EDITORIAL
Psychiatry & Psychology
http://dx.doi.org/10.3346/jkms.2014.29.9.1186 • J Korean Med Sci 2014; 29: 1186-1187
The Implications of Social Rejection and Peer Victimization:
Beyond Social Phenomenon
Hee Jeong Yoo
Department of Psychiatry, Seoul National University College of Medicine, Seongnam, Korea
Recently, suicides of victims of peer rejection (“wang-tta”) have
received public attention and exposed the phenomenon as a
serious social/educational problem. Wang-tta is a slang term
referring to a form of bullying characterized by the victimization
and social rejection of a particular peer. By definition, it emphasizes the bullying of a specific “target” or “victim” by a group of
their peers, and the harassment is very stubborn and persistent.
Wang-tta has been a major social issue in Korea since the mid1990s, and is now regarded a ubiquitous phenomenon in every
grade of school, in the community, and even in the workplace.
It has been explicitly reported that 6%-16% of Korean adolescents are socially excluded by their peers, while 10%-20% have
reported socially excluding their peers (1, 2); this is generally
higher than seen in international comparisons. However, as verbal and relational bullying occurs in an implicit way, and under-reporting is possible due to victims’ concerns about confidentiality, actual prevalence may be higher than previously reported. Wang-tta may involve an entire class or school; although
not involved as active perpetrators, many students participate
passively, as uninvolved, silent bystanders.
As with all human behavior, multiple interacting biopsychosocial elements are intertwined within various layers of this phe­
nomenon. Superficial descriptions of victims have been used to
justify social rejection, such as arrogant, clingy, rude, aggressive,
shy, tattling, meddling, ignorant, and dull-looking. In more psychological terms, the victims exhibit low self-esteem, distorted
self-image, poor social skills, and low self-assertiveness. Both
perpetrators and victims are known to be overprotective, and
have poor parent-child relationships, discipline problems, and
frequent exposure to family violence (3). However, it is not clear
whether these elements are the causes or effects of social rejection. In the medico-psychiatric realm, victims’ innate vulnerabilities should not be ignored, as children and adolescents with
chronic mental and physical conditions are more likely to become victims of this destructive relationship. For example, anxiety, depression, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and tic
disorders are positively associated with a higher incidence of
victimization. Young people with developmental problems, such
as language disorders and autism spectrum disorder, are also
easy targets for victimization. In addition, physical and motor
problems including cerebral palsy, epilepsy, asthma, eczema,
diabetes, underweight/overweight, and obesity are reported to
be associated with a higher risk of victimization (4). Some reports have suggested that individuals with chronic conditions
are victimized because they are regarded as “different” from the
perspective of their peers. However, there may be mediating
factors between the above conditions and victimization, such
as poor social skills and unacceptable behavior as symptoms of
mental health issues. It is also noteworthy that victims are at a
higher risk of mental health problems such as depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, and even self-injurious and
suicidal behavior as a result of Wang-tta; these problem behaviors aggravate the vicious cycle of victimization and rejection.
There may also be a troubling interpretation in the context of
the unique characteristics of Korean society and culture. At a
general level, massive academic pressure and a value system
centered on academic achievement have been used as justification for bullying behavior and blamed for the lack of guilt expressed by perpetrators. However, attention should be paid to
the pattern of victimization in Korea, which is quite different
from that in other countries. For example, in contrast to Western societies, which may involve an older student with more
physical power harming younger children, peer aggression in
Korea typically involves a group of young people targeting a particular peer (3), and the majority of the aggression originates in
a particular classroom (5). In contrast to the physical aggression
perpetrated by boys in Western countries, the involvement of
girls is common in Korea. Further, isolation of a targeted peer in
cyber space, including through mobile messaging systems (i.e.,
“Kakao-talk”) or human trafficking for snacks, game items, or
even Wi-Fi for their cellular phones, is common and difficult
for the third party to prove. Although peer victimization is not a
phenomenon unique to Korea, it may have been molded within the framework of the cultural atmosphere. It has also been
hypothesized that the strong group conformity, collectivism,
bonding, and integrity emphasized in Korean culture could in-
© 2014 The Korean Academy of Medical Sciences.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0)
which permits unrestricted non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
pISSN 1011-8934
eISSN 1598-6357
Yoo HJ • Social Rejection and Peer Victimization
fluence the formation of the nature of wang-tta, similar to Ijime
in Japan (5). That is to say, in more individualized cultures, choos­
ing the target of bullying is more individualized and takes place
in a small group rather than an entire class. In other words, it is
one of the signs of pathological and distorted interpersonal relationships in the entire culture. This notion is supported by the
fact that the peer victimization phenomenon is not confined to
the classroom; rather, it is widespread, even among students’
parents (6) and in the workplace.
