THE INFLUENCE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ON
LEGAL AND JUDICIAL REFORM
J a c k Lawson Oates
B.A.,
U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia,
LL.B., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia,
1949
1971
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
i n t h e Department
of
History
@
J a c k Lawson Oates
1980
S I M O N FRASER UNIVERSITY
F e b r u a r y 1980
A l l r i g h t s r e s e r v e d . T h i s t h e s i s may n o t be
r e p r o d u c e d i n w h o l e o r i n p a r t , by photocopy
+ o r o t h e r means, w i t h o u t p e r m i s s i o n o f t h e a u t h o r .
APPROVAL
Name :
Jack Lawson Oates
Degree:
Master o f A r t s
T i t l e o f Thesis:
The I n f l u e n c e o f t h e French R e v o l u t i o n on Legal
and J u d i c i a l Reform
Examining Committee:
Chairperson:
R. Koepke
C.R. Day
Sen i o r Supervi sor
r
r
-
,
-
-
-
-
J. Hutchinson
-
-
.
C . Hamilton
1 '
/
,
4 c i r i a
E x t e r n a l Examiner
Professor
Department o f P o l i t i c a l science+
Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y
Date Approved:
A
2
b , , T $3
P A R T I A L COPYRICHT LICEhSE
I h e r e b y g r a n t t o Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y t h e r i g h t t o l e n d
my t h e s i s o r d i s s e r t a t i o n ( t h e t i t l e o f w h i c h i s shown b e l o w ) t o u s e r s
o f t h e Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , and t o make p a r t i a l o r s i n g l e
c o p i e s o n l y f o r s u c h u s e r s o r i n r e s p o n s e t o a r e q u e s t from t h e l i b r a r y
o f a n y o t h e r u n i v e r s i t y , o r o t h e r e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n , on its own
b e h a l f o r f o r one of i t s u s e r s .
I f u r t h e r agree t h a t permission f o r
m u l t i p l e c o p y i n g o f t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y p u r p o s e s may b e g r a n t e d
b y me o r t h e Dean o f G r a d u a t e S t u d i e s .
It i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t c o p y i n g
o r p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t b e a l l o w e d
w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .
T i t l e of T h e s i s / ~ i s s e r t a t i o n :
The I n f l u e n c e o f t h e French R e v o l u t i o n on Legal and J u d i c i a l
Reform
Author :
V
(signature)
Jack Lawson Oates
(name )
February 6, 1980
(date)
ABSTRACT
THE INFLUENCE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ON LEGAL AND JUDICIAL REFORM
The main impact o f t h e
evolution
on France and Europe may we1 1
have been p o l i t i c a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and l e g a l r a t h e r than s o c i a l and
economic.
There have been a m u l t i t u d e o f p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r i e s o f t h e
French R e v o l u t i o n , b u t few on t h e i m p o r t a n t q u e s t i o n o f l e g a l reform.
The purpose o f t h i s work i s t o p r o v i d e a s y n t h e s i s of t h e p r i m a r y
and secondary sources,
i n French and i n Engl i s h , on a s u b j e c t which
has r e c e i v e d 1 it t l e a t t e n t i o n .
The t h e s i s i s designed t o analyze t h e process through which t h e
i d e a l s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o important l e g a l
and j u d i c i a l reforms.
However as these reforms came about as a r e s u l t
o f continuous demands f o r change, t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e cannot be a c c u r a t e l y
e v a l u a t e d w i t h o u t reference t o t h e s i t u a t i o n which p r e v a i l e d p r i o r t o
the Revolution.
Accordingly,
t h e f i r s t p a r t o f t h i s t h e s i s describes
those aspects o f t h e j u d i c i a l system o f t h e o l d regime which provoked t h e
most vehement c r i t i c i s m .
T h i s i n v o l v e s an examination o f t h e d e f e c t s i n
the administration o f justice,
t h e c o n f u s i o n r e s u l t i n g f rom t h e absence
o f l e g i s l a t i v e u n i f o r m i t y , and t h e b r u t a l i t y and inequa 1 it y o f t h e
c r i m i n a l law and procedure.
The d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t h e e x i s t i n g l e g a l and j u d i c i a l system gave
r i s e t o many demands f o r reform before 1789, e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g t h e
l a s t decades o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h century.
Therefore,
t h e t h e s i s concerns
i t s e l f w i t h t h e p a r t p l a y e d by those i n d i v i d u a l s whose e f f o r t s l a r g e l y
i n s p i r e d t h e reforms c u l m i n a t i n g i n t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies.
The
ideas p u b l i c i z e d by these reformers a l s o i n f l u e n c e d t h e r o y a l government,
and a d i s c u s s i o n f o l l o w s concerning t h e l i m i t e d achievements r e a l i z e d by
t h e c o u r t i n t h e area o f l e g a l and j u d i c i a l reform.
The t h e s i s then examines t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y
i d e a l s i n t o o r g a n i c laws, and t h e several attempts made t o u n i f y t h e
c i v i l laws by means o f c o d i f i c a t i o n d u r i n g t h e years 1789 t o 1799.
T h i s i n t u r n leads t o an a n a l y s i s o
t h e Code ~ a ~;ono land t h e i n f l u e n c e
upon i t o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a d i t on which formed p a r t o f i t s immediate
heritage.
The e x t e n t o f t h e reforms i n v o v i n g c r i m i n a l law and procedure a r e
then e x p l o r e d w i t h speci a1 reference t o t h e v a r i o u s safeguards i n t r o d u c e d
on b e h a l f o f those accused o f crimes.
Although t h e attempts t o c o d i f y
c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n d u r i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d were i n c o n c l u s i v e , t h e
v a r i o u s assemblies d i d s u c c e s s f u l l y complete t h e c o d i f i c a t i o n o f penal
law and procedure.
However as these codes were superseded by those
compi l e d under t h e Consulate and F i r s t Empi re, t h e l a t t e r a r e examined
t o determine whether t h e e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were d i s c a r d e d o r
preserved.
The last part of this thesis concerns the reorganization of t
judicial system which radically altered the method of recruitment of
the magistracy.
This reorganization was based upon the principles of
the separation of powers and exemplified the determination of the
Revolutionaries to free the executive from judicial control.
Although Napoleon imposed upon the Codes a characteristically
authoritarian stamp, many of the basic reforms of the Revolutionary
period survived:
the uniformity of the law, equality before the law,
the legality of crimes and punishments, trial by jury, and humanized
penalties.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
...............................................
ABSTRACT ....................................................
TABLE OF CONTENTS ...........................................
APPROVAL PAGE
INTRODUCTION
................................................
CHAPTER I
........................
The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of J u s t i c e ..........................
The L a c k o f L e g i s l a t i v e U n i t y ..........................
The S t a t e o f C r i m i n a l Law and Procedure ................
THE SITUATION UNDER THE OLD REGIME
CHAPTER I I
...........
P h i l o s o p h e s .......................
...................................
THE MOVEMENT FOR REFORM PRIOR TO THE REVOLUTION
The I n f l u e n c e o f t h e
Crown and Parlements
CHAPTER I l l
......................
Ascendant P r i n c i p l e s ...................................
C o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e C i v i l Law ..........................
The Work o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y Assemblies ............
L e Code Napoleon ....................................
THE REVOLUTION AND CIVIL LEGISLATION
Page
CHAPTER IV
....................
The Work o f t h e Revolutionary Assemblies ................
Le Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e o f 1808; and l e
Code penal o f 1810 ....................................
THE REVOLUTION AND CRIMINAL LEGISLATION
60
60
72
CHAPTER V
.................
85
...................................................
98
THE REVOLUTION AND JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION
CONCLUS l ON
L I S T O F REFERENCES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
........................................
.................................................
104
125
INTRODUCTION
I n t h i s paper
e Revolutionar
j u d i c i a l reforms.
demands f o r change,
11 analyze t h e process through which t h e i d e a l s
i o d were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o i m p o r t a n t l e g a l and
As these reforms came about as a r e s u l t o f continuous
i t i s necessary t o examine t h e s i t u a t i o n which
p r e v a i l e d p r i o r t o t h e R e v o l u t i o n i n o r d e r t o access a c c u r a t e l y t h e i r
significance.
Thus I begin w i t h a d e s c r i p t i o n o f those aspects o f t h e
system e x i s t i n g under t h e o l d regime which provoked t h e most vehement
criticism.
T h i s i n v o l v e s a d i s c u s s i o n concerning t h e defects i n t h e
administration o f justice,
t h e l a c k o f l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y , and t h e c r u e l t y
and i n e q u a l i t y o f t h e c r i m i n a l law and procedure.
The d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t h e e x i s t i n g l e g a l and j u d i c i a l system gave r i s e
t o many demands f o r reform before 1789, e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g t h e l a s t decades
o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h century.
Accordingly,
a d i s c u s s i o n f o l lows concerning
t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e philosophes whose e f f o r t s i n s p i r e d many o f t h e
reforms which culminated i n t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies.
The ideas
p u b l i c i z e d by these reformers a l s o i n f l u e n c e d t h e r o y a l government, and
reference i s made t o t h e 1 i m i t e d achievements r e a l i z e d by t h e monarchy
i n t h i s area.
I then d e s c r i b e t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y i d e a l s i n t o
o r g a n i c laws, and t h e several attempts made t o u n i f y t h e c i v i 1 laws by
means o f c o d i f i c a t i o n d u r i n g t h e years 1789 t o 1799.
P
T h i s i n t u r n leads
t o an a n a l y s i s o f t h e Code ~ a p o l g o nand t h e in f 1 uence upon i t o f t h e
R e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a d i t i o n which formed p a r t o f i t s inmediate h e r i t a g e .
The reforms i n v o l v i n g c r i m i n a l law and procedure a r e then e x p l o r e d
w i t h s p e c i a l r e f e r e n c e t o t h e v a r i o u s safeguards i n t r o d u c e d on b e h a l f
o f those accused o f crimes.
Although t h e attempts t o c o d i f y c i v i l
l e g i s l a t i o n d u r i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d were i n c o n c l u s i v e ,
the
v a r i o u s assemblies s u c c e s s f u l l y completed t h e c o d i f i c a t i o n o f penal law
and procedure.
However as these codes were superseded by those compiled
under t h e Consulate and F i r s t Empire, t h e l a t t e r a r e examined t o determine
whether t h e e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were d i s c a r d e d o r preserved.
The l a s t p a r t o f t h e paper deals w i t h t h e r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e
j u d i c i a l system which r a d i c a l l y a l t e r e d t h e method o f r e c r u i t m e n t o f t h e
magistracy.
T h i s r e o r g a n i z a t i o n was based upon t h e p r i n c i p l e o f t h e
s e p a r a t i o n o f powers and e x e m p l i f i e d t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s
t o f r e e t h e e x e c u t i v e from j u d i c i a l c o n t r o l .
Although t h e Napoleonic Codes were marked by some a u t h o r i t a r i a n
ideas, they i n c o r p o r a t e d many o f t h e b a s i c reforms o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y
p e r i o d , thus e n s u r i n g t h e i r s u r v i v a l :
e q u a l i t y b e f o r e t h e law, t h e
l e g a l i t y o f crimes and punishments, t r i a l by j u r y , and humanized
penal t i e s .
CHAPTER I
THE SITUATION UNDER THE OLD REGIME
The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f J u s t i c e
According t o a b s o l u t i s t theory,
j u s t i c e i n France.
t h e k i n g was t h e source o f a l l
Although he had delegated i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o
o f f i c i a l s i n t h e many r o y a l c o u r t s throughout t h e c o u n t r y , he had never
a l i e n a t e d h i s r i g h t s i n matters o f j u s t i c e .
However, because o f t h e
procedure o f buying and s e l l i n g p u b l i c o f f i c e s under t h e o l d regime,
v e n a l i t y and i n h e r i t a n c e o f j u d i c i a l o f f i c e s had become i n p r a c t i c e t h e
two p r i n c i p a l f a c t o r s which determined t h e r e c r u i t m e n t o f t h e magistracy
o f the sovereign courts.'
V e n a l i t y was t h e main d e f e c t i n t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
o f j u s t i c e and gave r i s e t o most o f t h e abuses:
c o n f l i c t i n g competence;
t h e numerous c o u r t s o f
t h e m u l t i p l i c i t y o f appeal procedures w i t h t h e
a t t e n d a n t excessive costs; and t h e bestowing o f g i f t s ( & i c e s )
upon judges
by l i t i g a n t s t o e x p e d i t e t h e a r b i t r a r y and d i l a t o r y processes o f t h e law.
The e s s e n t i a l v i c e s o f t h e system a r e c o n c i s e l y enumerated by M. Marion:
"Trop de t r i b u n a u x , e t dans ces t r i b u n a u x t r o p d ' o f f i c i e r s , parce que l a
vente des o f f i c e s & t a i t une grande ressource
. . . une j u s t i c e
trGs l e n t e , t r g s p a r t i a l e , t r & a c c e s s i b l e
l a solicitation,
recommandation,
\a
l'intrigue."
2
t r & s chhre,
>
la
The v a r i o u s c o u r t s were f r e q u e n t l y
jurisdictions,
i n c o n f l i c t over disputed
and even t h e procureur-q&<ral,
J o l y de F l e u r y , complained
i n 1763 t h a t p l a i n t i f f s o f t e n had t o p l e a d t h e i r s u i t s f o r two o r t h r e e
years i n d i f f e r e n t c o u r t s i n o r d e r t o a s c e r t a i n before which judge they
should have t h e m i s f o r t u n e t o appear.
3
The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e i n t h e s e i g n i o r i a l c o u r t s , as d i s t i n c t
from t h e s o v e r e i g n c o u r t s , encompassed many of t h e def ic i e n c i e s a1 ready
described.
I n a d d i t i o n , j u s t i c e was o f t e n dispensed by persons w i t h o u t
benefit o f legal training.
These f e u d a l c o u r t s were r e l i c s from medieval
times and e x e r c i s e d a l i m i t e d , and d e c l i n i n g , c r i m i n a l and c i v i l
jurisdiction.
4
I n t h e l a s t decades o f t h e o l d regime, t h e i r p r i n c i p a l
f u n c t i o n was t o decide d i s p u t e s concerning t h e c o l l e c t i o n and payment o f
s e i g n i o r i a l dues.
As t h e judges (bai 1 1 i s ) were appointed by t h e seigneurs,
t h e j u s t i c e dispensed was f a r from i m p a r t i a l .
The proceedings o f these
manorial c o u r t s represented one o f t h e w o r s t e v i l s of t h e o l d j u d i c i a l
system.
As R. V i 1 l e r s observes:
"I 1 n ' e s t pas exag&r6 de d i r e que de
t e l s t r i b u n a u x i t a i e n t une des p l a i e s de l a j u s t i c e d ' a l o r s e t peut-&re
une des p l a i e s du rkgime.
Thus,
1
5
i n t h e sphere o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e alone, t h e
proceedings o f t h e sovereign and s e i g n i o r i a l c o u r t s i l l u s t r a t e d many
o f t h e weaknesses o f t h e p r e - r e v o l u t i o n a r y French l e g a l system.
