industry, other
subtle effects also occur, some immediately, and some after a period of time.
Even the day before war was officially declared, the local newspapers reported
that prices of certain commodities had already begun to rise, and on August 5, the day
after war was declared, The Courier noted that the price of such commodities as flour,
sugar, rice, and coffee, would be rising as much as 15 percent. The price of seeds was
also expected to rise immediately, and the farmers were encouraged from the outset of
the war to produce a surplus of seeds. Early in 1915, the Federal Government launched
what it called a Patriotism and Production Campaign to urge the farmer to increase his
production. The main reason given for encouraging greater production was to prevent
“the people of Great Britain from suffering want or privation.”
By mid-1915, Brantford citizens were beginning to complain that they were
paying more for the price of bread than people in surrounding cities. A local baker
defended the higher price by saying that in anticipation of a poor wheat harvest; bakers
had bought up wheat supplies at inflated prices. Then the price of wheat had dropped, and
the bakers were left with their “high-priced” wheat. This did not satisfy most Brantford
citizens, and many began to agitate for the city to go into the bread selling business.
“Brantford runs its waterworks and why not its bread works also?”
Another letter writer complained that the millers and bakers should be willing to share the
hard times that many people were suffering through, by lowering the price of bread.
“With so many in the city out of employment, and with the depression caused by the
terrible war, hundreds of others struggling to provide the bare necessities of life, it is a
great hardship for them to be compelled to pay such a price for bread when wheat is so
low and a bountiful harvest at hand.”
In spite of the above cry of hard times, less than six months later in January of
1916, an Expositor headline stated - “Prosperity Wave Felt In Brantford.” By all
accounts, 1916 might be said to have been a good year as far as the home front was
concerned. The war contracts that had been dribbling in over the first part of the war now
arrived in abundance, with the result that there was more than enough work for everyone,
and the adequate supply of jobs meant that everyone was taking home a full pay packet.
There were some disquieting features beginning to creep into the economy
however. The prices of some goods were climbing at an alarming rate for some people.
The Expositor reported in May:
“The abnormal price of sugar has for some time been the cause of much comment among
Brantford housewives, and long ago the thrifty housewife commenced to conserve her
supply of preserved fruits so that in case the necessary sweetening did not reach a
reasonable price, she would have a supply on hand for next season.”
36
The price of basic commodities such as bread and milk also began to advance, and people
reacted. In October, a special committee of the City Council was deputed to inquire into
the high cost of living, and they strongly recommended that the government secure
control of “the principle articles of food, the taking of vigorous steps towards the
suppression of combines in foodstuffs, and the temporary removal of existing duties on
food products...” A month later a committee of the Brantford Trades and Labour Council
made a report to the Council on the high cost of living. The findings and
recommendations were similar in many respects to that of the City Council committee,
but the Labour Council committee wanted investigation into specific commodities, and
legislation to allow the municipalities to control the distribution of natural and
manufactured food produce.
As well, during 1916 the shortage of labour due to men going overseas began to
show up in the Brantford area. One area that was hard hit early in 1916 was the farm
labour situation. To help out here, a movement was organized in the city to arrange for
retired farmers to assist in seeding and harvesting, and to enlist the help of Boy Scouts
and students to work on the farm under the supervision of the retired farmers. In an
editorial on April 27 1916, The Expositor called for soldiers to be released to help on the
farms, especially those with farm experience. The editorial noted:
“...The training of these men will not suffer materially because of their absence for a few
days to help in plowing and seeding, while it is quite possible, nay certain, that they can
render their country a greater service on the farm than they can by remaining in the
city...”
On May 1, The Expositor announced that new regulations now allowed enlisted men to
work on a farm for a month, and that 69 men and 2 N.C.O.’s had left from the 125th
Battalion to help out on Brantford area farms.
In April of 1917, the City Council's “High Cost of Living Committee” reported to
the Council on the reasons for increased prices in Brantford, and made recommendations
on how it felt the situation should be handled. The committee found that in most cases
the rise in prices was justified under the war conditions of the time. In its report the
committee noted:
“As the result of its investigation, your committee is of the opinion that the main causes
of the increase in the cost of living are beyond the control of the municipality. While by
more economical methods of distribution, and the fixing of retail prices of staple
necessaries under municipal supervision some savings might be effected, comprehensive
treatment of the problem demands Federal and Provincial action...”
The following month the Federal Minister of Labour informed the Brantford City
Clerk, that if Brantford, by resolution, asked him to appoint an official for the purpose of
making an investigation into the high price of some of the basic necessities, the minister
would do so, and would grant whoever was appointed the necessary powers to carry out
37
the investigation. The council acted on this, and an examiner was appointed. As well as
the City Council, the Trades and Labour Council was demanding an investigation into the
high cost of living, and soldiers wives here were asking for more pay for their husbands
in order to cope with increased prices.
One of the major concerns in Brantford and district during 1917 was the possible
shortage of food that might occur because of heavy war demands and the lack of labour.
In the city, the City Council moved to allow people to cultivate empty city lots, and
encouraged those who had empty lots to put them under cultivation. The Brantford Thrift
League was set up to help promote this idea, and they were able to secure the use of the
Glebe Land for this purpose. The City Council authorized the purchase of “a carload or
more” of seed potatoes from the West, to be bought at the lowest price possible, and sold
at cost to local citizens for planting. As well Mohawk Lake was to be stocked with fish
in hopes that this too would help alleviate the possible shortage.
In July, the Federal Government took action when it took steps to set up Central,
Provincial, and local committees, which were to secure “lessened consumption and
elimination of waste throughout the Dominion.” In August the Federal Food Controller
ordered that until a to-be-announced date in October, no canned goods were to be sold to
the consumer. Brantford merchants and consumers grumbled - but complied.
In 1917, lack of farm labour again presented a problem. In April, the Brantford
Board of Trade agreed to co-operate with county farmers in an attempt to secure men for
farm work, and the Brantford War Food Production League was formed. Its purpose was
to enlist all available help in the city for farm work, and a special appeal was made for
men to work on the farms during their holidays. During the appeal for farm labour, The
Expositor felt that a natural source was high school students. The Organization of
Resources Committee had made an appeal to the Ontario Department of Education to
shorten the school year. According to The Expositor, the Department was procrastinating
too much at a time when a real emergency faced the country.