What could be the solution? As many causative factors are
interacting in this phenomenon on individual, cultural, and even
moral/philosophical levels, there is probably no single solution.
The first step is to acknowledge that social rejection or peer victimization is a serious problem for all group members involved.
Although school violence committees and a firm punishment
system can manage active violence toward peers, these are not
sufficient for dealing with cyberbullying and more subtle exclusion from relationships. Prior to establishing a punishment system, it is essential to define the school’s attitudes and responsibilities; it should be explicitly declared that peer victimization
will be taken seriously and prohibited in the school. Many studies have reported that holistic school-based intervention programs are effective in reducing peer victimization. Common elements of successful prevention and intervention programs include considering multiple levels of the systems surrounding
students, particularly the macro-system, which includes schoolparent co-operation and interventions to improve students’ individual peer relationships and home environments (1). The
medical professional’s role is also important; they should be
open to requests for help, and co-operate with schools to deal
with the vulnerabilities of potential victims. Social rejection or
peer victimization is typically related to mental health issues,
but it is important for every medical professional to participate
actively in reducing the stigma of chronic illness in children and
adolescents, because it may trigger discrimination and peer rejection. Moreover, the value system of society as a whole should
http://dx.doi.org/10.3346/jkms.2014.29.9.1186
be re-examined; this may be very difficult and painful, but the
key may be in the revision of attitudes regarding respect for individual differences and fostering co-existence with vulnerable
individuals within the community.
ORCID
Hee Jeong Yoo http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0521-2718
REFERENCES
1.Hong JS, Lee CH, Lee J, Lee NY, Garbarino J. A review of bullying prevention and intervention in South korean schools: an application of the
social-ecological framework. Child Psychiatry Hum Dev 2014; 45: 43342.
2.Yang SJ, Kim JM, Kim SW, Shin IS, Yoon JS. Bullying and victimization
behaviors in boys and girls at South Korean primary schools. J Am Acad
Child Adolesc Psychiatry 2006; 45: 69-77.
3.Shin JH, Hong JS, Yoon J, Espelage DL. Interparental conflict, parenting
behavior, and children’s friendship quality as correlates of peer aggression and peer victimization among aggressor/victim subgroups in South
Korea. J Interpers Violence 2013; 29: 1933-52.
4.Sentenac M, Arnaud C, Gavin A, Molcho M, Gabhainn SN, Godeau E.
Peer victimization among school-aged children with chronic conditions.
Epidemiol Rev 2012; 34: 120-8.
5.Koo H, Kwak K, Smith PK. Victimization in Korean schools: the nature,
incidence and distinctive features of Korean bullying or wang-ta. J Sch
Violence 2008; 7: 119-39.
6.Kim S. Wangtta among parents, more serious than kids. Seoul: Kukinews,
2013. Available at http://news.kukinews.com/article/view.asp?page=1&
gCode=kmi&arcid=0007097559&cp=nv [accessed on 24 March 2014].
Address for Correspondence:
Hee Jeong Yoo, MD
Department of Psychiatry, Seoul National University Bundang Hospital,
166 Gumi-ro, Bundang-gu, Seongnam 463-707, Korea
Tel: +82.31-787-7436, Fax: +82.31-787-4058, E-mail: [email protected]
http://jkms.org 1187