This
system, s u s t a i n e d by s e l f - i n t e r e s t and p r i v i l e g e , was seemingly
impervious t o change.
As summed up i n t h e words o f A r t h u r Young, " t h e
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e was p a r t i a l , venal,
infamous
...upon t h e
q u e s t i o n of e x p e c t i n g j u s t i c e t o be r e a l l y and f a i r l y administered,
everyone confessed t h e r e was no such t h i n g t o be looked for."
6
On t h e eve o f t h e Revolution, many o f t h e c a h i e r s demanded t h a t
the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l
l i m i t s o f t h e t r i b u n a l s be l i m i t e d i n a c l e a r and
i n v a r i a b l e manner i n o r d e r t o a v o i d c o n f l i c t s o f competence between
Several c a l l e d f o r t h e abol i t i o n o f s e i g n i o r i a l c o u r t s
t h e judges.7
and f o r t h e establishment o f a s i n g l e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t r i b u n a l throughout
S t i 1 1 o t h e r s demanded suppress i o n o f venal it y and proposed
t h e realm.
t h a t judges be nominated by t h e k i n g
assemblies
-
-
from l i s t s presented by l o c a l
and h e n c e f o r t h be p a i d by t h e S t a t e .
9
The c o n d i t i o n o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e i n t h e o l d regime
was such t h a t reforms e f f e c t e d by t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies would
o n l y p r o v e t o be far-reaching.
The Lack o f L e g i s l a t i v e U n i t y
Under t h e o l d regime t h e c o m p l e x i t y and d i v e r s i t y o f French law
was such t h a t no one was a b l e t o know i t w i t h c e r t a i n t y .
As a consequence,
many sought p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e a r b i t r a r y a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f
j u s t i c e as p r a c t i c e d by t h e c o u r t s by advancing t h e concept o f c o d i f i c a t i o n
o f t h e laws o f t h e realm.
They b e l i e v e d t h a t once t h i s was achieved
everyone would be aware o f h i s l e g a l r i g h t s and t h a t no d i s c r e t i o n would
*
be l e f t t o t h e judges i n a p p l y i n g t h e law.
The d i v e r s i t y of laws under t h e did regime was based p a r t l y on
regional t r a d i t i o n s .
I n t h e south o f France, t h e governing system o f
law was known as " l e d r o i t e ' c r i t " which was founded upon t h e Roman
law o f J u s t i n i a n as m o d i f i e d by custom and s t a t u t e .
by i t s u n i f o r m i t y , i t s r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y ,
emphasis on p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y . 1 0
I t was c h a r a c t e r i z e d
i t s comprehensiveness, and i t s
I n t h e c e n t r a l and n o r t h e r n regions
o f France, w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f Alsace, " l e d r o i t coutumier" p r e v a i l e d .
T h i s customary law o f t h e N o r t h , l a r g e l y Germanic i n o r i g i n , comprised
d i f f e r e n t bodies o f law
-
procedure, p r o p e r t y , and succession
displayed great d i v e r s i t y . ' '
-
and
However, t h e d i s t i n c t i o n between "pays
de d r o i t k c r i t" and "pays de coutumes" had been m o d i f i e d t o a c o n s i d e r a b l e
degree by t h e c o m p i l a t i o n o f customary law undertaken i n t h e f i f t e e n t h
and s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s .
These two b a s i c systems o f law were complemented by t h e a d d i t i o n
of two o t h e r s o f a general c h a r a c t e r .
Feudal law, i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h e
n o r t h of France, i n t r o d u c e d an element o f complexity i n t o t h e laws w i t h
regard t o t h e ownership and use o f land; canon law exercised a dominant
i n f l u e n c e over personal s i t u a t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e m a t t e r o f
marriage.
I n t h e seventeenth c e n t u r y , when r o y a l l e g i s l a t i v e power under
L o u i s X I V had a t t a i n e d s u f f i c i e n t r e c o g n i t i o n t o have b i n d i n g f o r c e
throughout t h e kingdom,
r o y a l ordinances began t o u n i f y c e r t a i n broad
areas o f t h e law.
As a r e s u l t o f C o l b e r t l s
i n i t i a t i v e , several "Grandes
Ordonnances" were d r a f t e d by a commission o f c o d i f i c a t i o n appointed by
t h e king.12
O f these enactments, t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t one i n terms o f
t h i s study was t h e "Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e " o f 1670.
I t s provisions
were t o govern c r i m i n a l law and procedure i n France u n t i l t h e
Revo 1 u t iona r y decade.
C o l b e r t ' s work o f c o d i f i c a t i o n was continued i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h
c e n t u r y under L o u i s XV by t h e e f f o r t s o f DtAguesseau.
T h i s capable
Chancellor i n i t i a l l y contemplated u n i f y i n g t h e e n t i r e c i v i l law o f t h e
realm.13
Although h i s a m b i t i o n was n o t t o be achieved, t h r e e ordinances
were promulgated as a d i r e c t r e s u l t o f h i s labours:
Ordonnance s u r l e s
donat ions (1 731) ; Ordonnance s u r l e s testaments ( 1 735) ; Ordonnance s u r
l e s s u b s t i t u t i o n s f idgicommissai r e s
(1747).
C o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e law on a broader s c a l e was n o t achieved under
t h e monarchy p r i m a r i l y because o f s o c i a l and l e g a l i n e q u a l i t y and t h e
t r a d i t i o n o f l o c a l independence i n t h e provinces.
Thus many members o f
t h e robe n o b i l i t y , and t o a l e s s e r e x t e n t o f t h e sword, f e l t t h a t
c o d i f i c a t i o n encroached upon t h e i r j u d i c i a l p r e r o g a t i v e s . l4 The
achievement o f n a t i o n a l l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y would have meant t h a t t h e
e x i s t i n g d i f f e r e n c e s i n laws and customs o f t h e d i v e r s e regions o f France
had t o be subordinated t o a dominant c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y which i n t u r n was
animated by t h e d e s i r e f o r l e g i s l a t i v e u n i f o r m i t y .
This o b j e c t i v e could
o n l y be o b t a i n e d i f t h e c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y was a l s o prepared t o remove t h e
e x i s t i n g l e g a l d i s t i n c t i o n s between persons.
Such was n o t t h e s t a t e
o f a f f a i r s i n France u n t i l t h e p e r i o d o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n .
Many o f t h e c a h i e r s expressed t h e d e s i r e o f t h e people f o r l e g i s l a t i v e
unification
-
"une l o i unique pour t o u t l a royaume"
o f t h e c i v i l and c r i m i n a l l a d 5
-
and f o r c o d i f i c a t i o n
I n c a l l i n g f o r l e g i s l a t i v e unity, the
c a h i e r s u b m i t t e d by t h e T h i r d E s t a t e of P a r i s s u c c i n c t l y described t h e
u n s a t i s f a c t o r y s i t u a t i o n w h i c h p r e v a i l e d under t h e o l d regime:
"Un assemblage i n f o r m e de l o i s romaines e t de
coutumes barbares, de rkg1emens e t d'ordonnances
sans r a p p o r t avec nos moeurs, comme sans u n i t 6
de p r i n c i p e s , consu dans des temps d'ignorance
e t de t r o u b l e , pour des c i r c o n s t a n c e s e t un o r d r e
de choses q u i n ' e x i s t e n t p l u s , ne peut former une
l d g i s l a t i o n d i g n e d'une grande n a t i o n , e c l a i r d e de
t o u t e s l e s lumihres que l e gdnie, l a r a i s o n e t
1 'exp&rience o n t r6pandues s u r tous l e s o b j e t s . ,116
The S t a t e o f C r i m i n a l Law and Procedure
During t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h century t h e most i n s i s t e n t
demands were d i r e c t e d , j u s t i f i a b l y ,
and procedure.
towards t h e r e f o r m o f c r i m i n a l law
The code t h a t governed c r i m i n a l procedure u n t i 1 t h e
R e v o l u t i o n was t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670, which was regarded by
t h e j u d i c i a r y as "un des p l u s beaux monuments de l a l g g i s l a t i o n " .
17
Although i t was modelled c l o s e l y upon an ordinance o f 1539, t h e noteworthy
f a c t i s t h a t t h e c r i m i n a l law o f France had undergone no r a d i c a l change
18
s i n c e t h e t h i r t e e n t h century.
*
The procedures s e t o u t i n t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 showed
l i t t l e r e g a r d f o r t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e accused:
a person suspected o f
a crime c o u l d be a r b i t r a r i l y imprisoned (imprisonment being,
i n theory,'
a mere means of s e c u r i n g t h e e x e c u t i o n o f t h e sentence) 19 ; witnesses
were i n t e r r o g a t e d s e c r e t l y and s e p a r a t e l y ; t h e accused was questioned
p r i v a t e l y by t h e judge and s t r i c t l y p r o h i b i t e d from c o m u n i c a t i n g w i t h
anyone,
i n c l u d i n g defence counsel
.
Unt i 1 t h e accused was c o n f r o n t e d by
t h e witnesses a g a i n s t him, he o f t e n was i g n o r a n t o f t h e offense f o r
which he was charged.
As A. D e s j a r d i n s remarks:
" I 1 s e m b l a i t que
ceux q u i l ' a v a i e n t r k d i g k e eussent eu 1 ' i n t e n t i o n de rendre t o u j o u r s l a
condamnation i n c h i t a b l e , t a n t i l s a v a i e n t rendu l a j u s t i f i c a t i o n
diffici1e.1'~~
Under t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e t h e accused was n o t o n l y subjected
t o an a r c h a i c and i n q u i s i t o r i a l t r i a l procedure b u t a l s o t o an e q u a l l y
a r c h a i c and i r r a t i o n a l system o f o b t a i n i n g p r o o f .
As confession was
t r e a t e d as c o n c l u s i v e p r o o f o f g u i l t , t o r t u r e was p e r m i t t e d d u r i n g t h e
" p r e p a r a t o r y question" t o o b t a i n a confession from t h e accused b e f o r e
sentencing.
I t s use was a l s o p e r m i t t e d d u r i n g t h e t 1 p r e l i m i n a r y question"
which was a p p l i e d a f t e r sentencing t o secure i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e accused's
accomplices.
Obviously, such proceedings disregarded t h e very r e a l
p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t confessions would be o b t a i n e d from t h e innocent who were
weak b u t n o t from t h e g u i l t y who were strong.
However,the most loathsome aspect o f t h e c r i m i n a l law o f t h i s
p e r i o d was t h e f e r o c i t y and c r u e l t y o f t h e punishments imposed upon
those c o n v i c t e d o f crimes.
C a p i t a l punishments i n c l u d e d b u r n i n g a t t h e
stake, b r e a k i n g on t h e wheel, q u a r t e r i n g , hanging, and beheading.
h he
headman's b l o c k took t h e p l a c e o f t h e g a l lows i n t h e case o f persons
of noble b i r t h . )
For minor crimes t h e usual punishments were f l o g g i n g
and c o r p o r a l m u t i l a t ion.
Such punishments, h e l d i n p u b l i c , were doubtless considered an
important means o f p r e v e n t i n g crime and m a i n t a i n i n g law and o r d e r .
However, as R. Anchel observes, t h e d e t e r r e n t p r i n c i p l e d i d n o t work i n
practice:
"Mais n i 1 ' a u t o r i te' omnipotente des juges,
n i l a s d v k r i te' des
l o i s e t des c h s t i m e n t s , n i 1 ' o r g a n i s a t i o n p o l i c i k r e ne p a r v i n r e n t jamais
sous 1 ' a n c i e n rggime
a
I
une repression e f f icace des d k l i t s c r i m i n e l s " .
Where, under t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e ,
21
no
p e n a l t i e s were s p e c i f i e d f o r c e r t a i n crimes, t h e judge was e n t i t l e d t o
make h i s s e l e c t i o n among punishments a p p l i e d t o o t h e r crimes.
Even when
t h e p e n a l t y had been s p e c i f i e d , he had t h e a u t h o r i t y t o increase o r
d i m i n i s h i t according t o t h e circumstances.
This d i s c r e t i o n permitted t o
t h e judges d i d n o t r e s u l t i n an a l l e v i a t i o n o f t h e s e v e r i t y o f punishment:
"Ni
l a miskre, n i l a passion, l'imbe'ci ll i t 6 ou l a f o l i e ne v a l a i e n t
l e u r s yeux comme excuse.
Bien p l u s ,
i 1s c h s t i a i e n t souvent avec l a meme
r i g u e u r un crime ou un p r o j e t c r i m i n e l
v u l g a i r e r e c e l pouvaient v a l o i r l a rnor
e
A
.
Le p l u s mince l a r c i n , un
The Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 had, by i t s many omissions
w i t h r e g a r d t o d e f i n i t i o n o f crimes and punishments, abandoned much
t o t h e prudence o f t h e judge f o r t h e reason t h a t a separate penal code
c o n t a i n i n g such d e f i n i t i o n s was unknown i n t h e o l d regime.
The
h i s t o r i c a l tendency i n France had been t o merge s u b s t a n t i v e c r i m i n a l
law w i t h procedure, and t o regard t h e former s o l e l y from t h e l a t t e r
standpoint.23
Thus, u n t i l t h e p e r i o d o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , judges and t h e
o f f i c i a l p r o s e c u t o r a l o n e had t h e power t o d e c l a r e what c o n s t i t u t e d a
crime, where t h e Ordonnance was s i l e n t , and t o p r e s c r i b e what penal
Such a
consequences should f o l l o w an a c t d e c l a r e d t o be a
s i t u a t i o n n a t u r a l l y gave r i s e t o t h e abuse o f power on t h e one hand, and
a degradation o f t h e c r i m i n a l law on t h e o t h e r .
"La t r o p grande i m p r k c i s i o n des pouvoi r s accord&
As A . Watt lnne observes:
aux juges k t a i t un
grave dkfaut". 25
On t h e eve o f t h e Revolution, t h e c a h i e r s represented an a c c u r a t e
c a t a l o g u e o f t h e demands f o r r e f o r m o f t h e c r i m i n a l law:
a l l proceedings
26
should be h e l d i n p u b l i c ; t h e accused s h o u l d be allowed t h e a s s i s t a n c e
o f counsel2';
t h e powers o f t h e examining judge s h o u l d be r e s t r i c t e d
28.
t h e i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f t h e accused should t a k e p l a c e w i t h i n t w e n t y - f o u r
hours29;
a system o f J u r o r s should be i n s t T t u t e d f o r t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n
o f t h e fact3';
31
l e t t r e s de cachet should be abol ished.
-
,
Other c a h i e r s c a l l e d f o r t h e c o m p i l a t i o n o f a c r i m i n a l code
d e t e r m i n i n g and c l a s s i f y i n g crimes and punishments:
"~ktkrminer
exactement l e s crimes, d k l i t s e t peines, de manikre que t o u t l e monde
p u i s s e c o n n a r t r e ses d e v o i r s e t l e danger de l e s enfreindre". 32
Punishment should be more humane, p o r p o r t i o n a t e t o t h e crime, and
applicable t o a l l :
It...que
l a d i f f 6 r e n c e dans l e s peines ne s o i t
de'termine'e que p a r l a n a t u r e des d d l i t s e t non p a r l a q u a l i t 4 des
personnes".