“There is one source from which the country may draw valuable aid in times like these,
when thousands of the young men from the farms have gone overseas to fight for King
and Country. The high schools of this province would fill the gaps of labour on the farms
of Ontario, and save the situation, were the department of education fully seized of the
importance of acting promptly and decisively.
The editorial concluded:
“The farm needs help. Red tape must give way to the necessities of the day. Let the
department of education act, and act quickly.”
It might be interesting to point out here, that friction had been developing between
the farmers and the city-dwellers. The latter were willing to accuse the farmer of
hoarding, and of sending his sons to work in munitions factories where there was good
money, while the farmer felt that too often people who came to work on the farms wanted
38
to tell the farmer how to run his business. In spite of this, the response to the call for
farm labour in Brant County was excellent. Advertisements headed –
“Take Off Your Coat And Give The Farmer A Hand”
and,
“Britain Appeals To The Men And Boys Of Brant County Lack Of Food Threatens The
Battle Line - The Greatest Danger To The Allies Is Food Scarcity.”
appeared in the newspapers to encourage men and women and boys and girls to help
bring in the harvest. The manufacturers reacted to the crisis and passed the following
resolution:
“We, the manufacturers of Brantford, deem it imperative that sufficient men be released
from the various factories of the city for the work of gathering the harvest in Brant
County. And we further pledge ourselves to allow at least five percent of our employees
to be released from their work for this purpose.”
As a result of the above campaign, the 1917 farm crop in Brant County was successfully
harvested.
In the fall of 1917, the Federal Food Controller began a campaign for food
conservation. Housewives were asked to sign a “Food Pledge.” The Pledge stated:
“Realizing the gravity of the food situation, and knowing that Great Britain and our
Allies look to Canada to help shatter Germany's threat of starvation, I pledge myself and
my household to carry out conscientiously the advice and directions of the Food
Controller that requisite foodstuffs may be released for export to the Canadian divisions,
the British forces and people, and the Allied armies and nations.”
Specifically, housewives were asked not to use bacon or beef on two days a week, or at
any more than one meal on any other day. As well they were to reduce their consumption
of wheat bread by one quarter, and to use perishable and unexportable foods as a
substitute for staple foods that were needed for export.
The campaign included public meetings to arouse support for the idea. One such
meeting was held in Victoria Hall in Brantford on September 11 1917, and a resolution
was unanimously passed by those present:
“That the citizens of Brantford here assembled pledge themselves to observe honorably
any regulation issued by the food controller of the Dominion.”
There were also ads in the papers urging people to “Live Up To Your Food Service
Pledge,” giving practical household hints on conservation and substitution, and calling
those who signed, “Comrades In Service.”
39
The campaign also included door to door canvassing to get people to sign the
pledge card which they would then hang in their window. Although many people signed
without question, there was some resistance from some sections of the city. Some people
mistrusted the idea, fearing that the canvass was for the purpose of taking a list of the
foods they had on hand for possible future confiscation, while others objected because
they felt the food controller had not made enough of an effort to control the high cost of
living. Several ladies were upset, because although they were being asked to conserve on
wheat bread, wheat was still being used in the manufacture of liquor. No matter who
signed or did not, the campaign, as a voluntary campaign, was only as effective as those
who kept their word. There are no statistics on the success of the campaign, but the Dominion Government reported in December of 1917 that the cost of staple foods was $12.10
as compared with $9.81 a year earlier.
In 1918, the situation continued very much as it had been the previous year in
regard to food prices and food production. The Thrift League continued to operate (it did
not disband until April 1919), and encouraged people to conserve and to grow their own
vegetables. Some Brantfordites got so much into the mood of the appeal that they
ploughed up their front lawns to use the land for a “Victory Garden.” Advertisements
continued to appear asking for people to volunteer for farm labour; and there were the
usual charges of hoarding, and calls by the City Council, and the Brantford Trades and
Labour Council, for investigations into the cost of living. One innovation that did arrive
in 1918 was “war bread.” In an attempt to conserve flour, bread was now made with
more wheat and less flour. It was never popular, but like a lot of other restrictions it was
tolerated. A detailed description of the bread was given by The Expositor in an editorial
entitled – Government Bread:
“Brantford bakers are now using the new government flour and Brantford citizens will
soon be consuming government bread. It is a sweet wholesome bread, and save for a
slight creamy shade is to the eye not distinguishable from the pre-war-time bread. To the
taste it is nut-like and a little more toothsome. Because it contains a slight addition of
gluton, and traces of very finely ground bran, giving it the bright yellowish tinge, it is in
slight degree less nourishing, but more than equivalently healthful, for both bran in slight
proportion and gluten are desirable additions to white bread...”
A further restriction introduced only two months before the war ended, was a form of gas
rationing in the adoption of “gasless Sabbaths” as ordered by the government until the
end of the war.
Another type of restriction that was imposed on Brantfordites during the war, and
in fact on all people in the province of Ontario, was the prohibition of the sale of
alcoholic beverages. Yet even before this measure was announced in March of 1916, the
forces of temperance in Brantford had been at work trying to make Brantford a “dry
town.” On October 19, 1915, Nellie McLung, a woman activist, addressed a large
gathering at Wellington St. Methodist Church, appealing for prohibition in the province.
For her –
40
“This was essentially a woman's question for the women had suffered - they had borne
the iron cross.”
Ten days later –
“At a sane business-like, and unusually enthusiastic meeting of citizens and
representatives of the Brantford Ministerial Alliance, W.C.T.U., Royal Templars of
Temperance, and Brant County Temperance Association, held last evening in the
Y.M.C.A., it was unanimously decided to ask the City Council at its next meeting to
submit a local-option by-law at the municipal elections in January.”
On November 22, in an editorial The Expositor commented:
“That the Brantford City Council would agree to submit a Local Option by-law to the
electors of this city in January next, was a foregone conclusion. That it would do so with
the unaninimity which was displayed last evening was scarcely expected.”
The issue was hotly contested. Those arguing against the prohibition of alcohol
felt that since the outbreak of war the liquor trade had already been somewhat restricted
and improved. The number of licenses and the drinking hours had been reduced, and the
hotels had been remodelled. They pointed out the loss of revenue to the city if local
option was adopted, and also felt that the local option campaign would expend energies
which could be better directed toward winning the war.
The supporters of prohibition countered these arguments by bringing in speakers
from Owen Sound and Orillia, which were “dry,” to show that revenue in those areas did
not drop, and that the morality of those cities had been given a great lift. The Expositor,
which was very much in favour of local option, ran several editorials in support. In part
some of them stated:
“The preponderance of testimony is that where Local Option had been tried it has spelt
prosperity rather than, ruin, crime has been decreased, and a reasonable observance of
the law secured.”
“In this spirit, and to set an example to his subjects which they might emulate, His
Majesty, King George V, has abolished intoxicants from the royal table, the use of
intoxicants in the officers mess has been forbidden by the Canadian Minister of Militia,
and many of the social clubs of Canada have voluntarily agreed to stop the sale of
intoxicants after 8 p.m...
“The war spirit asks this much of every man who is not inherently selfish, and is willing
to consider others rather than himself.”
When the voting was completed in January however, local option had failed by 56 votes
to get the required 3/5 majority.
41
This all became academic however, when pushed by such organizations as the
Citizens Committee of One Hundred, and by patriotic fervour (and doubtless by its search
for votes), the government of Ontario announced that as of September 15, 1916, all bars
and club licenses would cease, and intoxicants would not be able to be purchased in
Ontario.
In January 1917, the Brantford police reported that drunkenness was “almost eliminated.”
However, illicit sales of liquor continued in Brantford in spite of heavy fines, and with
soldiers in town it was very difficult to cut out the trade completely.
Shortages of all kinds then, were prevalent in Brantford during World War I.
Although people often complained of the inconveniences caused by the shortages, most
felt they were doing “their bit” by accepting the situation and those who were unhappy
were subtly intimidated by the remainder into keeping quiet, on the grounds that open
complaining was equivalent to being disloyal.
42
NON MILITARY MATTERS 1914-1918
The normal routine of the city of Brantford was greatly interrupted by the war.
As well, several civic projects had to be cancelled or postponed. However, in spite of
wartime conditions and pressures, life in the city did carry on as close to normal as
possible.
During the winter of 1914-1915, the city engaged in public work projects in order
to help alleviate the financial distress caused by the cutting off of export markets, and the
subsequent loss of jobs, but in October 1915, The Expositor headlined an article:
Civic Works In Brantford Have Been Curtailed In Past Year.
It went on to point out that no new public buildings of worthy character have been
erected and expenditures have been kept down. The only work of any significance
undertaken by the city was the oiling of the streets to keep down dust, and the
construction of some sewers and sidewalks. Four months later a definite policy of
retrenchment was announced. The Expositor reported:
“The city policy this year, so far as the City Council is concerned, will be one of
retrenchment. The public services will be kept up to efficiency standard, but where there
can be a cut; such a cut will be made. No sidewalks will be laid save where absolutely
necessary or where the landowner who benefits pays the entire cost. There will be no
permanent roads laid. Repairs will be kept to a minimum. No new works will be started,
and any unfinished will be carried on only where there is no possibility for it to be laid
over.”
Again in 1917, the city advised retrenchment. In an address to the City Council he
stated:
“I believe the Council will realize that there are many undertakings which if conditions
were normal, and if our finances would warrant, should be proceeded with, but we must
recognize that conditions are not normal, that we are in a period of financial uncertainty,
and that present financial conditions do not encourage us to add to our already heavy
burdens.”
The city's financial position was weakened to some extent because property taxes
were coming in, in an exuberant manner. With many men overseas, and the ordinary
soldier receiving only $1.10 a day, many of the families of soldiers found it difficult to
meet their tax bills. In this regard, the city took a rather lenient stand, and people were not
pushed for tax money. However, this all meant that expenditures on civic improvement
during the war was very limited
Other areas that were affected by monetary restrictions were education and
housing. In 1916, an inspector, after a visit to the Brantford Collegiate, commented that
he was appalled at the overcrowding that existed there. That problem was not relieved
43
until after the war. In August of 1918, the City Council reported a shortage of housing in
the city because of the high cost of materials and the shortage of labour, and it was
suggested that the city apply to the provincial government for financial assistance to build
houses for the workingman.
Another matter of financial concern to the city was the issue of public transport.
By mid-1918, the Brantford Municipal Railway Commission was facing a deficit of
$11,000. The Expositor called on the Commission to wipe out that deficit by increasing
the number of people per mile. The newspaper made two concrete suggestions as to how
this might be accomplished. One was to offer a ride around the “belt-line” (the entire
outside route of the railway), during hot summer evenings.
“On a hot summer's night, a ride through the open air on a street car is a treat that can
be excelled only by use of an auto, and not all are so fortunately situated as to be able to
afford this luxury.”
A second suggestion was the improvement in conditions at Mohawk Park in order to
draw more people to that place, hopefully via the streetcar.
One expenditure that was made in the closing months of the war was the purchase
of the two remaining toll roads in Brant County. These were the road to Paris, and the
Cockshutt Road. The idea had been bandied about for some time, but not until mid 1918
did the City Council come to an agreement on its share of the takeover. The city was to
pay 25½ percent of the costs, but was not to pay any share of the cost of maintenance.
The policy of retrenchment during the war years was apparently successful. In an
editorial on December 6, 1918, The Expositor reported:
“Brantford's strong financial position was never better shown than at the present time.
...The policy of “pay as you go,” in connection with the war ...has been fully justified.”
During the war, Brantford had attracted many people here to work in the factories.
As the end of the war approached, the city mounted a “Stick To Brantford” campaign to
encourage people to stay here after the war was over. The advertisements stated that
Brantford was a progressive and prosperous city, and that conditions after the war would
continue in that vein. The ads argued:
“Your job in Brantford will be one worth holding after normal conditions are restored,
because there are no industries here of a mushroom character...
Stick where you are and Brantford's future development will carry you along to
comparative ease...”
No record is available as to how many people did in fact remain, but the campaign
shows that the city was at least interested in retaining those who had arrived here during
the war.
44
Two significant events did take place in Brantford in spite of war-time conditions.