33
Arbitrariness,
confusion, and, above a l l , c r u e l t y were t h e
a t t r i b u t e s o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure i n France under t h e o l d regime.
Reactions a g a i n s t t h i s lamentable s t a t e o f a f f a i r s became more pronounced
as t h e e i g h t e e n t h century progressed.
However, few p r a c t i c a l reforms
were r e a l i z e d u n t i l t h e decade o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n .
\
CHAPTER I I
THE MOVEMENT FOR REFORM PRIOR TO THE REVOLUTION
The I n f l u e n c e o f t h e Philosophes
P u b l i c o p i n i o n i n France was n o t openly c r i t i c a l o f t h e c r i m i n a l
1egal system throughout t h e seventeenth c e n t u r y ;
inequality,
i t s cruelty,
its
i t s a r b i t r a r i n e s s , were a l l deemed by t h e b e s t minds o f t h e
time t o be a necessary harshness.
34
However, d u r i n g t h e e i g h t e e n t h
c e n t u r y t h e a b e r r a t i o n s and shortcomings o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure
were i n c r e a s i n g l y subjected t o c r i t i c a l a n a l y s i s and demands f o r reform.
I n t h e f o r e f r o n t o f t h e movement t o make t h e c r i m i n a l law more r a t i o n a l
/
and humane, t h r e e names i n p a r t i c u l a r stand f o r t h :
and V o l t a i r e .
Montesquieu, Beccaria,
Although i t would be i n c o r r e c t t o a s c r i b e t o them t h e
a u t h o r s h i p o f spe c i f i c c r i m i n a l reforms subsequently achieved d u r i n g t h e
R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r iod,
i t can be a s s e r t e d t h a t t h e cumulative e f f e c t o f
t h e i r e f f o r t s , by f o c u s i n g a t t e n t i o n on t h e d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t h e e x i s t i n g
system, c r e a t e d a c l irnate o f o p i n i o n sympathetic t o 1 egal re.form.
The f i r s t French w r i t e r i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y who can be s a i d
t o have dea I t comprehensively w i t h t h e c r i m i n a l law i n a p h i l o s o p h i c a l way was
Montesqu i e u .35
I n h i s L e t t r e s persanes, which appeared i n 1721, he denied
t h e v a l i d i t y o f t h e d e t e r r e n t t h e o r y which h o l d s t h a t severe punishment
wi 1 1 decrease t h e incidence o f crime:
"Dans un E t a t l e s peines p l u s
ou moins c r u e l l e s ne f o n t pas que l ' o n o b k i s s e p l u s aux l o i s .
pays o i l e s chatiments s o n t mod&r&,
Dans les'
on l e s c r a i n t comme dans ceux o;
i 1 s sont tyranniques e t a f f r e u x " . 36
Montesquieu's views on c r i m i n a l law were developed more f u l l y i n
De
-
1'Esprit
des
L o i s which was p u b l i s h e d i n 1748.
I n t h i s work he
r e f l e c t e d upon t h e meaning and purpose o f penal laws.
Among h i s proposals
f o r reform, he advocated t h e n e c e s s i t y o f a r i g h t p r o p o r t i o n between
crimes and punishments:
l a meme p e i n e
e t assassine.
"C'est
un grand ma1 , parmi vous de f a i r e subi r
c e l u i q u i v o l e s u r un grand chemin, e t
celui qui vole
I 1 e s t v i s i b l e que, pour l a s a r e t d publique, il f a u d r a i t
m e t t r e quelque d i f f d r e n c e dans l a peine".
37
Montesquieu a l s o c a l l e d f o r a r a t i o n a l j u r i s p r u d e n c e and inveighed
a g a i n s t t h e barbarous use o f t o r t u r e :
beaux g&ies
eux.
"Tant d'habi l e s gens e t t a n t de
o n t e / c r i t c o n t r e c e t t e p r a t i q u e , que j e n'ose p a r l e r aprks
J ' a l l a i s d i r e q u ' e l l e p o u r r a i t c o n v e n i r dans l e s gouvernements
despotiques, oh t a n t ce q u i i n s p i r e l a c r a i n t e e n t r e p l u s dans l e s
r e s s o r t s du gouvernement; j ' a l l a i s d i r e . que l e s esclaves, chez l e s Grecs
e t chez l e s Romains
mo i".3 8
...mais
j'entends
l a v o i x de l a n a t u r e que c r i c o n t r e
The s e c r e t procedure
of t h e c o u r t s was c r i t i c i z e d by Montesquieu
f o r t h e reason t h a t r e p r e s s i v e c r i m i n a l proceedings n o t o n l y c o n s t i t u t e d
a d e p r i v a t i o n o f r i g h t s f o r t h e accused, b u t a l s o made suspect t h e
safeguard o f 1 i b e r t i e s f o r a l l .
Montesquieu argued,
39
Two c o n d i t i o n s a r e e s s e n t i a l ,
i n c r i m i n a l proceedings:
t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f 1 i b e r t y o f defence.
t h e c e r t a i n t y o f form and
I n a d d i t i o n he c a l l e d f o r t h e
n e c e s s i t y o f c l e a r l y framed laws t h a t leave n o t h i n g t o t h e j u d g e ' s
d i ~ c r e t i o n . ~ ' The E n g l i s h system o f t r i a l by j u r y r e c e i v e d Montesquieu's
p r a i s e , and he c a l l e d f o r i t s i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n t o French law.
41
Montequieu's ideas concerning c r i m i n a l law and procedure were
m o t i v a t e d by a sense o f humanity and reason.
Although he d i d n o t deal
w i t h t h e s u b j e c t e x h a u s t i v e l y , h i s e f f o r t s caused t h e shortcomings
associated w i t h c r i m i n a l law t o be brought o u t i n t o t h e open, thus paving
the way f o r subsequent reforms.
42
/
-
The famous book authored by Cesare Beccaria, t h e T r e a t i s e on Crimes
and Punishments,
-
was p u b l i s h e d i n M i l a n i n t h e I t a l i a n language, b u t a
t r a n s l a t i o n i n t o French appeared i n 1766.
With t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f
t h i s t r e a t i s e t h e i n t e r e s t i n penal r e f o r m became widespread i n
France and went beyond concern o v e r i n d i v i d u a l m i s c a r r i a g e s o f j u s t i c e .
/
A Milanese j u r i s t , B e c c a r i a was t h e f i r s t t o f o r m u l a t e p r e c i s e l y
t h e c r i t i c i s m s o f t h e e x i s t i n g system o f c r i m i n a l law and t o propose
43
abuse o f i m p r i sonment pending t r i a l ,
secret accusation,
and t o r t u r e .
45
He c a l l e d f o r p u b l i c i t y o f proceedings and judgments and s t r e s s e d t h e
importance o f t h e n a t u r e o f p r o o f r e q u i r e d t o e s t a b l i s h t h e o f f e n s e .
46
.
#
B e c c a r i a argue d t h a t punishment should be c o n f i n e d t o offenses w h i c h
were dangerous t o p u b l i c o r d e r , 4 7 and t h a t o n l y as much punishment
should be i n f l i c t e d as was a b s o l u t e l y necessary f o r d e t e r r e n c e .
these p r i n c i p l e s ,
law and procedure:
48
Using
he proceeded t o a s s a i l t h e grave abuses i n c r i m i n a l
t h e wanton i n f l i c t i o n o f t h e d e a t h p e n a l t y ,
c r u e l punishments, and t h e severe p e n a l t i e s f o r minor o f f e n s e s .
the
49
A l t h o u g h ~ e c c a r f a ' s t r e a t i s e provoked c o n s i d e r a b l e d i s c u s s i o n
i n France, t h e r e was l i t t l e a t t e m p t by j u r i s t s t o a p p l y h i s t h e o r i e s
s y s t e m a t i c a l l y t o t h e c o n d i t i o n s o f t h e time.
I n fact,
resistance
by t h e j u d i c i a r y t o t h e ideas c o n t a i n e d i n t h e t r e a t i s e was l i v e l y and
opinionated.
As J. D e c l a r e u i l observes:
/
e c o l e , Jousse, Muyart de Vouglons,
nouveaut&
"Les c r i m i n a l i s t e s de l a v i e i l l e
S e r p i l l o n , se r g v o l t G r e n t c o n t r e s l e s
dangereuses de l ' k r i v a i n m i l a n a i s . I 151
I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e a t t i t u d e s o f i n d i f f e r e n c e and h o s t i l i t y d i s p l a y e d
/
by t h e j u r i s t s ,
V o l t a i r e r e a d i l y acknowledged h i s indebtedness t o B e c c a r i a ' s
t r e a t i s e , and i n t h e l a t e r y e a r s o f h i s l i f e he became t h e r e c o g n i z e d
l e a d e r o f t h e movement f o r l e g a l reform.52
H i s enormous p r e s t i g e and
r e p u t a t i o n , h i s p r o l i f i c l i t e r a r y o u t p u t , and h i s personal involvement
i n many .causes cGlEbres,
enabled him t o p u b l i c i ze e f f e c t i v e l y t h e
b r u t a l i t y and i n j u s t i c e which c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e c r i m i n a l law and
procedure o f t h e o l d regime.
He i n t e r e s t e d h i m s e l f i n i n d i v i d u a l cases
o f n o t o r i o u s i n j u s t i c e ( ~ a l a s , Sirven, La Barre), and he a l s o p u b l i s h e d
many works showing t h e n e c e s s i t y f o r reforms.
The Calas case,
in
p a r t i c u l a r , awakened V o l t a i r e ' s passion f o r l e g a l reform, and focused
on French c r i m i n a l law h i s a v e r s i o n t o i n j ~ s t i c e . ~ )The wide p u b l i c i t y
g i v e n t o t h i s case by V o l t a i r e dramatized f o r t h e French t h e d e f i c i e n c i e s
o f t h e i r l e g a l system.
As E. Nixon observes:
"The Calas a f f a i r ,
which
echoed and re-echoed throughout Europe, c o v e r i n g France w i t h shame
and g l o r y ,
r e v e a l e d f a t a l weaknesses i n c e r t a i n o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s of
a c o u n t r y t h a t was t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l hub o f t h e world. 1154
While using h i s influence t o r e h a b i l i t a t e v i c t i m s o f i n j u s t i c e ,
~ o l t ~ i ar l es o pub l i s h e d s e v e r a l works a t t a c k i n g t h e f a u l t s o f t h e
e x i s t i n g c r i m i n a l sys tem. 55
I n "P
r i x de l a j u s t i c e -e t de 11humanit6",
---
f o r example, V o l t a i r e c a l l e d f o r t h e most s p a r i n g use o f t h e death
p e n a l t y and argued t h a t t h e s e v e r i t y o f punishment
crime
-
increased i t .56
-
f a r from reducing
Harshness and c r u e l t y were n o t merely inhuman,
he contended, b u t a l s o i r r a t i o n a l and uneconomic; f o r c e d labour should
be p r e f e r r e d as a punishment t o c a p i t a l e x e c u t i o n because t h e c r i m i n a l
should be made as u s e f u l as p o s s i b l e t o s o c i e t y . 57
V o l t a i r e condemned
the use o f punishments f o r heresy, sorcery and s a c r i l e g e , and he d e c r i e d
t h e i n f l u e n c e o f canon law regarding t h e crimes o f bigamy, a d u l t e r y ,
and i n c e s t .
58
V o l t a i r e reserved h i s most s c a t h i n g c r i t i c i s m s f o r t h e systems
.
o f procedure i n t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 which p r e s c r i b e d
i r r a t i o n a l methods o f i n q u i r y and r u l e s o f evidence.
He a t t a c k e d t h e
secrecy o f procedure, t h e d e n i a l o f counsel t o t h e accused, t h e d e t e n t i o n
o f t h e accused pending t r i a l , and t h e use o f t o r t u r e . 5 9
a l e g a l proceeding, V o l t a i r e argued,
The o b j e c t of
should be t h e d i s c o v e r y o f t r u t h .
-
However, t h e s e c r e t c h a r a c t e r o f French procedure
60
which p e r m i t t e d
judges t o g i v e t h e i r v e r d i c t s i n s e c r e t and keep s e c r e t t h e reasons
f o r t h e i r decisions
-
made t h e d i s c o v e r y o f t r u t h d i f f i c u l t ,
i f not
impossible.
As mentioned p r e v i o u s l y ,
philosophes
-
that of'criminal
i n t h e area most c r i t i c i z e d by t h e
law and procedure
o f t h e j u r i s t s were f r a n k l y r e a c t i o n a r y .
parlement o f P a r i s as a conservative,
"Voltaire,
t h e c o u r t s and most
V o l t a i r e regarded t h e
f a n a t i c a l body t h a t was plagued
by a l l t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f c o r p o r a t e s e l f - i n t e r e s t .
observes:
-
As A . Wattinne
comme l a p l u p a r t de ses contemporains, n ' a i m a i t
p o i n t l e s gens de robe.
1 1 j u g e a i t l a GENS TOGATA avec une c l a i r v o y a n c e
r e d o u t a b l e ; m a g i s t r a t s e t avocats r e c e v a i e n t dgalment ses sarcasmes.
I1 i g n o r a i t l a science j u r i d i q u e , qu' i 1 semble a v o i r d'edaign6e.I'
61
The p h i l o s o p h e s b e l i e v e d t h a t i f s i g n i f i c a n t l e g a l reforms were
t o be achieved i t was necessary t o c ircumvent t h e m a g i s t r a t u r e .
a t t i t u d e had a c e r t a i n b a s i s i n f a c t
.
This
The new n a t u r a l law p h i l o s o p h y
had n o t p e n e t r a t e d i n t o t h e law schools, whose c u r r i c u l a remained
l a r g e l y unchanged and c o n t i n u e d to.emphasize Roman law. 62
Such
works as were produced by t h e j u r i s t s r e t a i n e d t h e b a s i c p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s
and c o n t e x t o f e s t a b l i s h e d law, and from t h e p o i n t o f v i e w o f t h e
r e f o r m e r s f a i l e d t o go t o t h e h e a r t o f t h e problem.63
eighteenth century,
During t h e
t h e j u r i s t s , who n e c e s s a r i l y worked w i t h i n t h e
framework o f t r a d i t i o n ,
f o r f e i t e d l e a d e r s h i p i n t h i s area t o t h e philosophes
who had l i t t l e use f o r t r a d i t i o n and who made t h e major c o n t r i b u t i o n t o
l e g a l and j u d i c i a l
reforms.
64
I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e i r colleagues,
however, a
few j u r i s t s o f r e p u t a t i o n had adopted t h e n a t u r a l law p h i l o s o p h y o f
i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s and were a c t i v e l y w o r k i n g f o r r e f o r m
c r i m i n a l law and procedure.