One of these was the opening of the new Post-Office in June of 1915 by Hon. T. Chase
Casgrain, Postmaster General. The other was the unveiling of the Bell Memorial on
October 24, 1917. The Bell Memorial Association had been formed in 1904, but several
factors had delayed the date of construction and unveiling. Perhaps the most significant
fact about the event as far as many Brantford citizens were concerned, was that in his
speech at the unveiling, Dr. Bell again made the statement: “the telephone was invented
here.” Only a year before, the city had been upset by the fact that a tablet had been
unveiled in Boston, claiming that the telephone had been invented there; and in
September of 1916, The Expositor, in an editorial entitled: “Uphold Brantford's Rights,”
had protested the fact that no mention of Brantford had been made in a booklet published
by The American Telephone and Telegraph Company, which purported to tell the history
of the telephone's invention. The editorial concluded:
“Not a word about Brantford in a historical statement issued by the Bell system. In view
of the facts, as set forth by Dr. Bell himself, Brantford should not permit this sort of
literature to pass unchallenged, and the Bell Memorial Association might well take the
necessary steps to set before the world Brantford's undoubted claim, to be called “The
Telephone City.”
Dr. Bell's statement at the unveiling seemed to do just that. In spite of inclement weather,
and protests from the local Trades and Labour Congress concerning the costs of the
banquet given for Dr. Bell at a time of crisis, when people were being urged to conserve,
the long awaited day of unveiling was a success.
It was difficult then to carry on what could be termed “normal activities,” during
the period of the war. Most aspects of the city were touched either directly or indirectly
by the war effort. Even the theatre, which offered a variety of fare, could not escape the
influence of the war. Such a play as The Man Who Stayed At Home (or The White
Feather), vied with classics like Macbeth for popularity at the city theatres. The fact that
Brantford was able to re-adjust as quickly as it did to peace-time conditions is something
that one must marvel at, given the total commitment to the war effort that the city made.
45
THE ELECTION OF 1917
There was only one federal election in Canada during World War I. This was
called in 1917 by the Prime Minister, Sir Robert Borden, in an attempt to get support for
his policies in regard to the war, especially conscription. He called for a union of all
political parties in order to give more strength to the war effort. The result of the election
was to split the Liberal party between those who supported conscription, and those who
did not; and to split the country between French and English. The election was a very
emotional one, and had the seemingly black and white character of those voting for
Borden wanting Britain to win the war, and those voting against him being traitors to the
cause.
In Brant County, the election conformed in most respects to the pattern set across
the country, but there were some rather unique features and results.
In the riding of Brantford, there was an attempt to choose a single Unionist
candidate. To this end, a meeting of ten representatives from each of the Liberal
Association, the Conservative Association, and the Brantford Independent Labour Party,
was called. The meeting, or “fusion gathering” as it was called, agreed that support of a
Union government was necessary, but they could not agree on a single candidate. The
Conservatives nominated W.F. Cockshutt, and the Labour Party nominated M.M.
MacBride. No one was nominated from the Liberal Party at this time. A secret ballot
among the representatives led to 11 votes being cast for each of the candidates, with 0
abstentions. Each group was to report back to its organization, and the understanding
was that if a single Unionist candidate could not be selected, each party would nominate
its own candidate. This is what happened. W.F. Cockshutt received the endorsement of
Prime Minister Borden as the “official?” Unionist candidate, but the Labour Party refused
to back down claiming that the choice should be made at an open convention, and
arguing that because 85 percent of Brantford's population was from the working class,
there should be some representation from that quarter in parliament.
In the county, in the riding of Brant, there was also confusion over the question of
a Unionist candidate. The Liberal Party had nominated John Harold, and the
Conservatives had nominated Col. Harry Cockshutt. Both candidates professed to be
willing to step down for a Unionist candidate, but when Harold received the endorsation
of Borden as the Unionist candidate, Col. Cockshutt continued to run and maintained that
he was the “Unionist Win-The-War” candidate in Brant. The result must have been more
than confusing to the electors.
The campaign itself was emotional and heated, with many innuendos circulating.
The main issue of course was the Military Service Bill, and the advertisements of the
Unionists led the population to believe that non-support of this bill was next to treason.
Much of the blame for the necessity of conscription was laid at Quebec's door, and some
of the anti-French statements and cartoons were very scathing. In Brantford, the
Women's Win-The-War committees placed a notice in The Expositor which stated, that
unless W.F. Cockshutt was elected, no more coal would come to Brantford, and factories
46
would be cut back. On the eve of the election, Mayor Bowlby, running as a LaurierLiberal, commented that there was wholesale corruption in the administration of the
patriotic fund, as a woman had complained to him that she had been told by the office of
the patriotic fund, that if she did not vote for the Unionist candidate her allowance would
be cut off. None of the charges made were ever substantiated, but they help to illustrate
just how emotional the situation was.
In the county, John Harold hit out at the fact that he was the Unionist candidate,
and that in opposing him Col. Cockshutt could possibly “wreck the Union Government.”
In a front-page editorial on December 5, 1917, The Paris Star Transcript argued:
“If, Lt. Colonel Cockshutt and his friends have the least vestige of faith in the Prime
Minister, or an atom of respect for him, or the least regard for his expressed wishes, why
dare they by their actions attempt to split the Union Government forces in Brant Riding,
and so facilitate matters for the anti-conscriptionist candidate, who has no respect for the
present Win-the-War policy of the Union Government, and makes no secret of his
opposition to it.”
Needless to say, The Star Transcript was backing Harold.
When the initial results were in, W.F. Cockshutt was the winner in Brantford by a
large majority. About this, The Expositor commented:
“And yet the result of the election was in the nature of a surprise. It was generally
expected that Mr. W.F. Cockshutt would be the successful candidate, but there were
many who thought that the resident vote would be close, and some even who figured that
in Brantford Mr. MacBride, the Labour candidate, who put up a most strenuous fight,
might secure a majority... A month ago a different showing would almost certainly have
been made, but as the campaign progressed people became obsessed more and more of
the conviction that there was but one issue, and that the enforcement of conscription as a
means to winning the war and the maintenance of the national honour. To this frame of
mind, pulpit and platform and press alike contributed.”
In the county, the results showed Harry Cockshutt as the winner by 321 votes
over John Harold. However, in an unexpected turn-about, the soldier's vote gave John
Harold the victory by 84 votes. The break down of results was as follows:
Harold
Soldiers
Soldiers
Soldiers
Votes, Dec. 17
(North American)
(Continental)
(England)
1,616
33
209
249
2,107
Cockshutt
Soldiers
Soldiers
Soldiers
Votes, Dec. 17
(North American)
(Continental)
(England)
2,007
10
22
4
2,023
47
The lack of votes for Col. Cockshutt among the soldiers was quite surprising when one
considers his contribution to the war effort through monetary donations, and the raising
of the 215th Battalion. Cockshutt's supporters cried out, with some justification, that his
name had been left off an official list of candidates circulated among the soldiers in
England and France. The actual soldier's ballot was set up so that no individual name
appeared - only the names - Government, Opposition, and Labour. All votes for the
Government went to the officially endorsed candidate, who in the case of Brant was John
Harold. Consequently, argued the Colonel's supporters, many soldiers were not aware
that Harry Cockshutt was running, and had they been, they most likely would have
written his name in. In April of 1918, W.F. Cockshutt attacked the government (of which
he was a member), for this oversight, but nothing was done about it. In an election in
which Borden went to almost any lengths to win, it is not surprising that he resisted all
demands for an enquiry over the matter.
The election had given Borden the vote of confidence that he sought, and
Brantford and Brant County sent Unionist members to the Federal Parliament, leaving no
doubt that they wished to see conscription enforced as a means to helping the war effort,
and maintaining the “national honour.”
48
THE COAL CRISIS
As the war progressed, several necessities of life soon came in short supply.
Unlike World War II when rationing was widespread in Canada, during the First World
War the government relied on Canadians to conserve those items which were scarce, and
actually exercised little direct control. In most instances this worked effectively.
However, during the winter of 1917-18, Canada was hit by a severe coal shortage, and
even individual conservation of supplies was not enough to relieve the situation.
Brantford had experienced a shortage of coal during the previous winter (191617), and it was reported that some residents were burning their back yard fences in order
to solve the problem. Charges of excessive prices for coal had also been heard (againstdealers in Brantford), by the High Cost Of Living Committee. Some citizens began to
clamour for some positive action by the City Council to regulate coal distribution.
Throughout the summer months of 1917, people were urged to get their supply of
coal in early, and the Provincial Government issued a warning to coal consumers not to
use any more coal then necessary before winter set in as a fuel famine was likely during
the winter.
In Brantford, steps were taken to meet the possible shortage by holding a
referendum calling for the establishment of a city fuel and food depot, financed and run
by the city. Not all voters were in favour of such a by-law – especially the coal dealers.
One of them wrote to The Expositor outlining the reasons for the shortage.
“...Every individual merchant with cash in hand has been endeavouring to secure coal
for the hundreds of customers besieging his doors. He has not been able to do it. The
reason – there is a war on... The summary of all the trouble is, as far as I can make out
after careful study, as follows:
1. Lack of labour at mines owing to United States at war.
2. Shortage of cars owing to demands of United States war department.
3. Control of distribution by United States government owing to war conditions.”
The letter later stated: “As before said, cash just now, nor connection either, cannot
secure coal.” Another letter from a coal dealer argued that the merchants were getting,
“all that can be got,” and concluded:
“Mr. Taxpayer, is the Chairman of the Food and Fuel Committee such a financier or
business genious that you are willing to let him have $50,000 of your money to be used in
a business about which he knows absolutely nothing?”
On the other hand, the local Trades and Labour Council was pushing for more definite
control from the Federal Government, whom they wanted to regulate distribution and fix
the price. Their resolution also called for every municipality to appoint a local fuel
49
committee “with complete authority to undertake whatever steps are necessary to avoid
suffering...”
The city moved to take control of the situation, and on November 3 a by-law
which allowed civic authorities to go into the food and fuel business, if they thought the
situation demanded it, was put before the property owners only. This was defeated.
However, refusing to admit defeat, the city passed a proposal that another referendum be
held in January on the same subject, but that this time all of the electors be allowed to
vote.
A worsening coal situation (power by electricity was limited, and Brantford's gas
supply had an offensive odour to it), and complaints that the dealers were favouring
certain people as far as coal deliveries were concerned, led the City Council to take some
definite action. On December 18, 1917, the Council decided that distribution of coal
through a central agency was the means to be followed to deal with the coal shortage. All
orders for coal were to be made at the council chamber in the City Hall, and all those
applying had to state the amount of coal in their possession. Coal dealers were to deliver
no orders except those made through the central agency. Provision was also made for
confiscating excess supplies in case of a serious famine.
Early in January 1918, the citizens of Brantford approved the referendum to put
the city into the food and fuel business. Still the coal situation worsened. A six day
storm in mid-January, during which no coal was delivered to the city, made the situation
even more acute. On January 17, the Mayor, acting on written instructions from the Fuel
Controller's office, seized two cars of hard coal at the Grand Trunk Railway yards, and
distributed them throughout the city. When the coal dealers, who had initially agreed to
co-operate with the municipally run coal depot, had a change of heart and refused to
cooperate with the city, the Mayor placed policemen in the offices of the companies (2
especially were involved), with orders to permit the sale of no coal except that obtained
by orders from the municipal bureau. The firms argued that they were filling orders made
in the past summer, for which payment had been received. But when threatened with the
seizure of their supplies, they agreed to work with civic officials.
Most days, lineups formed early outside the distributing depot, in spite of severely
cold weather (it had been moved from the city hall to the Hydro offices), and the buyers
were not always orderly. On January 4, 1918, The Courier headlines stated:
CROWD MOBBED FUEL BUREAU
“Rioting necessitating police assistance to quell the disturbance occurred at the
municipal coal depot this morning, when in the crush and crowding of applicants to
secure orders for fuel, two ladies allowed their tempers to run loose, and a lively battle
ensued. One Amazon struck her opponent smartly across the face, and the fight was on.
Soon others became involved and pandemonium reigned for a short time.”
50
An emergency squad of war veterans was set up to investigate and discover
homes where extreme shortage was the case. These people filled out special forms which
were immediately taken to the central office, and the coal was then delivered by the
“emergency squad.” It was hoped by this means to ensure that no one in the city was
without coal if needed; and to prevent any profiteering by any of the dealers, the price of
coal in Brantford was fixed at $10 a ton, delivered. In the meantime, the city had also
gone into the business of selling wood in response to complaints that the dealers were
price gouging, and not giving a full cord's worth.