For example,
-
especially i n
t h e Attorney-General
Servan
/
reproduced t h e ideas o f B e c c a r i a i n h i s c e l e b r a t e d address on t h e
" A d m i n i s t r a t i o n de l a j u s t i c e c r i m i n e l l e " ,
c o n s t e r n a t ion.65
w h i c h caused much
I n t h i s address Servan s e v e r e l y c r i t i c i z e d procedure,
w i t h p a r t i c u l a r r e f e r e n c e t o d e t e n t i o n pending t r i a l ,
interrogations,
insidious
t o r t u r e , and t h e d o c t r i n e o f l e g a l p r o o f s .
He threw
doubt upon t h e l e g i t i m a c y o f c a p i t a l punishment and c a l l e d f o r f i x e d
and a c c u r a t e laws.
I n conclusion,
Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670.
he demanded t h e amendment o f t h e
66
I n l i k e manner, Dupaty, pres, i d e n t o f t h e parlement o f Bordeaux,
.
appealed f o r reforms o f c r i m i n a l procedure i n h i s w r i t i n g s e n t i t l e d ,
--
--
L e t t r e s s u r l a prockdure c r i m i n e l l e de l a France.
His conscientious
e f f o r t s a t r e f o r m were met w i t h i n t e n s e h o s t i l i t y on t h e p a r t o f t h e
judiciary:
" I 1 6 t a i t d 6 t e s t 6 de l a p l u p a r t de ses c o l l d g u e s pour
l'indgpendence de ses idkes e t sa passion 3 v o u l o i r rgformer l a procgdure
c r i m i n e l l e . 1 [67
A l t h o u g h j u r i s t s such as Servan and Dupaty were imbued w i t h t h e
p h i l o s o p h y o f n a t u r a l r i g h t s and worked f o r l e g a l reforms, they were
never l e a d e r s i n t h e realm o f ideas.
were f o l l o w e r s r a t h e r than leaders.
As W.F.
Church observes:
" ...they
T h e i r r o l e was t o implement and
b r i n g t o f r u i t i o n t h e concepts t h a t o t h e r s had developed b e f o r e them."
68
Thus i t was p r i n c i p a l l y through t h e e f f o r t s o f t h e philosophes
t h a t r e f o r m o f t h e j u d i c i a l system became a prominent s u b j e c t o f
d i s c u s s i o n and s t u d y i n t h e y e a r s p r e c e d i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n .
To s t a t e
t h a t t h e i r i n f l u e n c e was a l o n e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e s i g n i f i c a n t reforms
t h a t came about a t t h e end o f t h e c e n t u r y wou I d be t o a s s i g n t o ideas
an exaggerated f o r c e .
in particular Voltaire
N e v e r t h e l e s s i t can be s a i d t h a t t h e philosophes-
-
c o n t r i b u t e d i n g r e a t: measure t o a c l imate
o f o p i n i o n f a v o u r i n g t h e c r e a t i o n o f a more reasonable and humane
s o c i e t y w h i c h would no l o n g e r t o l e r a t e an a r c h a i c system o f c r i m i n a l
alw'!
As R. Anchel observes:
"... l e u r s
l a ~ 6 v o l u t i o nquleux-m&mes c o n t r i b u g r e n t
p r i n c i p e s t r i o m p h & r e n t avec
2
p r g p a r e r . I170
Crown and Par 1 emen t s
The new ideas w h i c h were developed and p u b l i c i z e d by t h e
p h i l o s o p h e s had n o t been w i t h o u t i n f l u e n c e i n t h e Court i t s e l f d u r i n g
t h e l a s t decades o f t h e o l d regime.
and i n some i n s t a n c e s achieved,
The r o y a l government attempted,
j u d i c i a l reforms.
Nevertheless,
its
most c r e d i t a b l e e f f o r t s tended t o be obscured by t h e charges o f
despotism and extravagance made a g a i n s t i t .
The Crown had e v e r y m o t i v e ,
administration,
i f only i n the interests o f e f f i c i e n t
t o undertake j u d i c i a l reform.
However,
its ability to
i n i t i a t e reforms, t o govern even, had become e f f e c t i v e l y l i m i t e d d u r i n g
t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y by t h e o r g a n i z e d o p p o s i t i o n
o f t h e parlements.71
These s o v e r e i g n c o u r t s o f law were c o r p o r a t e bodies,
each a c t i n g as a supreme c o u r t o f
law f o r i t s p a r t o f t h e c o u n t r y .
Besides t h e i r j u d i c i a l f u n c t i o n s ,
t h e y c l a i m e d and e x e r c i s e d c e r t a i n
p o l i t i c a l powers which d e r i v e d from t h e r i g h t o f r e g i s t e r i n g r o y a l
e d i c t s and ordinances.
This r i g h t of
' v e r i f y i n g ' and o f demonstrating
a g a i n s t r o y a l l e g i s l a t i o n endowed t h e parlements w i t h t h e power o f
checking and t h w a r t i n g t h e t h e o r e t i c a l l y a b s o l u t e monarchy.
Such a
power was one which c o u l d be h e l d i n check o n l y by a s t r o n g k i n g l i k e
L o u i s X I V o r destroyed by an e n l i g h t e n e d despot.
72
The need t o curb t h e i n c r e a s i n g o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e monarchy by t h e
sovereign c o u r t s had been b e l a t e d l y recognized by L o u i s XV w i t h t h e
I n January 1771,
appointment of Maupeou t o t h e c h a n c e l l o r s h i p i n 1770.
Maupeou proceeded t o s t r i k e down t h e p o l i t i c a l power o f t h e parlements
by a b o l i s h i n g t h e P a r i s i a n c o u r t o u t r i g h t and by e s t a b l i s h i n g a new
system o f appeal c o u r t s w i t h f u n c t i o n s n a r r o w l y r e s t r i c t e d t o t h e
j u d i c i a l sphere.
I n these new appeal c o u r t s t h e purchase and s a l e o f
j u d i c i a l o f f i c e s and t h e t a k i n g o f 6pices were forbidden.
73
in lieu of
a p r o p r i e t a r y r i g h t t o t h e i r p o s i t i o n , t h e new m a g i s t r a t u r e r e c e i v e d a
s a l a r y from t h e government w i t h assurances o f f i x e d tenure.74
problem o f c o n f l i c t i n g j u r i s d i c t i o n s among t h e c o u r t s
source o f confusion, expense and d e l a y
r e d e f i n i t i o n o f t h e i r competence. 7 5
-
-
The
a continuing
was removed by means o f a p r e c i s e
I n s p i t e o f t h e widespread a g i t a t i o n t h a t these changes caused,
t h e newly e s t a b l i s h e d c o u r t s were a b l e t o f u n c t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y and
the reform seemed t o be d e f i m i t i v e .
Although Maupeou was s u b j e c t e d t o .
much verbal abuse by t h e e x i l e d m a g i s t r a t e s , who posed as t h e v i c t i m s o f
a d e s p o t i c m i n i s t e r , L o u i s XV continued t o support h i s c h a n c e l l o r .
Had
t h i s k i n g l i v e d a few years longer, i t i s probable t h a t s u f f i c i e n t t i m e
would have been gained f o r t h e 'Maupeou'
on a permanent b a s i s .
c o u r t s t o c o n s o l i d a t e themselves
However t h i s j u d i c i a l r e o r g a n i z a t i o n , which m i g h t .
have been t h e s a l v a t i o n o f t h e French monarchy76, was reversed by L o u i s
X V I upon h i s assumption o f t h e throne.
T h i s y o u t h f u l k i n g had a s t r o n g
d e s i r e t o be a p o p u l a r monarch and was persuaded t h a t , by r e c a l l i n g t h e
parlements, he would r e c e i v e u n i v e r s a l approbation.77
I n t h e event, t h e
r e s t o r a t i o n o f t h e parlements i n 1774 has been h e l d t o be t h e monarchy's
f i n a l and f a t a l mistake.78
The r e s u l t o f t h e r e c a l l , as A l f r e d Cobban
observes, was t h a t " t h e r o y a l government l o s t t h e advantages i t had gained
by Maupeou's coup d 1 6 t a t , w h i l e i t continued t o s u f f e r from t h e odium o f
having proved i t s e l f an a r b i t r a r y despotism and from a f u r t h e r l o s s o f
p r e s t i g e by i t s c a p i t u l a t i o n " .
79
I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e r e f o r m i n g e f f o r t s o f h i s predecessor, which came
a t t h e end o f a long and unrespected r e i g n , those of L o u i s X V I were
manifested from t h e o u t s e t and doubtless r e f l e c t e d t h e young monarch's
d e s i r e t o be a 'good' k i n g .
a
As F. P i 6 t r i observes:
"I1 a p p a r t e n a i t
L o u i s X V I d l Z t r e , p a r r a i s o n a u t a n t que par goat, l e premier rGformateur
*
sincGre de l a monarchie e t de j o u e r , dans ce t r a v a i l d'une a c t i v i t 6
insoupsonn6e, a u t r e chose qu'un r61e p a s s i f ou symbollque."
8o
The l e g i s l a t i o n enacted under L o u i s X V I was d i s t i n g u i s h e d by i t s
emphasis on s o c i a l reforms and i t s attempt s t o a m e l i o r a t e the c r i m i n a l
law.
As examples o f t h e former, we can c i t e t h e f o l l o w i n g r o y a l
enactments:
"L'arrGt
dans l a royaume"
-
du Conseil s u r l a l ib e r t 6 du commerce des g r a i n s
September 23,
1774; "L' E d i t p o r t a n t suppression des
jurandes e t communaut6s de commerce, a r t s e t m b t i e r s "
"L'Edit
-
February 1776;
supprimant l e s d r o i t s de mainmorte dans l e s domaines du r o i e t
l a s e r v i tude personel l e u '
-
August 1779; " L ' Edi t concernant l e s
protestants e t rgorganisant l e u r k t a t c i v i l "
-
November 1787.
81
The r i g o u r s o f c r i m i n a l procedure under t h e Ordinance o f 1670
were m i t i g a t e d by t h e r o y a l " ~ e ' c l a r a t i o n " o f August 24, 1780, a b o l i s h i n g
t h e " q u e s t i o n p r 6 p a r a t o i re" which was designed t o w r i n g a confession o f
g u i l t from t h e accused.
T h i s measure was one o f t h e most i m p o r t a n t
undertaken by L o u i s X V I d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d i n which he was i n f u 11
possession o f h i s r e g a l power.82
S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , on August 30,
1780,
several ordinances were issued i n t h e k i n g ' s name having as t h e i r o b j e c t
t h e improvement o f p r i s o n c o n d i t i o n s .
83
I t was on t h e eve o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , however, t h a t t h e r o y a l
government i n t r o d u c e d t r u l y r a d i c a l measures t o b r i n g about j u d i c i a l and
l e g a l reforms.
These measures promised such fundamental changes i n t h e
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e t h a t they have been h a i l e d as t h e most important
r e v o l u t i o n which France saw b e f o r e t h e f i n a l f a l l o f t h e o l d regime.
84
The famous s i x e d i c t s o f May 1788, d r a f t e d by Lamoignon, t h e
Keeper o f t h e Seals, were designed t o c a r r y o u t much needed reforms
toward a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f j u d i c i a l procedure, a m e l i o r a t i o n o f c r i m i n a l
justice,
and a d i m i n u t i o n o f t h e o b s t r u c t i v e power o f t h e parlements.
I t has been argued t h a t , d e s p i t e t h e advent o f a genuine s u p p o r t e r o f
l e g a l reform i n t h e person o f Lamoignon, t h e j u r i d i c changes were engineered
l e s s f o r t h e i r own sake than as a weapon a g a i n s t t h e parlements. 85
opposing p o i n t o f view has been argued by M. Marion:
The
" I 1 n ' e s t pas v r a i
que l a rkforme j u d i c i a i r e de 1788 n ' a i t e'te'qu'un e x ~ e ' d i e n tde
.\
c i r c o n s t a n c e imagine/ pour f a i r e accepter l a cour p l e/ n ~ e r e 8
" 6 ; and f u r t h e r :
"La re'forme j u d i c i a i r e de 1788 f u t a u t r e chose e t mieux qu'un appdt
g r o s s i e r tendu au pays pour o b t e n i r sa soumission au despotisme. 1187
Although t h e May e d i c t s were n o t d e s t i n e d t o be a p p l i e d ,
i t i s useful
t o s u b j e c t them t o a b r i e f review as many o f t h e measures reappeared i n
t h e l e g a l reforms enacted by t h e N a t i o n a l Assembly.
The f i r s t e d i c t ,
e n t i t l e d "Ordonnance s u r l l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n de l a J u s t i c e " ,
created
f o r t y - s e v e n new appeal c o u r t s which were s t y l e d " g r a n d s - b a i l l i a g e s . "
These t r i b u n a l s were intended t o absorb t h e g r e a t e r p a r t of t h e a p p e l l a t e
j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e parlements i n b o t h c i v i l and c r i m i n a l cases, and thus t o
render p o s s i b l e a r a d i c a l r e d u c t i o n i n t h e number o f m a g i s t r a t e s . 8 8
P r i o r t o t h i s e d i c t , c i v i l and c r i m i n a l cases were judged,
the f i r s t instance,
i n courts c a l l e d "bailliages",
and on appeal,
in
in
c o u r t s ca1 l e d "pre'sidiaux."
Henceforth, "bai 1 1 iages" were t o be
suppressed, t h e "pre'sidiaux"
becoming c o u r t s o f f i r s t instance, w i t h t h e
"grands-bai 1 1 iages"
r e c e i v i n g appeal s from t h e judgments o f t h e "pre's id iaux. 1189
I n c i v i 1 m a t t e r s , t h e "grands-bai 11 iages" were t o have j u r i s d i c t i o n where
t h e amount under l i t i g a t i o n d i d n o t exceed 20,000
livres;
i n criminal
matters, where t h e accused were persons o t h e r than c l e r g y o r n o b i l i t y . 90
The e d i c t thus l e f t t o t h e parlements o n l y c i v i l cases on appeal i n v o l v i n g
amounts i n excess o f 20,000
and n o b i l i t y .
l i v r e s , and c r i m i n a l cases i n v o l v i n g c l e r g y
Concerning these two e s t a t e s , E. Glasson observes:
"On ne
se d g c i d a i t pas encore $ prononcer 1 '&gal it 6 des F r a n ~ a i sdevant l a j u s t i c e
&press i v e . 1191
The d i r e c t r e s u l t o f these p r o v i s i o n s was t o remove a
s u b s t a n t i a l amount o f j u d i c i a l business from t h e parlements' j u r i s d i c t i o n ,
w i t h a consequent l o s s o f income t o t h e m a g i s t r a t e s .
The p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e "Ordonnance s u r l ' a d m i n i s t r a t i o n de l a
j u s t ice" promised s i m i l a r fundamental changes w i t h respect t o t h e s e i g n i o r i a l
courts.