Not everyone was happy with the way the coal situation was being handled, and
naturally most of the criticism was directed against the Fuel Advisory Committee, made
up of three men who volunteered their services to direct the distribution of coal in
Brantford. The farmers in the county felt they were being discriminated against as there
was no provision for them in the city distribution system. They argued that as Brantford
was the railway depot for coal delivery they should be entitled to some of the coal that
arrived here. The Expositor, while acknowledging that the farmer's had a legitimate
complaint noted, “a little more of the spirit of co-operation, and less of the bitterness
which has been fanned by the exorbitant charges for wood (the farmers had been accused
of increasing the price of wood because of the shortage), would tend towards an amicable
settlement of the difficulty.” The dealers complained because they felt they should be
supplying their regular customers and many people begrudged the money being spent by
the committee to secure coal and ensure its equitable distribution; and many complained
because they did not feel they were getting their fair share. The upshot was that on
February 1 the committee resigned, and the civic fuel office was closed. The Expositor in
an editorial noted the pressure which the committee had endured.
“...Their very families have been abused by telephone, while at times the aid of the police
had to be summoned to check the torrent of abuse which was being hurled on their
heads...”
And it recommended that:
“...what is needed is a fuel controller, paid and given authority to command, not to
request.”
Ironically, in its final report, the advisory fuel commission listed lack of co-operation by
the local coal dealers as their major difficulty, and its resignation now placed the
distribution of coal back in the laps of the dealers.
Over the winter, suggestions had been made with regard to the conservation of coal, and
some action was taken on some of these. It was suggested that the library and other
public buildings be closed. Students at Brantford Collegiate were going to school from
9:30 to 2:30 with a 15 minute lunch break, and some stores were observing shorter hours
in an attempt to save fuel. On February 4, 1918, the Federal Government took positive
action to help relieve the crisis. All factories and stores (with the exception of munitions
factories and food stores), were to remain closed on three successive days – Saturday,
51
Sunday, and Monday. Pool halls, dance halls, and moving picture houses, were to close
every Monday for six weeks. The merchants in Brantford protested that they would
rather close on a Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, and the Mayor sent a telegram to the
Fuel Controller conveying this suggestion. The managers in the local factories felt that
although some form of conservation was necessary this was not the best method. Most
argued that even if the plants were closed, fires still had to be maintained in order to
avoid loss from frost damage. A report in The Expositor on the day after the closures
indicated that Brantford had complied with the order, and had coped with the
inconvenience. The enforced closing did have one positive effect in Brantford. The
merchants formed a Merchants Club, and one of the first ideas considered by that
organization was the cutting down of shopping hours on a permanent basis.
On February 6, the City Council asked the Dominion Government to pass
legislation which would enable municipal councils to appoint a Fuel Controller for the
municipality. This was eventually passed, and in April 1918, Mayor M.M. MacBride
became the Fuel Controller for Brantford. As well, in late February the City Council had
decided to establish a permanent civic wood depot in order to prevent a recurrence of the
fuel shortage during the winter of 1918-19.
To avoid some of the problems of the previous winter, the municipal Fuel
Controller set up a new system of distribution. All coal arriving in the city was to be
distributed through the office of the Fuel Controller. Householders who required coal
were to fill out a coupon and mail it to the Fuel Office. These coupons were to be
considered at the civic office, and then the coal would be distributed, based on the needs
of individual citizens. As well, the township councils were advised that orders for coal
by farmers would be refused if they lacked the proper certification. To promote cooperation, the councils were advised to appoint an assistant controller to work with the
Brantford Fuel Controller.
In the fall of 1918 there was some question as to a coal deficit in the civic coal
business, and the Mayor was quite upset when The Expositor published a civic report on
the coal situation which the Mayor felt should not have been published at that time. In
answer the paper replied:
“...If it be not wise to publish it, surely the Mayor could have so intimated to the press,
which would have given his views serious consideration. In place of this, the Mayor took
personal possession, depriving the Council of their right to see it....”
Although there was some complaint from the Kith and Kin Club in early October
that many soldiers wives were without coal for the coming winter (the Council took
immediate action to rectify this), the coal situation during the 1918-19 winter did not
reach serious proportions. The end of the war meant more men were available to work
the mines, and transportation was more readily available. This in turn meant that
sufficient coal was at hand to meet the problems posed by winter.
52
THE SPANISH INFLUENZA EPIDEMIC
Just one month before the war ended, Brantford, in common with most other
Canadian cities, experienced an epidemic of influenza which killed over 250 people in
the city. In a six week period alone, 208 deaths in Brantford were attributed to this
influenza.
This particular influenza, given the name of “the Spanish Flu,” had been prevalent
among the troops in Europe in the spring of 1918, and had arrived in Canada during the
early autumn. Its symptoms were similar to those of a heavy cold, with an unusual
amount of stuffiness, but the danger from the disease arose from the possibility of
pneumonia setting in.
On October 5, Brantford recorded its first death caused by the flu – Dr. L.G.
Pearce. On the same day, the Medical Health Officer stated that the situation in regard to
the outbreak in Brantford was serious. He estimated that there were over 300 cases in
Brantford, and pointed out that many doctors were near exhaustion from dealing with the
problem.
Officials from the Board of Health tried to reassure the people that, “cool heads
and clear thinking is what is necessary above everything else today.” The chairman of the
Board of Health felt that the situation in, Brantford was being exaggerated. In an official
statement to the press, he stated on October 8:
“...and having received the report of ten of our local doctors,...I am able to most
emphatically state, and I am backed by the most unquestionable authority, that there is
no such thing existing in the city of Brantford as Spanish influenza.”
The report went on to argue that the percentage of people sick was no greater than
average, and he quoted statistics to point out that absenteeism from school and work was
no greater than normal.
If it was not an epidemic, many people must have wondered what constituted an
epidemic. An article in The Courier on October 7 had noted that the “new motor
ambulance has been moving almost continually during the past few days, conveying
patients to the hospital.” All beds in the hospital were occupied, and it had also been
decided to place extra beds in the board room of the hospital.
By October 12, the Health Board had changed its stance, and issued the following
order:
“That the churches, schools, and all public gatherings be closed until further notice,
except on permission of the Board.”
Protests from citizens groups such as the Board of Trade, and by some doctors, over the
lack of action being taken, had finally galvanized the Board of Health into action. There
were reports of whole families being affected by the epidemic with no one to look after
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them, and of people in boarding houses walking around during the night in a delirious
state. The total number of cases was given as 2,500. A letter from the General Hospital
served to underline the seriousness of the situation.
“Dear Sir, - With sixteen nurses at present writing on the sick list at the hospital, and
those able to work taxed almost beyond human endurance, it is absolutely impossible for
any more patients to be received. Exception will be made in event of accident cases or
emergency operations, but otherwise the course above outlined is imperative, and the
governors of the hospital desire that this decision should be conveyed through your
board.”
Further, the factories in the city were reporting excessive absenteeism. Some companies
were reporting 50 percent of their working force as being at home with the flu', and at
least two major firms temporarily closed down completely.
As well as banning public gatherings, the Board of Health now took steps to set
up an emergency hospital, and the tabernacle on Brant Ave., which belonged to the
Militia Department, was secured for this purpose. It would appear that such a thing as
Spanish Flu did exist in Brantford, and that it had reached epidemic proportions. A close
look at the obituary pages of either paper would confirm this.
The greatest problem faced in setting up the temporary hospital was finding
qualified nurses to run it. Only a few could be found, and volunteers had to be relied on
to a large degree. To help with the transportation of victims to the emergency hospital,
the Fire Department's lifeboat was given a canvas top and used as an ambulance. The
Mayor, M.M. MacBride, made a controversial move at this point by ordering 8 cases of
whiskey from the liquor depot in Hamilton, to be made available only through druggists
and by prescription. Doctors in the city were divided on the use of whiskey as a
stimulant for the flu, and the Medical Health Officer was very definitely against it. It
would seem that many citizens disagreed with the M.O.H. as by the end of the epidemic
over 80 gallons had been prescribed.
Several interesting sidelights occurred as a result of the epidemic. On October 15,
the Medical Officer of Health resigned because of what he considered unfair criticism by
the Board of Health of his handling of the situation. It is certain that Brantford was slow
to react to the crisis, but to what degree the M.O.H. was entirely responsible is open to
question. At the library, each book that was returned was completely disinfected before
being placed back on the shelf. The employees at the Canada Steel Company were issued
with masks which they were to wear while at work.
A local insurance underwriter complained that insurance companies were being
very hard hit because of the large number of deaths caused by the epidemic. The
Sanitary Inspector for the city complained that, “there was considerable expectorating on
the sidewalks of the city, particularly by foreigners.” and he wanted the police to enforce
the law in regard to this. One concerned citizen wrote to The Expositor and proclaimed:
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“...The publicity given it (the flu'), through the newspapers has worked upon the minds of
the public to such an extent that the nervous and timid people are working themselves
into a fever. I'll venture to say that 20 percent of the ill public have brought it on
themselves through worry...”
Bell Telephone subscribers were asked to make calls “only when absolutely necessary,”
because of the increase in the volume of calls, and the decrease in their staff due to the
flu.
The Expositor, in an editorial on the epidemic gave out that:
“The disease, which like so many other curses emanated from Germany, is today
prevalent in almost every town and city on the North American continent...”
After all, the war was still in progress.
The epidemic worsened, and as of October 21, store and factory hours were to be
curtailed in the city. As well, stores and factories were to fumigate their premises, and the
merchants were even asked to fumigate the money that they received. There was still a
lack of nurses, and it was decided to offer $40 a week for trained nurses who were not yet
engaged in fighting the epidemic. The death rate continued to climb at an alarming pace,
but the number of new cases at this time seemed to be on the decline. There was
disagreement as to the state of the epidemic; some felt the peak had been reached while
others argued that the worst was yet to come. A Proclamation by the Board of Health on
October 24 seemed to indicate that that body still considered the situation very serious.
Among other things, the proclamation stated that all funerals were to be private, that all
houses were to be ventilated at least once a day, and that street cars were to have at least
“every other window on one side of the car open.”
By the” end of October the epidemic was definitely abating. Regular store hours
were resumed, and one company put an ad in the paper stating:
“Our employees have all regained their health, bought Victory Bonds, and resumed their
duties.”
On November 6, the ban was lifted on public meetings, and life began to return to
normal. The final step in fighting the epidemic was to set up the Brantford Epidemic
Relief Fund, to collect money for families who were left destitute because of the
epidemic. The objective was $10,000, and in spite of having given continually to the
numerous war charities, Brantford citizens responded generously.
To a city already hard-hit by the war, the Spanish Influenza epidemic must have
seemed like an unfair blow to many. But the citizens of Brantford, as they had done many
times during the war, rallied behind their civic leaders and worked together for a common
cause.
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AFTER THE WAR WAS OVER
When World War I finally did end on November 11, 1918, many questions faced
the city of Brantford. There was the question of how to gear down from war-time
production, and war-time thinking. The problem of a great influx of returning
servicemen also faced the city. These questions and others presented themselves to
Brantford as the armistice was signed.
Brantford, along with the rest of Canada, had very little reason to celebrate during
the war. There had really been very few clear-cut allied victories, and the loss of many
local men in many of the major battles had dulled the city's desire to celebrate. Early in
the war, when Britain and France had turned Germany back from Paris, factory whistles
were blown and church bells rung, and people had gathered to sing patriotic songs and
hear speeches. However, it was not until near the end of the war that the city again felt
like celebrating. As it became obvious that the end of the war was in sight, the City
Council suggested that on the occasion of an allied victory, Brantfordites should respond
by holding parades and making speeches. Several small celebrations were held prior to
Armistice Day, including one on November 3 when news of the Austrian surrender was
received. When news of the general armistice was imminent, the Mayor issued a
proclamation which stated:
“In anticipation of despatches announcing the signing of an armistice on the Western
front, it has been deemed advisable to issue the following proclamation in order that
Brantford may (in a fitting and proper manner) celebrate this momentous event.
The news will be imparted to the public by the continuous ringing of the fire bell, in
which church bells, factory whistles etc. will join. This will continue for fifteen minutes.
Immediately thereafter a great Public Thanksgiving Service will be held in front of the
Great War Veteran's Home... Immediately after the services, a general celebration will
be held in the up-town sections of the city...
The proclamation also asked all factories and business places to cease operations, and the
day following was to be declared a holiday. The Expositor account of the Armistice Day
celebration called it “one to be long remembered here.” The newspaper commented on
the spontaneity of the rejoicings, pointing out that the formal portion of the celebration
was very small. The influx of automobiles into Brantford since the turn of the century
gave the celebration an extra dimension.