The p o s s i b i l i t y o f suppressing these c o u r t s o u t r i g h t was
momentari l y considered
pas a1 l e r jusque-1;
b u t q u i c k l y discarded f o r t h e reason t h a t "On n ' o s a
'a cause du respect dQ a l a p r o p r l e't e'. "92
Nevertheless
the e f f e c t o f t h e ordinance was such t h a t t h e s e i g n i o r i a l c o u r t s were
P r a c t i c a l l y l e g i s l a t e d o u t of. e ~ i s t e n c e . ' ~ T h e i r e x e r c i s e o f c r i m i n a l
j u r i s d i c t i o n was made c o n d i t i o n a l on t h e possession o f adequate c o u r t and
+
,
~ r i s o nf a c i l i t i e s , and on t h e employment o f a l i c e n s e d judge,
resident j a i l e r .
s c r i b e , and
These c o n d i t i o n s were p r e s c r i b e d i n t h e c o n f i d e n t b e l i e f
t h a t h a r d l y any s e i g n i o r i a l c o u r t s would achieve them.
94
The second e d i c t o f May 8, 1788 o r d e r e d t h e suppression o f v a r i o u s
c o u r t s o f s p e c i f i c competence such as t h e "Bureaux des finances"
"Greniers
2
s e l l ' , "Table de marbre",
and "Chambre du domaine."
, "Elect
ions1',
Those
m a t t e r s which had been hand1 ed p r e v i o u s l y by these "t r i bunaux dlexcept ion"
were t o be p l a c e d under t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e "pre'sidiaux"
and t h e
'Igrands- ba i 1 1 iages. 1195
T h i s r e f o r m represented t h e f u l f i l l m e n t o f d e s i r e s long expressed
f o r t h e suppression o f t h e " t r i b u n a u x d'exception."
The d i l a t o r y and
expensive proceedings which c h a r a c t e r i z e d these c o u r t s was t h e o b j e c t o f
b i t t e r complaints by l i t i g a n t s .
As E. Glasson observes:
"Ceux-ci
ktaient
en c o n f l i t s incessants e n t r e eux ou avec l e s j u r i s d i c t i o n s o r d i n a i r e s ,
de s o r t e que l e s p l a i d e u r s ne s a v a i e n t
5
que s'addresser pour o b t e n i r
j u s t i c e , e t que des i n c i d e n t s de compdtence r e t a r d a i e n t
5 chaque i n s t a n t l a
s o l u t i o n des p r o c k . 11g6
The t h i r d e d i c t was d i r e c t e d towards r e f o r m o f c r i m i n a l procedure
which was t o be e f f e c t e d by means o f amendments t o t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e
o f 1670.
I n t h e " ~ e / c l a r a t i o n " o f May 1 s t announcing t h e e d i c t s homage was
p a i d t o t h e Ordinance o f 1670, b u t t h e n e c e s s i t y o f a r e v i s i o n was s t a t e d
a t t h e same time:
"Malgre' des pre'cautions s i dignes de c o n c i l i e r
cette
l o i l e s u f f r a g e u n i v e r s a l , nous ne s a u r i o n s nous d i s s i m u l e r qu'en conservant
*
l e p l u s grand nombre de ses d i s p o s i t i o n s , nous pouvous en changer avantageusement p l u s i e r s a r t i c l e s p r i n c i p a u x , e t l a rdformer sans l ' a b o l i r . '197
I n h i s speech on May 8 t h a t t h e -l i t de j u s t i c e ,
more p r e c i s e concerning t h e government's i n t e n t i o n s :
Lamoignon was
"La ne'cess it6 de
re'former 1 'ordonnance c r i m i n e l l e e t l e code pe'nal e s t un i v e r s e l lement
reconnue.
Toute l a n a t i o n demande au Roi c e t a c t e important de
1 6 g i s l a t i o n e t S.M.
ses peuples.
a r k s o l u dans ses c o n s e i l s de se rendre au voeu de
However, i t was desi r e d t h a t a general reform should be
the r e s u l t o f lengthy deliberation.
noteworthy:
The method o f i n q u i r y proposed was
"Tous nos s u j e t s a u r o n t l a f a c u l te' de concouri r
I'exgcut i o n du p r o j e t q u i nous occupe, en addressant
5
'a
n o t r e garde des
sceaux 1 es o b s e r v a t i o n s e t mgmoi r e s qu' i l s j u g e r o n t propres 3 nous & l a i r e r .
Nous 6 l A e r o n s a i n s i au rang des l o i s l e s r g s u l t a t s de l ' o p i n i o n p u b l i q u e ,
apr'es q u ' i l s a u r o n t
6t6
soumis
>
1'6preuve d'un m a r e t profond examen.
1199
Pending t h i s general reform, t h e e d i c t repealed several abuses
which r e q u i r e d an immediate remedy:
t h e use o f t h e p r i s o n e r ' s k n e e l i n g
s t o o l ( s e l l e t t e ) was abol ished ( A r t . 1 )lO0;
judgments o f c o n v i c t i o n had
; a m a j o r i t y o f two v o t e s was no
t o s t a t e t h e reasons t h e r e f o r e ( A r t . 3) lo'
longer s u f f i c i e n t t o s u s t a i n a c a p i t a l punishment
(Art.
-
t h r e e were necessary
4)lo2; sentences i n v o l v i n g c a p i t a l punishment were, as a r u l e , n o t
t o be executed u n t i 1 a month a f t e r c o n f i r m a t i o n ( A r t . 5 ) I o 3 ; accused
persons, who were subsequently a c q u i t t e d , were g i v e n t h e r i g h t t o r e p a r a t i o n
for I n j u r y t o t h e i r reputation. (Art. 7 ) l o 4 ;
the a b o l i t i o n o f the preparatory
t o r t u r e was confirmed and th'e p r e l i m i n a r y t o r t u r e was a b o l i s h e d ( A r t . 8)
This edict,
l i k e t h e o t h e r f i v e , was never a p p l i e d .
However,
it
1s an i n t e r e s t i n g document as i t represents t h e l a s t t i m e t h a t r o y a l t y
exercised,
i n c r i m i n a l matters,
105.
.
.
t h e a b s o l u t e and independent l e g i s l a t i v e
power recognized i n i t by t h e o l d regime.
106
The f o u r t h e d i c t r e g i s t e r e d on May 8 t h reduced t h e number o f
o f f i c e s o f t h e P a r i s i a n and p r o v i n c i a l parlements.
having "moins d ' a f f a i r e s
number o f judges.
2
juger",
As a r e s u l t o f
t h e r e was no f u r t h e r need f o r t h e same
However p r o v i s i o n was made i n t h e e d i c t f o r reimbursement
by t h e Crown t o those m a g i s t r a t e s who s u f f e r e d l o s s o f o f f i c e .
Contrary
t o t h e a c t i o n p r e v i o u s l y taken by Maupeou, Lamoignon recognized t h e
maintenance o f v e n a l i t y and p e r m i t t e d t h e abuse o f e'pices t o continue.
10
The f i f t h e d i c t ordered t h e reestablishment o f t h e p l e n a r y c o u r t
-
The j u d i c i a l component o f t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n was t o cons s t
(cour p l & i k r e ) .
o f t h e s e n i o r judges o f t h e p a r l e m e n t o f P a r i s and t h e p r e s i d e n t and one o t h e r
m a g i s t r a t e from each o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l parlements.
Apart from these
m a g i s t r a t e s , t h e c o u r t was t o be composed o f p r i n c e s o f t h e blood, peers
o f France, c o u r t o f f i c i a l s , and l e a d i n g r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f t h e church,
the army and t h e c i v i 1 s e r v i c e .
The power o f r e g i s t e r i n g r o y a l laws a p p l y i n g t o t h e c o u n t r y as
a whole was t r a n s f e r r e d from t h e parlements t o t h e p l e n a r y c o u r t .
It
Was assumed t h a t t h e new c o u r t would prove a p l i a b l e instrument i n t h e
hands o f t h e government:
*
"La l o i de 1 ' e n r g g i s t r e m e n t nous p a r a i t t r o p
conforme
5 nos i n t k r E t s e t 5 ceux de nos peuples pour n u s t r e pas i n v a r i a b l e m e n t
maintenue; e t il e s t par c o n s h u e n t indispensable qu' I 1 y a i t h a b i t u e l l e m e n t
dans nos & t a t s une cour t o u j o u r s s u b s t i t a n t e pour y 6 r i f i e r immgdiatement
nos volon t g s e t l e s t r a n s m e t t r e
5
nos peupl es. 1,108
'
A l t h o u g h t h e parlements
were n o t abol Ished as they had been i n 1771, t h e e f f e c t o f t h i s e d i c t
was t o d e p r i v e them o f a1 1 power o f opposing t h e monarch's programs o f
j u d i c i a l and f i s c a l reform.
The s i x t h and f i n a l e d i c t o f May 8 t h p l a c e d t h e parlement o f
P a r i s "en vacances."
S t a t i n g t h a t a l a r g e amount o f j u d i c i a l business
by v i r t u e o f t h e implementation o f t h e f i r s t e d i c t
-
-
would be t u r n e d over
t o t h e newly organized t r i a l and appeal c o u r t s , t h e k i n g announced t h a t :
"pour &it e r t o u t e c o n f u s i o n dans l e partage des proc'es, l e s parlements
a1 l a i e n t E t r e mls en vacances e t y demeurer j u s q u ' a p r z s 1 ' 6 t a b l issement des
grands-bailliages
...e t
l ' e n t i k r e exe'cution du nouvel o r d r e j u d i c i a i r e . 1,109
The r e g i s t r a t i o n o f t h e May e d i c t s evoked a f u r i o u s r e s i s t a n c e
l e d by t h e parlements throughout France. lo The m a g i s t r a t e s , whom many
regarded as leaders i n t h e r e s i s t a n c e t o r o y a l oppression, were j o i n e d i n
t h e i r s t r u g g l e by t h e c l e r g y , n o b i l i t y , and p r o v i n c i a l estates.
Although
most o f t h e reforms echoed t h e demands o f e n l i g h t e n e d o p i n i o n , t h e e d i c t s
were represented by t h e s o v e r e i g n c o u r t s as a means t o delay t h e summons
o f t h e Estates-General and as an a t t a c k on p r o v i n c i a l l i b e r t i e s .
111
Against t h i s concerted a t t a c k t h e Crown gave way and on August
8 t h t h e Estates-General were o r d e r e d t o convene'on May 1, 1789.
e
At the
same time t h e p l e n a r y c o u r t , which had caused such vehement o p p o s i t i o n ,
was suspended.
Henceforth, t h e i n i t i a t i v e f o r r e f o r m would n o t come
from t h e monarchy.
p l u s permis
ce s o i t .
2
As A. Wattinne observes:
l a royaut& de pre'tendre,
2
ce moment, i 1 n t e / t a i t
I'D&
e l l e seule, rgformer quoi que
~ e / jlie p u b l i c , g r i s e ( par l e s grands mots de n a t i o n e t de
re'volution, ne r a i s o n n a i t p l u s ;
6 d i t s pr&ar&s
il v o u l a i t a u t r e chose e t mieux que des
p a r des m i n i s t r e s .
111
13
The t a s k now f e l l t o t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies t o overcome t h e
o b s t i n a t e maintenance o f p r i v i l e g e which had confounded a l l attempts t o
achieve fundamental reform.
CHAPTER I l l
THE REVOLUTION AND CIVIL LEGISLATION
Ascendant P r i n c i p l e s
C e r t a i n philosophical influences e x i s t e d p r i o r t o t h e Revolution
which undeniably had t h e i r e f f e c t upon ensuing l e g a l and j u d i c i a l reform,
n o t a b l y t h e b e l i e f i n t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a n a t u r a l law.
T h i s law, o l d e r
than p o s i t i v e law, was founded on God's commandments as understood by
theology and by t h e requirements o f reason.
Under these t h e o r i e s i t
appeared t o be p o s s i b l e , by a n a l y z i n g and going t o t h e essence o f human
nature, t o d i s c e r n t h e fundamental r u l e s o f n a t u r a l law and t o deduce
t h e r e f r o m a p o s i t i v e law which, because o f i t s o r i g i n , was b o t h a b s o l u t e
and u n i v e r s a l .
Furthermore,
i n an age i n which t h e concept o f Reason was
a dominant i n t e l l e c t u a l f o r c e ,
t h e r e was an o p t i m i s t i c b e l i e f t h a t e x i s t i n g
laws c o u l d be repealed and new ones, r a t i o n a l l y d e r i v e d from unimpeachable
f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s , p u t i n t h e i r place.
These p h i l o s o p h i c a l i n f l u e n c e s found expression i n t h e D e c l a r a t i o n
o f t h e R i g h t s o f Man and t h e C i t i z e n which was adopted by t h e C o n s t i t u e n t
Assembly on August 25,
1789, and which was subsequently p r e f a c e d t o t h e
C o n s t i t u t i o n of
I n t h e words o f t h e D e c l a r a t i o n we f i n d a t once
1791.
t h e e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s of t h e R e v o l u t i o n and t h e d e s i r e d l e g a l and
$
f
j u d i c i a l reforms.
The preface r e s t a t e d t h e t h e o r y o f n a t u r a l law which
defined t h e n a t u r a l ,
i n a l i e n a b l e and sacred r i g h t s i n h e r e n t i n a l l men,
and s e v e r a l a r t i c l e s r e f l e c t e d t h e ardent w i s h o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s
t o e r a d i c a t e t h e abuses o f t h e e x i s t i n g j u d i c i a l system.
a r r e s t and d e t e n t i o n were p r o s c r i b e d :
Arbitrary
"Nu1 homme ne p e u t E t r e accusd,
a r r g t k , n i dktenu que dans l e s cas dgterminks p a r l a l o i , e t s e l o n l e s
formes q u ' e l l e a p r e s c r i t e s . "
(Art.
7)
S e c u r i t y would h e n c e f o r t h
r e s u l t from t h e e x i s t e n c e of a s i n g l e l e g a l system,
to all:
( ~ r t .6)
equally applicable
" l a m2me pour tous, s o i t q u ' e l l e prot'ege, s o i t q u ' e l l e punisse."
The law would be administered by c o u r t s i n which innocence
was presumed u n t i l q u i l t was proven.
( ~ r t .9)
punishments would no longer be t o l e r a t e d :
"La
Cruel and a r b i t r a r y
l o i ne d o i t g t a b l i r
que des peines s t r i c t e m e n t e t gvidemment n6cessai res, e t nu1 ne peut
e t r e puni qu'en v e r t u d'une l o i k t a b l i e e t promulgu6e antgrieurement
The D e c l a r a t i o n o f R i g h t s has s i n c e been c r i t i c i z e d f o r i t s
bourgeois c h a r a c t e r ;
i t s inadequate treatment o f economic p r i n c i p l e s ;
i t s f a i l u r e t o define s a t i s f a c t o r i l y p r i v a t e property;
i t s apparent
n e g l e c t o f t h e r i g h t o f a s s o c i a t i o n ; and i t s i n s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n t o
religious liberty.
118
Nevertheless t h i s s i g n i f i c a n t document, by espousing
t h e a s p i r a t i o n s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s , heralded t h e end o f p r i v i l e g e
and so o f t h e o l d regime
-
-
and i n t h i s respect i t inaugurated a new age.
119
A t t h e o u t s e t , then, v i c t o r y appeared t o belong t o t h e p a r t y
which p r e f e r r e d reason t o dogma, l i b e r t y t o a u t h o r i t y , and t h e i n d i v i d u a l
t o t h e State.
The r e s u l t i n g c h a r a c t e r o f t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f these
f i r s t years was thus determined, on t h e one hand, by t h e i n f l u e n c e o f
n a t u r a l law p h i losophy, and on t h e o t h e r , by t h e n e c e s s i t y o f r e a c t i n g
a g a i n s t t h e e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s and r e p l a c i n g them by o t h e r s more
e q u i t a b l e and u s e f u l t o s o c i e t y .
As t h e R e v o l u t i o n progressed, however, t h e emphasis on
i n d i v i d u a l i s m gave way t o t h e need f o r an a l l - p o w e r f u l S t a t e ,
o f a l l o b s t a c l e s which might h i n d e r i t s freedom o f a c t i o n .
independent
This deviation
from p r i n c i p l e was caused by t h e need t o w i t h s t a n d enemies from w i t h i n
and w i t h o u t and t o c o n s o l i d a t e R e v o l u t i o n a r y achievements.
observes:
As P. Sagnac
"Mis aux p r i s e s avec l e s gvknements, o b l is&de l u t t e r c o n t r e
l e s r k s i s t a n c e s du passC, l e s r & o l u t ionna i res f u r e n t f o r &
d'ag i r avec
p l u s de h a r d i e s s e e t de vigueur que l e s m a t t r e s de l a p h i l o s o p h i e ne
/
l ' a v a i e n t dgsire.
1!
',I20
A p a r t from p o l i t i c a l exigencies, t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s
t
were tempered by another powerful f o r c e :
the s p i r i t o f t r a d i t i o n .
If
t h e p h i l o s o p h i c a l s p i r i t was a source o f i n s p i r a t i o n t o t h e l e g i s l a t o r s ,
t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e j u r i d i c a l t r a d i t i o n tended t o dampen
t h i s enthusiasm and t o i n t e r p o s e c a u t i o n w i t h regard t o l e g a l and j u d i c i a l
reforms.
Therefore,
throughout t h e p e r i o d o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n b o t h t h e
p h i l o s o p h i c a l s p i r i t and t h e t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s p i r i t were t o e x e r c i s e
t h e i r i n f l u e n c e upon l e g a l reform.
On t h e one hand, t h e theory o f t h e
n a t u r a l r i g h t s o f men, which tended t o remove a l l d i s t i n c t i o n s between
persons; on t h e o t h e r hand, t h e j u r i d i c a l t r a d i t i o n , which tended t o
m a i n t a i n l e g a l d i s t i n c t i o n s and t o temper a b s o l u t e e q u a l i t y w i t h c e r t a i n
restrictions.
D u r i n g t h e e a r l y years o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , however, t h e " e s p r i t
j u r i d i q u e " was dominated by t h e " e s p r i t philosophique" and t h e g r e a t
l e g a l reforms o f t h i s p e r i o d drew t h e i r m a j o r i n s p i r a t i o n from n a t u r a l
law philosophy. l2' Thus, t h e f i r s t enactment o f consequence o f t h e
N a t i o n a l Assembly was t h e a b o l i t i o n o f f e u d a l r i g h t s and usages which
had s u r v i v e d t h e p o l i t i c a l system o u t o f which they had sprung.
The
famous August 4 t h Decrees renounced p r e r o g a t i v e s a t t a c h i n g t o p r o p e r t y
and may be s a i d t o have t e r m i n a t e d t h e m a n o r i a l regime i n France.
122
The f i r s t A r t i c l e o f t h e Decrees begins w i t h t h e f o l l o w i n g words:
"L' assemblge n a t i o n a l e d k t r u i t en tilerement l e rkgime fe'odal
.
E l l e d6cr;te
que, dans l e s d r o i t s e t d e v o i r s , t a n t fgodaux que censuels, ceux q u i
tiennent
2
l a main-morte r k e l l e ou personnel l e , e t
2
l a servitude
personnel l e , e t ceux que l e s r e p r g s e n t e n t , s o n t abol i s sans indernni t6;
tous l e s a u t r e s s o n t d g c l a r g s r a c h e t a b l e s
. .. .
l t can be observed
t h a t t h e contents o f t h i s document a r e more c o n s e r v a t i v e than t h e tone
of f i n a l i t y i n t h e opening sentence m i g h t imply:
q u a l i f i c a t i o n s remain
36
concerning redemptions and compensation, and t h e r e a r e p r o v i s i o n s f o r
5 , 6 ) . 124
t h e temporary c o n t i n u a t i o n o f c e r t a i n o b l i g a t i o n s ( ~ r t i c l e s1 ,
Nevertheless, i t may be s a i d t h a t t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e d a s i g n i f i c a n t
program o f r e f o r m by emanclpat i n g and disencumbering t h e ownership o f
land, and by i n t r o d u c i n g t h e fundamental p r i n c i p l e o f e q u a l i t y o f
o p p o r t u n i t y t o a1 1 c i t i z e n s
( A r t i c l e 1 1 ) . 125
A second b a s i c reform undertaken by t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly was
the introduction o f the p r i n c i p l e of e q u a l i t y i n the regulation o f
inheritances.
The o l d law o f succession had been p r i n c i p a l l y concerned
w i t h t h e maintenance and p r e s e r v a t i o n o f t h e g r e a t landed e s t a t e s .
Noble
houses had preserved t h e i r f o r t u n e s by means o f t h e p r i v i l e g e s o f t h e
male l i n e and o f ,primogeniture,
t h e a l i e n a t i o n o f land.
and by t h e use o f e n t a i l s t o r e s t r i c t
Much o f t h e law o f succession had i t s o r i g i n s i n
t h e system o f l a n d tenure a s s o c i a t e d w i t h feudalism, and w i t h t h e a b o l i t i o n
of t h e f e u d a l regime d u r i n g August 1789, t h e Assembly thereby e f f e c t i v e l y
c u r t a i l e d many o f t h e e x i s t i n g i n e q u i t i e s .
However, t h e l e g i s l a t o r s
.also wished t o enact i n h e r i t a n c e laws r e s t r i c t i n g testamentary
freedom and e n s u r i n g equal p a r t i t i o n .
As A. Esmein observes:
c o n s t i t u a n t e 6 t a i t en m a j o r i t 6 h o s t i l e
5 ces p r 6 c i p u t s ou avantages, dont
"~'~ssemble/e
p r o f i t a i e n t quelques-uns des h g r i t e u r s au d g t r i m e n t des a u t r e s . I 1 126
T h i s e g a l i t a r i a n i s m r e s u l t e d i n t h e decree o f March 15, 1790,
which a b o l i s h e d "primogeniture,
preference f o r male o f f s p r i n g
...
and unequal d i v i s i o n s based on t h e s t a n d i n g o f t h e persons concerned. ,1127
I n a d d i t i o n , t h e decree o f A p r i l 8,
equal p a r t it i o n among c h i 1 dren:
1791, proclaimed t h e p r i n c i p l e o f
"Toute
i n k g a l ite' devant re'sul t e r e n t r e
h g r i t i e r s AB INTESTAT de l a q u a l i t k d 1 a i n 6 ou de put&,
de l a d i s t i n c t i o n
des sexes ou des e x c l u s i o n s coutumi6res s o i t en l i g n e d i r e c t e ,
s o i t en
1 igne c o l l a t g r a l e , e s t abol i e . 1,128
The C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly f u r t h e r demonstrated i t s preoccupation
w i t h i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y and w i t h t h e supremacy o f S t a t e o v e r Church
by i n s c r i b i n g two promises i n t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791 r e l a t i v e t o laws
concerning c i v i l s t a t u s and c i v i l marriage:
mariage que comme c o n t r a t c i v i l .
seront constat&;
l o i ne consid5re l e
Le p o u v o i r l g g i s l a t i f & t a b l i r a pour
tous l e s h a b i t a n t s , sans d i s t i n c t i o n ,
mariages e t d&Ss
"La
l e mode p a r l e q u e l l e s naissances,
e t il dgsignera l e s o f f i c i e r s p u b l i c s
q u i en r e c e v r o n t e t conserveront l e s a c t e s "
i it.
I I , A r t . 7).12'
This
programme was subsequently f u l f i l l e d by t h e L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly w i t h t h e
enactment o f two i m p o r t a n t laws.
The Decree Determining t h e Recording o f V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , September
20,
1792, e s t a b l i s h e d i n France t h e i n s t i t u t i o n of c i v i l marriage; t h a t i s
t o say, marriage b e f o r e t h e p u b l i c o f f i c e r o f t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y w i t h o u t t h e
intervention o f a priest.
A l l t r a n s a c t i o n s a f f e c t i n g c i v i l s t a t u s were a t
t h e same time s e c u 1 a r i z e d ; ' t h e w r i t t e n r e g i s t e r s o f b i r t h s , marriages, and
deaths were taken from t h e c l e r g y and e n t r u s t e d t o municipal o f f i c i a l s
it. I ,
Art.
1). 130.
The decree s e c u l a r i z i n g marriage was f o l l o w e d on t h e same day by a
Decree R e g u l a t l n g ~ i v o r c e l ~ 'which
,
may be considered as a l o g i c a l
accompaniment.
contract,
I f , under t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n , marriage was o n l y a c i v i l
i t f o l l o w e d t h a t t h e S t a t e had t h e power t o a u t h o r i z e t h e
d i s s o l u t i o n o f m a r r i a g e by d i v o r c e .
manifestation o f "les
T h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was another
ide'es courantes au X V l l l e s i G c l e s u r l a
des penchants n a t u r e l s e t s u r 1 ' i n a l i g n a b i 1 it 6 de l a volont;
1ggitimit6
humaine."
132
The L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly passed o t h e r noteworthy decrees which were
i n s p i r e d by t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f i n d i v i d u a l freedom and e q u a l i t y , as w i t n e s s
t h e one o f August 28,
1792:
majeurs ne s e r o n t p l u s soumis
"LtAssemble'e n a t i o n a l e de/crSte que l e s
2
l a puissance p a t e r n e l l e ; e l l e ne s t 6 t e n d r a
que sur l e s personnes des mineurs .It133
U n t i l t h e enactment o f t h i s decree,
i n areas where " l e d r o i t e'cri t" obtained, p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y had n o t
been completely r e l a x e d u n t i l t h e a c t u a l death o f t h e f a t h e r .
s u b j e c t t o " l e d r o i t coutumier",
I n areas
on t h e o t h e r hand, emancipation from
p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y a t t h e age o f twenty f i v e had long been t h e r u l e .
Henceforth, those who a t t a i n e d t h e age o f m a j o r i t y were f r e e n o t o n l y i n
respect o f t h e i r person, b u t a l s o i n respect o f p r o p e r t y ,
and southern France.
i n both northern
S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , t h e Decree Determining t h e
Recording o f V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s reduced t h e age o f m a j o r i t y t o twenty one
years
i it.
I V Y S e c t i o n I).134
39
On August
25, 1792,the Assembly a l s o s t r u c k a rude blow a t t h e
o r g a n i z a t i o n o f a n c i e n t a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s by condemning e n t a i l s and
f i d u c i a r y t r u s t s t h a t secured them ( t h u s p r o h i b i t i n g t h e s u r r e p t i t i o u s
o f b i r t h r ights):
de ce j o u r ,
'
"L'Assemblde n a t i o n a l e de'crste qu's p a r t i r
il n ' e s t p l u s permis de s u b s t i t u e r . "I35T h i s measure was
subsequently con f i rmed by a decree o f t h e Convention dated October 25,
aws passed by
Notwithstanding the progressive character o f these
t h e L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly,
i t remained f o r t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e
Convention t o mark t h e complete t r i u m p h o f t h e " e s p r i t
ph losophique":
"Consommer l a r u i n e de l ' a r i s t o c r a t i e t e r r i t o r i a l e , morce e r l e s f o r t u n e s ,
ramener l a c o n d i t i o n de chacun 3 une douce m g d i o c r i te/, sans a s p i r e r
cependent
3
un n i v e l l e m e n t absolu, t e l e s t l ' i d g a l des Conventionnels. ,1137
Among t h e s e v e r a l measures passed by t h e Convention which were
i n s p i r e d by t h e i d e a l o f e q u a l i t y , we can c i t e t h e example o f t h e law o f
12 Brumai r e , An I I ( ~ o v e m b e r2, 1793) deal i n g w i t h t h e success i o n o f
i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n , who were g r a n t e d a share equal t o t h a t o f l e g i t i m a t e
children.
A.
Esmein e x p l a i n s t h e m o t i v e behind t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n :
"La
c o n d i t i o n a i n s i f a i t e aux e n f a n t s n a t u r e l s r g v o l t a i t l a s e n s i b i 1 i t 6 des
hommes de ce temps.
E l l e p a r a i s s a i t ggalement c o n t r a i r e
( c ' e t a i t une p e i n e i n f l i g g e
3
la justice
5 un innocent) e t aux p r i n c i p e s s u r l e s q u e l s
a l l a i t reposer l e d r o i t de succession."
138
S i m i l a r l y , t h e l e g i s l a t o r s sought t o a c h i e v e a "me'biocrite' des
fortunes" w i t h t h e enactment o f t h e Law o f
17 Nivbse, An I I (January
6, 1794) d e a l i n g w l t h succession, g i f t s , and bequests.
The p r o v i s i o n s
o f t h e a c t c a l l e d f o r an equal d i v i s i o n o f i n h e r i t a n c e among h e i r s ,
i r r e s p e c t i v e o f t h e wishes o f t h e t e s t a t o r
o f A p r i 1 8,
to July
1791 (see above). 139
-
thus r a t i f y i n g t h e decree
I n a d d i t i o n , t h e law was made r e t r o a c t i v e
14, 1789, i n o r d e r t o " e f f a c e r t o u t e s l e s ine'gal i t & encore
subsistantes,
r&ultant
de l a l o i ou de l a v o l o n t e ' des hommes, quant au
p a r t a g e des successions. ,1140
Needless t o say, t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y s p i r i t
-
as e x e m p l i f i e d by these
laws passed d u r i n g t h e f i r s t years o f t h e Convention
an i n e v i t a b l e r e a c t i o n a f t e r Thermidor.
-
was s u b j e c t e d t o
That which had c o n s t i t u t e d
the o r i g i n a l i t y o f " l e d r o i t r6volutionnaire" o f t h e f i r s t three
Assemblies a l s o c o n s t i t u t e d i t s v u l n e r a b i l i t y .
The e x i s t e n c e and
maintenance o f t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was i n t i m a t e l y connected w i t h t h e
R e v o l u t i o n a r y i d e a l s which had a t t a i n e d such potency from 1789 t o 1794.