“...Every car carried a super-load, Every available space was utilized. Engine hoods,
fenders, and rears of the tonneaus, all held shouting celebrants. Motor trucks were
packed so tightly, that there did not seem room for movement. And the equipment of the
cars for noise-making was remarkable. Surely every garbage pail in town was trailed
behind them! Tin cans, circular saws, toy drums, real drums, disc plow circles, bars,
balls, everything that would ring out, was on board, and there was no lack of power to
strike them.”
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Another unique feature was also present – prohibition. This led one observer to note that
there was a remarkable absence of “unseemly conduct,” and that it “would have been a
wild night if the bars had been open.”
Of concern to local police even before the war ended had been the “Bolshevik
threat.” As early as May of 1918 the chief of police stated that he had evidence of
Bolshevik meetings being held in Brantford, and had drawn up papers for the internment
of one man who he felt was a leader of the ring. In July, a self-acknowledged “I.E.
Socialist, Bolshevik,” was sentenced to a year in jail by a local judge for spreading
literature in a local factory that called for a four hour day. In January of 1919, the police
reported that they felt that Brantford had been a Bolshevik centre for some time, and that
Bolshevik leaders had been very active here. In a strongly worded editorial, The
Expositor felt that one way to prevent Bolshevism in Canada was to have stricter
immigration laws.
“...And coupled with this should be a strict immigration law which will prevent this
country being made, in the future, the dumping ground for immigrants of all degrees of
education politically, and of all colours, of all creeds, and of all races. If Canada is to be
maintained a country for Canadians, elements which will not assimilate, and especially
elements which would destroy, must be kept out...”
The men returning from the war naturally expected that the least they would
receive for their efforts was employment at reasonable pay. There were several
organizations working on their behalf such as the Great War Veteran's Association, the
Red Cross, and the Y.M.C.A. This often led to manufacturers being bothered by several
organizations in search of jobs for veterans. To solve this problem, a special employment
office for returned men was set up by the Federal government. Nevertheless, there were
instances of discontent among the returnees. In March of 1919, several veterans
protested being laid off from a sewer works project just so the city could save money.
The Expositor backed the men in an editorial and claimed – “Better to pay somewhat
more for such work than to make a bread line necessary.” Some veterans felt that the
manufacturers were letting them down by not paying them what they were worth. One
letter to the editor complained that veterans were receiving less after they returned than
before the war, and called for a “fair deal.” Some saw the problem as related to excess
labour, and the cry for deportation of enemy aliens went up. The Brantford City Council
passed a motion endorsing the action of the local police commission which had called for
the deportation of alien enemies, and it was reported that many foreigners were being
replaced by veterans in local factories. The City Council's resolution stated:
“In view of the fact that during the years of war, and the consequent shortage of labour,
many alien enemies permitted to be sent to this city in order to assist production; and that
there no longer exists any shortage of labour, but rather that a number of men are out of
employment, among whom are many returned soldiers, we now urge upon the
government the desirability of returning all said alien enemies to the internment camps,
or the point from which they came.
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In our opinion prompt action in the above connection will greatly assist in the problem
before us at the present time.”
In many ways, Brantford returned unspectacularly to peace time, picking up the
threads of ideas that had been dropped because of the war, and adopting new ideas which
had come because of the war. In the January municipal elections of 1919, by-laws were
passed to extend the Street Railway to Terrace Hill, (a move that the war had
interrupted), and for another school building. The Board of Education abolished fees in
public schools for books, and ended cadet drill (both measures which had been called for
by the Trades and Labour Council.) The city approved an eight hour day with a 45¢ hour
minimum wage for city works employees, and the Board of Trade changed its name to
the Chamber of Commerce, and began a drive for new members. The fact that all of the
above occurred within three months after the end of hostilities illustrates how quickly
Brantford was returning to its normal peacetime pursuits. Perhaps one factor which
really underlined the shift, was that in February of 1919, it was announced that Brantford
was to have a baseball team in an Ontario-Michigan League in the coming summer, and
baseball beyond the local level, which had been dropped because of the war, was to
return.
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CONCLUSION
There can be little doubt that during the First World War, Brantford became a
typical Canadian “war-time” city. Brantford's reaction was typical of that exhibited in
the rest of English speaking Canada. The feelings of loyalty to the Empire, and the
display of national and civic pride were as apparent in Brantford as in any place else in
the Dominion.
These feelings were typified in Brantford's response to the call for men, and in her
response to the sacrifices that the ordinary citizen was required to make. The records
show that Brantford men did respond well to the call to arms. Less obvious, but
nevertheless significant, was the way in which the people of Brantford helped the war
effort through their care of Brantford's soldiers, through their generous contributions to
war-time drives for money, and through their willingness to do without when the
occasion warranted.
In common with other Canadians, Brantford citizens shared a wartime attitude
that nothing must be spared to ensure victory. This attitude was reflected in Brantford's
support of her county battalions, the 125th and the 215th; it was also evident in the
pressures that were put on “slackers” to enlist; and it was apparent in the city's support of
conscription and the Union Government in the 1917 election.
Any attempt to carry on in a normal fashion during the war was almost
impossible, as most aspects of the city's life were in some way affected by the events of
the war. Brantford industry moved to meet the demands of war-time contracts. Socially,
the conversations were all about the war, and the various organizations in the city geared
their efforts to some war-time endeavour. Civically, many projects contemplated by the
city had to be temporarily shelved, either due to lack of funds, or manpower, or both.
Even those events, seemingly unconnected with the war were not free from its influence.
A good example of this is the unveiling of the Bell Memorial. On the same day, the
Governor-General also officially opened the Great War Veteran's headquarters in
Brantford.
There is no doubt then that the war did affect the life of the people of Brantford
during the actual war years from 1914-1918. Did it have any long-lasting effects? That,
of course, is a very difficult question to answer directly. The speed at which the city
returned to peace time endeavours and peace time thinking would seem to indicate that
there was not too much in the way of long lasting effects. But, there is little doubt that
Brantford industry received a boost from the war, and that the citizens of the city
achieved an extra measure of pride by their contribution to the war. More significant to
the future of Brantford though, was the heavy loss of many of her potential leaders, and
one cannot help but wonder whether the city would have taken any other direction than it
did, had these men not been asked to sacrifice their lives.
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