When these i d e a l s were m o d i f i e d a f t e r 1794 by reason o f t h e i n c r e a s i n g
i n f l u e n c e o f conservatism,
t h e subsequent l e g i s l a t i o n , as would be expected,
r e f l e c t e d t h i s change i n dominance.
Thus, d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d o f t h e D i r e c t o r y , s e v e r a l p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e
c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e p r e v i o u s Assemblies were amended, having been
considered t o o extreme o r v e x a t i o u s .
D i v o r c e was more s t r i c t l y r e g u l a t e d
by an enactment o f September 17,
1797
141
; t h e r i g h t s o f succession o f
i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n were r e s t r i c t e d , and r e t r o a c t i v e e f f e c t was taken
.
.
from t h e law which had c o n f e r r e d these r i g h t s upon them (15 Thermidor,
An V , August
5, 1796) 14*;
t h e compl i c a t i o n s which had been caused by t h e
Convention's laws on succession were lessened and s i m p l i f i e d (18 PluviBse,
An V , February 6,
1797). 143
I n s p i t e o f these amendments, however,
i t i s important t o n o t e
t h a t t h e l e g i s l a t i o n enacted subsequent t o Thermidor d i d n o t abandon t h e
e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e Revolution. 144
By 1799, t a n g i b l e evidence o f
t h e r e a l i z a t i o n o f t h e i d e a l s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s was p l a i n l y v i s i b l e :
u n i f o r m codes o f law ( u l t i m a t e l y completed under ~ a ~ o l e o nhad
) supplanted
I
t h e e a r l i e r chaos and confusion; an e l e c t e d j u d i c i a r y ,
humanized p e n a l t i e s
-
t r i a l by j u r y ,
a l l had come i n t o being; and e q u a l i t y before t h e
law had taken t h e p l a c e of p r i v i l e g e .
C o d i f i c a t i o n o f t h e C i v i l Law
The Work o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y Assemblies
I n 1789 t h e r e were no l e s s
than 366 r e g i o n a l codes o f law i n e x i s t e n c e i n France, some o f them
a p p l y i n g t o e n t i r e provinces b u t more u s u a l l y a p p l y i n g t o very l i m i t e d
j u r i s d i c t i o n s . 14'
T h i s u n s a t i s f a c t o r y s i t u a t i o n under t h e o l d regime i s
s u c c i n c t l y d e s c r i b e d by P. Sagnac:
"Rien de f i x e , r i e n de c o h 6 r e n t , c 1 e s t
un chaos o'u l e j u r i s c o n s u l t e se perd.
C ' e s t une d i v e r s i t e ' e t une
confusion q u i rendent, en quelque s o r t e , g t r a n g e r s l e s uns aux a u t r e s l e s
h a b i t a n t s du mEme royaume."
146
I t can be assumed t h a t t h e o n l y persons
who p r o f i t e d from t h i s s t a t e o f a f f a i r s were t h e l e g a l p r a c t i t i o n e r s whose
1 i v e l ihood depended upon t h e i r a b i 1 it y t o unravel t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f t h e
laws.
Among t h e most s t e a d f a s t a s p i r a t i o n s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s ,
t h e r e f o r e , was t h e d e s i r e t o p r o v i d e t h e n a t i o n w i t h a code o f u n i f o r m
c i v i l laws
-
a d e s i r e w h i c h had many times i n s p i r e d t h e j u r i s t s o f p r i o r
~ e n t u r i e 5 . l ~The
~ French R e v o l u t i o n , w i t h i t s i d e a l o f a r a t i o n a l s o c i a l
order,
imparted a f r e s h and p o w e r f u l impulse t o a t t a i n i n g t h i s o b j e c t i v e .
The triumph o f t h e " e s p r i t p h i losophiquel' seemed t o demand a code o f
uniform laws s u i t a b l e t o an e n l i g h t e n e d people, and those o b s t a c l e s which
had h i t h e r t o s t o o d i n t h e p a t h o f l e g a l u n i t y
-
the tradition o f local
independence and t h e s p i r i t o f o p p o s i t i o n i n t h e provinces, as w e l l as
c l a s s and c l e r i c a l p r i v i l e g e
-
The C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly,
had been swept away.
148
r e a l i z i n g t h e danger posed t o t h e concept
o f u n i t y by t h e numerous codes o f law i n existence, decreed, i n t h e law
o f August 16, 1790, concerning j u d i c i a l r e o r g a n i z a t i o n , t h a t :
"The c i v i l
laws s h a l l be reviewed and reformed by t h e l e g i s l a t u r e s ; and a general code
o f laws, simple, c l e a r , and i n harmony w i t h t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n , s h a l l be
drafted
( i i t . II ; A r t .
19)J4'
T h i s promise t o achieve simp1 i c i t y and
u n i f o r m i t y i n l e g a l m a t t e r s was subsequently i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e
C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791:
t o u t l e royaumel1
" I 1 sera f a i t un Code de l o i s c i v i l e s communes
(End o f T i t .
a'
150
I ).
I n s p i t e o f these promises, t h e f i r s t R e v o l u t i o n a r y assembly was
unable t o r e a l i z e such an immense undertaking.
Although o f f i c i a l e f f o r t s
d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d t o endow France w i t h a u n i f o r m body o f c i v i l law went
no f u r t h e r t h a n statements o f general p r i n c i p l e ,
t h e j u r i s t s d i d attempt
t o e f f e c t a c o n c i l i a t i o n between t h e two dominant systems o f law which
divided t h e country.
However,
i n t h e j u r i d i c domain t h e p r i n c i p a l
e f f o r t s a t t h i s t i m e were d i r e c t e d , a t p u b l i c i n s i s t e n c e , toward t h e
reform o f t h e c r i m i n a l law.
The C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly,
i n recognition o f
t h i s f a c t , gave t o i t s l e g i s l a t i v e committee t h e t i t l e o f " ~ o m i t e /de
~ , a Penal Code was d u l y promulgated i n 1791
I k g i s l a t i o n c r i m i n e l l e j ~ ' ~and
as a r e s u l t o f t h e labours o f t h i s body (see below).
The succeeding L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, which s a t from September 30,
1791 t o September 21,
laws.
1792, again took up t h e p r o j e c t o f a code o f c i v i l
The l e g i s l a t i v e committee, g i v e n t h e name " ~ o m i t 6 de l e ' g i s l a t i o n
c i v i l e e t criminelle",
issued, on October 16, 1791, an i n v i t a t i o n t o a l l
c i t i z e n s t o communicate t o i t t h e i r ideas concerning t h e drawing up o f
a c i v i l code. 153 Although t h i s was heeded, t h e r e s u l t i n g progress towards
c o d i f i c a t i o n proved slow and arduous.
Before t h i s Assembly was d i s s o l v e d ,
i t passed i m p o r t a n t o r g a n i c laws concerning marriage, d i v o r c e , and
i n h e r i t a n c e , b u t i t f a i l e d t o devise t h e code.
I n s p i t e o f t h e v i o l e n c i and d i s o r d e r a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e ensuing,
.
.
R e v o l u t i o n a r y assembly, "ce f u t l a Convention N a t i o n a l e q u i e u t l a
g 10 i r e de c o n c e v o i r l e code de l o i s c i v i l e s uniformes que l a n a t i o n
dks i r a i t .
Le cornit6 de 1 6 g i s l a t i o n e s t l e v g r i t a b l e cre'ateur de Code
C iv i l f r a n g a i s .
111
On June 25,
54
1793, t h e Convention i n s t r u c t e d t h e l e g i s l a t i v e committee,
composed o f f o r t y e i g h t members on a r o t a t i n g b a s i s , t o present a scheme
f o r a c i v i l code w i t h i n one month's time. 155 T h i s remarkable o r d e r was
v i r t u a l l y obeyed when, on August 8, 1793, cambace'rcki, t h e c h i e f draftsman
o f t h e committee, presented a p l a n which encompassed a l l t h e c i v i l
l e g i s l a t i o n o f France w i t h i n 719 a r t i c l e s .
This plan followed the
t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n s o f t h e law i n t h e "pays de d r o i t e / c r i t t l and was
comprised o f f o u r d i s t i n c t s e c t i o n s :
o f Actions.
o f Persons, o f Things, o f Contracts,
The proposed code i n c o r p o r a t e d many o f t h e laws enacted
s i n c e 1789 and was animated throughout by t h e " e s p r i t philosophique":
"C'est
l a v o i x de l a n a t u r e e t c e l l e de l a r a i s o n q u i se f o n t entendre;
on a f a i t l l e n t r e p r i s e de t o u t changer
>
l a f o i s dans l e s gcoles, dans l e s
moeurs, dans l e s coutumes, dans l e s e s p r i t s , dans l e s l o i s dlun grand
peup 1e. 11157
From August t o October 1793, d u r i n g a t u r b u l e n t p e r i o d o f i n t e r n a l
t r o u b l e s and f o r e i g n war, t h e Convention s t u d i e d i n d e t a i l t h e v a r i o u s
p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e recommended c i v i l code.
T h i s i n i t i a l p r o j e c t , which
exempl i f i e d t h e i n f l u e n c e of r a t i o n a l ism a t i t s heightl5*;> was f i n a l l y
r e j e c t e d by t h e deputies f o r being t o o complicated,
On November
long and l e g a l i s t i c .
3, 1793, t h e Convention voted t o a p p o i n t a commission o f
p h i l o s o p h e r s who were charged w i t h b r i n g i n g f o r t h a new d r a f t , more i n
c o n f o r m i t y w i t h i t s own s p i r i t :
"une commission, formg de s i x membres
c h o i s l s p a r l e ~ o m i t e de
' s a l u t p u b l i c , r g v i s e r a e t retouchera l e code
c i v i l pri5sent6 p a r l e cornit;
de l e ' g i s l a t i o n . 11159
A second p r o j e c t , c o n t a i n i n g o n l y 297 a r t i c l e s , was d u l y presented
by ~ a m b a c k r 2 son b e h a l f of t h e committee on September 9, 1794, a f t e r t h e
d o w n f a l l o f Robespierre.
The Convention soon p e r c e i v e d t h a t t h i s second
scheme, which o n l y contained t h e p r i n c i p l e s i n v o l v e d and t h e i r immediate
consequences, was more a p l a n o f a code than a code i t s e l f .
Cambac6r&
was l a t e r t o remark t h a t t h e p r o j e c t represented "un r e c u e i 1 de prgceptes
o'u chacun p o t t r o u v e r l e s re'gles de sa condui t e dans l a v i e c i v i l e . 1,160
T h i s second d r a f t o f a c i v i l code met t h e f a t e o f t h a t which
i t was discussed b u t n o t promulgated.
preceded i t :
a d o p t i o n can be e x p l a i n e d by
aussi br&es
... l e s juges
two p r i n c i p a l reasons:
t h e c i v i l law.
"Avec des l o i s
deviendraierit fatalement l g g i s l a t e u r s ; puis,
l e s id6es ava i e n t changg, une re'act ion g & k r a l e
The D i r e c t o r y ,
I t s failure of
se man if e s t a it. 1,161
i n i t s t u r n , s e t i t s hand t o t h e c o d i f i c a t i o n o f
On June 14, 1796, a t h i r d p r o j e c t c o n t a i n i n g 1104 a r t i c l e s
was presented t o t h e Council o f F i v e Hundred by ~ambace/re's i n t h e name
o f t h e "commission de l a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n des l o i s . " 162
~ h l sl a t e s t p r o j e c t
r e f l e c t e d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l view o f t h e purpose o f a code o f laws:
it
attempted t o r e s o l v e as many questions, and l e t s u b s i s t as few doubts,
as p o s s i b l e .
P o r t a l i s , one o f t h e c h i e f draftsmen o f t h e Code ~ a p o l e b n ,
was l a t e r t o d e s c r i b e t h e code o f 1796 as "un chef-dloeuvre de me'thode
e t de pre'cision.11163 As t o s u b s t a n t i v e c o n t e n t ,
i t s provisions displayed
a r e a c t i o n i n f a v o u r o f Roman law, away from t h e r a t i o n a l i s m o f t h e
Enlightenment.
164
Although t h e Council o f F i v e Hundred enacted several important
c i v i l laws, e s p e c i a l l y w i t h respect t o t h e r e g i s t r a t i o n o f mortgages,
t h e proposed c i v i l code was discussed b y t h i s body on o n l y two separate
occasions i n 1797.
As a r e s u l t o f t h e p a r t i s a n dissensions i n t h e Councils,
t h e d l s t r a c t t o n s o f war,
i n f l a t i o n and g e n e r a l l y u n s e t t l e d c o n d i t i o n s ,
the
p r o j e c t f o r c o d i f i c a t i o n under the D i r e c t o r y was d e s t i n e d t o remain i n abeyance.
Thus t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies d i d n o t succeed i n r e a l i z i n g
t h e enaLtment o f a c i v i l code o f laws,
t o achieve t h i s end.
i n s p i t e o f t h e v a r i o u s attempts
But t h e s y s t e m a t i c and methodical work o f t h e
j u r i s t s o f t h e l e g i s l a t i v e c o m m i t t e e s h a d n o t been wasted, f o r i t
c o n s i d e r a b l y l i g h t e n e d t h e labours o f t h e draftsmen who u l t i m a t e l y
compiled t h e Code NapolEon.
By e l i m i n a t i n g those i n t e r e s t s which had
o b s t r u c t e d u n i f i c a t i o n o f t h e law and by i n t r o d u c i n g reforms o f a
165
n a t i o n a l scope i n a l l aspects o f French l i f e ,
t h e men o f the R e v o l u t i o n
had l a i d t h e foundation f o r eventual c o d i f i c a t i o n .
I n assessing t h e reasons why c o d i f i c a t i o n was n o t s u c c e s s f u l l y
achieved p r i o r t o Bonaparte, a s i d e from i t s i n h e r e n t d i f f i c u l t y ,
it
I s necessary t o t a k e i n t o account t h e g r e a t l e g i s l a t i v e f e r t i l i t y and t h e
h i g h passions and constant changes which c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y
assemblies.
Such an atmosphere i s u n f a v o u r a b l e t o t h e d r a f t i n g o f a
code which r e q u i r e s thorough and d i s p a s s i o n a t e d e l i b e r a t i o n t o accomplish
t h e task.
As P. Sagnac observes:
"Le code e x i g e a i t des d i s c u s s i o n s t r Z s
longues, e t l e s ~ s s e m b l g e sde l a ~ 6 v o l u t i o ng t a i e n t pressges p a r l e s
/
evhements.
La r a p i d i t 6 avec l a q u e l l e se succgdaient l e s Assemblkes, e t ,
dans c e l l e s - c i
,
l e s p a r t i s dominants,
l e changement cont i n u e l des id6es
e t des passions, f a i s a i e n t que ce q u i a v a i t p l u 1 'annge pr6c&dente
cessai t de p l a i r e 1 'annge s u i v a n t e . ,1166
I n s p i t e o f t h e unsuccessful R e v o l u t i o n a r y attempts t o c o d i f y t h e
c i v i l law, t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h i s p e r i o d was t o e x e r t a s a l u t a r y
i n f l u e n c e upon t h e s u b s t a n t i v e c o n t e n t o f t h e C i v i l Code o f 1804.
Revolutionary l e g i s l a t i o n ,
i n i t s t u r n , was a r e f l e c t i o n o f t h e i d e a l s
which made p o s s i b l e t h e u l t i m a t e - r e a l i z a t i o n o f a n a t i o n a l c i v i l
code.
The
Le Code ~ a ~ o l g o n *D u r i n g t h e Consulate and t h e f i r s t Empire t h e
c o d i f i c a t i o n o f French law was s u c c e s s f u l l y accomplished.
p e r i o d f i v e separate codes were d r a f t e d and promulgated:
In this
l e Code c i v i l '
(1804); l e Code de ~ r o c g d u r ec i v i l e (1806); l e Code de commerce (1807);
l e Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e (1808); and l e Code p h a l (1810).
T h i s enormous p r o d u c t i o n o f l e g i s l a t i o n i n a r e l a t i v e l y s h o r t span
o f time has s e v e r a l e x p l a n a t i o n s .
I n t h e f i r s t place, t h e v e r y work o f t h e
R e v o l u t i o n had removed t h e vested l o c a l i n t e r e s t s which had o b s t r u c t e d
t h e u n i f i c a t i o n o f t h e law under t h e o l d regime.
Secondly, t h e t i m e was
p r o p i t i o u s and c o n s i d e r a b l e groundwork had a l r e a d y been done.
The
R e v o l u t i o n had y i e l d e d a l a r g e body o f c i v i l and c r i m i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n and
i t was now o n l y a q u e s t i o n o f d e t e r m i n i n g what should be r e t a i n e d from
t h i s p e r i o d and what s h o u l d be r e v i v e d from t h e laws o f t h e o l d regime.
168
-
* O r i g i n a l l y e n t i t l e d Code c i v i l des f r a n q a i s , t h e t i t l e was changed t o
Code ~ a p o l g o nby t h e law o f September 3,
L o u i s XV l l l i t became Code C i v i 1 i n 1816.
1807.
By r o y a l ordinance o f
I t r e v e r t e d t o Code ~ a p o&on
l
by decree o f Napoleon I l l i n 1852, and was f i n a l l y r e s t o r e d t o Code C i v i l
w i t h t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e T h i r d Republ i c i n 1870.
The term Code Napolgon
i s u s u a l l y employed today t o d e s i g n a t e t h e o r i g i n a l form o f t h e Code.
167
A f u r t h e r reason f o r t h e e x p e d i t i o u s completion o f c o d i f i c a t i o n
under Bonaparte concerned t h e r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y and t r a n q u i l i t y o f
t h e e a r l y years o f t h e Consulate.
I f t h e ' c o n s t i t u t i o n o f An V l l l was
'
l e s s w e l l disposed t o t h e p r i n c i p l e o f i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y i n comparison
w i t h the Revolutionary c o n s t i t u t i o n s ,
i t s e f f e c t , nonetheless, was t o
p r o v i d e a more f a v o u r a b l e atmosphere f o r t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f comprehensive
and t e c h n i c a l l e g i s l a t i o n .
T h i s s i t u a t i o n a f f o r d e d t h e draftsmen a unique,
and e s s e n t i a l , o p p o r t u n i t y f o r temperate d i s c u s s i o n and d e l i b e r a t i o n .
A. Esmein observes:
As
"La C o n s t i t u t i o n de l f a n V I I I , p a r ses d 6 f a u t s rnsmes,
a s s u r a i t en quelque s o r t e c e t t e m6thode de t r a v a i l . "
1 69
I n assessing t h e reasons f o r t h e s u c c e s s f u l completion o f t h e C i v i l
Code under t h e Consulate, i t i s a l s o necessary t o g i v e due r e c o g n i t i o n
t o t h e personal i n f l u e n c e o f Bonaparte whose w i l l and energy proved t o be
t h e c a t a l y s t i n b r i n g i n g t h e t a s k t o a conclusion.170
Furthermore
Napoleon i n t e r v e n e d f r e q u e n t l y i n t h e sessions o f t h e "Committee o f
L e g i s l a t i o n ' ' o f t h e Council o f S t a t e , and h i s a u t h o r i t a r i a n views were t o
leave t h e i r impress upon t h e Code.
171
I n h i s l a s t years a t S a i n t Helena, Napoleon maintained t h a t h i s
g l o r y r e s t e d i n l a r g e p a r t upon t h e Code t h a t bears h i s name:
g l o i r e n l e s t pas d ' a v o i r gag&
ce q u i v i v r a ( t e r n e l l e m e n t ,
quarante b a t a i l l e s
c ' e s t mon Code
... ce que
"Ma
r i e n n'effacera,
But i f t h e g l o r y o f
i t s . comp l e t i o n p r o p e r l y belongs t o him, t h e idea o f l e g a l u n i t y , and t h e
concepts which i n s p i r e d I t s p r o v i s i o n s , belong t o t h e h l s t o r y o f t h e
+
French n a t i o n .
As A. Esmein observes:
."A l a le'gende q u i v o i t en l u i
un gminent c o l l a b o r a t e u r dans l 1 o e u v r e du Code c i v i l ,
il y a l o i n .
Code c i v i l e s t l l o e u v r e de l a n a t i o n , non c e l l e des i n d i v i d u s ;
Le
I 1 renferme
ce qula p r o d u i t l l a n c i e n d r o i t , e t ce qula p r o d u i t l a Re'volu'tion,
ramen6
2
une commune mesure. 11173
On 24 Therrnidor
, An
V l l l ( ~ u g u s t 13, 1800), a decree o f t h e consuls
appointed a commission o f f o u r members who were charged w i t h t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y
o f p r e p a r i n g a d r a f t o f t h e C i v i l Code. 174
O f these f o u r members, eminent
1 awyers and judges o f t h e p r e - r e v o l u t i o n a r y era175, o n l y Tronchet represented
" l e d r o i t coutumier";
Maleville
-
the other three
-
P o r t a l i s , B i g o t de ~r&meneu,
had been r a i s e d i n t h e "pays de d r o i t
6 ~ r i t . l " ~CambacBrEs,
~
who had been t h e c h i e f draftsman under t h e Convention and t h e D i r e c t o r y ,
was prevented f r o m b e i n g a member o f t h e commission due t o h i s rank o f
Second Consul. 177
The two p r i n c i p a l authors o f t h e C i v i l Code were P o r t a l i s and
.
Tronchet 178 A1 though t h e former championed t h e Roman concepts o f law,
he was a moderate and e n l i g h t e n e d
man who r e a l i z e d t h a t u n i t y c a l l s f o r
a t o l e r a n c e o f d i v e r g e n t ideas and a sense o f accommodation.
Under h i s
guidance, " l a commission devai t , dans ses travaux, se prgoccuper 2 l a
f o i s de consacrer l e s conquztes de l a ~ Q v o l u t i o ne t d 1 0 p 6 r e r une synthzse
du d r o i t romain e t du d r o i t coutumier, a f i n que l a soci&te/ pGt passer sans
/
h e u r t s de l ' a n c i e n n e l e g i s l a t i o n 5 l a n o u v e l l e .
,1179
As b o t h t h e R e v o l u t i o n and t r a d i t i o n were p a r t o f t h e i r immediate
heritage,
t h e draftsmen d i d n o t i n t e n d t o c r e a t e a new law, b u t merely
t o r e s t a t e i t , choosing on t h e b a s i s o f experience when " l e d r o i t
r e / v o l u t i o n n a i r e " was a t v a r i a n c e w i t h t h e p r e v i o u s law.
I n t h i s regard,
P o r t a l i s w r o t e t h a t "il ne d o i t p o i n t p e r d r e de vue que l e s l o i s sont
f a i t e s pour l e s hommes, e t non l e s homrnes pour l e s l o i s ; q u ' e l l e s
d o i v e n t E t r e adapt6es au c a r a c t z r e , aux habitudes,
peuple pour l e q u e l e l l e s s o n t f a i t e s . "
2
l a s i t u a t i o n du
180
T h i s pragmatic approach e x p l a i n s why i n c e r t a i n areas t h e draftsmen
d e f e r r e d t o t r a d i t i o n , why elsewhere t h e y appeared t o support t h e i d e a l s
o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , and why on many p o i n t s they attempted t o b r i n g about
a compromise between opposing views.
Pragmatic c o n s i d e r a t i o n s alone,
however, d i d n o t d i c t a t e t h e content o f t h e C i v i l Code.
I t s provisions
were f u r t h e r i n s p i r e d by t h e concept o f an immutable n a t u r a l law whose
p r i n c i p l e s s h o u l d be enunciated i n o r d e r t o promote j u s t i c e and a b e t t e r
society.
universal,
As A r t i c l e 1 o f t h e d r a f t o f t h e C i v i l Code said:
"There
is a
unchanging law t h a t i s t h e source o f a l l p o s i t i v e law; t h i s law
i s t h e n a t u r a l reason t h a t governs a l l peoples o f t h e world. 11181
This
p r o c l a m a t i o n was consonant w i t h t h e ideas o f t h e Englightenment which
sought t o c l a r i f y , and hence t o a degree t o reform, t h e law i n terms o f
n a t u r a l law.
Thus,
i n c o m p i l i n g t h e C i v i l Code, t h e draftsmen were i n f l u e n c e d
by t h e d e s i r e t o p r o v i d e c l a r i t y and s i m p l i c i t y , and t o present t h e
law i n a form r e a d i l y a c c e s s i b l e t o a l l c i t i z e n s .
They adhered t o t h e
concept t h a t a code should n o t c o n t a i n t o o many d e t a i l e d p r o v i s i o n s o r t o o
many exceptions t o t h e p r i n c i p a l r u l e s .
de l a l o i e s t de f i x e r ,
As P o r t a l i s explained:
p a r de grandes vues,
"L'office
l e s maximes ggngrales du
d r o i t; d ' g t a b l i r des p r i n c i p e s fe'conds en consgquences, e t non de
descendre dans l e d g t a i l des q u e s t i o n s q u i peuvent n a t t r e sur chaque
mat i & r e . 11182
"Le Code c i v i 1 des f ransais",
21,
enacted i n i t s f i n a l form on March
1804, achieved t h e c l a r i t y , b r e v i t y , and conciseness o f s t y l e
intended by t h e draftsmen.
law o f "Persons"
W i t h i n i t s 2281 a r t i c l e s a r e encompassed t h e
( ~ r t i c l e s7 t o 515) which t r e a t s of such m a t t e r s as
marriage, d i v o r c e , t h e s t a t u s o f minors, guardianship,
absentees; t h e law o f "Property"
d o m i c i l e , and
( ~ r t i c l e s516 t o 710) which t r e a t s o f
p r o p e r t y , u s u f r u c t and s e r v i t u d e s ; and t h e law concerning "Various Methods
o f A c q u i r i n g Ownership"
( ~ r t i c l e s711 t o 2281).
This l a s t section i s a
c u r i o u s m i x t u r e , d e a l i n g w i t h m a t t e r s as d i v e r s e as g i f t s , w i l l s and
i n t e s t a t e succession; o b l i g a t i o n s i n general,
i n c l u d i n g c o n t r a c t , quasi-
c o n t r a c t and t o r t ; m a r r i a g e s e t t l e m e n t s , s a l e , lease, p a r t n e r s h i p and
o t h e r s p e c i a l c o n t r a c t s ; mortgates,
l i e n s and pledges; and p r e s c r i p t i o n .
The f i r s t s i x a r t i c l e s o f t h e Code c o n s i s t o f a " P r e l i m i n a r y T i t l e " which
embodies p h i l o s o p h i c a l a s s e r t i o n s r a t h e r than enactments o f a l e g i s l a t i v e
nature.
183
,
The sources upon which t h e draftsmen r e l i e d i n t h e c o m p i l a t i o n o f
t h e C i v i l Code were very d i v e r s e .
"Le d r o i t coutumier" f u r n i s h e d most
o f t h e p r o v i s i o n s deal i n g w i t h t h e community o f possessions between
spouses, and t h e r u l e s r e l a t i n g t o succession.184
"Le d r o i t & r i t 1 '
p r o v i d e d t h e b a s i s f o r t h e general r u l e s governing o b l i g a t i o n s ,
and t h e m a r r i a g e - p o r t i o n system. 85
contracts,
As t h e 1aws concerning o b l i g a t ions
and c o n t r a c t s had a l r e a d y been e s s e n t i a l l y u n i f i e d through t h e work o f
t h e French Romanists, p r a c t i c a l l y no i n n o v a t i o n s were made upon i n c o r p o r a t i o n
i n t o t h e Code.
186
The r o y a l ordinances promulgated under L o u i s X I V and
L o u i s XV were l a r g e l y preserved i n those a r t i c l e s t r e a t i n g o f g i f t s , w i l l s ,
evidence, and t h e redemption o f mortgages. 18'
Finally, the influence o f
" l e d r o i t r & o l u t i o n n a i r e t ' was t o m a n i f e s t i t s e l f i n several p a r t s o f t h e
Code, e s p e c i a l l y those s e c t i o n s d e a l i n g w i t h marriage, divorce, and
inheritances.
188
Bearing i n mind t h e d i v e r s e sources employed i n i t s c o m p i l a t i o n ,
t h e q u e s t i o n a r i s e s as t o whether t h e Code Napolgon preserved t h e e s s e n t i a l
l e g a l reforms o f t h e Revolution.
T h i s q u e s t i o n can be answered i n t h e
a f f i r m a t i v e i n t h e sense t h a t t h e b a s i c s o c i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were
retained:
e q u a l i t y b e f o r e t h e law, freedom o f conscience, and t h e
s e c u l a r i t y o f t h e State.
H e r e d i t a r y n o b i l i t y was n o t r e e s t a b l i s h e d , and
no a t t e m p t was made t o r e v i v e t h e system o f f e u d a l i s m i n any form.
However, as t h e Code was designed t o r e c o n c i l e opposing p o i n t s o f view,
i t i n e v i t a b l y had t o d i s c a r d p a r t o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y t h i n k i n g .
*
I n d e a l i n g w i t h t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f marrlage, t h e draftsmen had t o
decide between t h e two experiences o f France.
Although marriage as such
had never been a s s a i l e d d u r i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y years, t h e i m p o s i t i o n
o f s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f d i v o r c e had tended t o d i m i n i s h
i t s s i g n i f i c a n c e . 18'
i n recognition o f the d i v e r s i t y i n the r e l i g i o u s
f e e l i n g s o f t h e French people, t h e d e c i s i o n was made t o r e t a i n t h e
s e c u l a r i z e d view o f marriage which reserved t o p u b l i c o f f i c e r s t h e
-
190
r i g h t t o c e l e b r a t e m a r r i a g e under t h e law ( ~ r t i c l e s63 e t 3.).
R e l i g i o u s marriages had no l e g a l v a l i d i t y and c o u l d n o t be c e l e b r a t e d
b e f o r e t h e c i v i l ceremony.
The reason f o r r e t a i n i n g t h e e s s e n t i a l s o f
t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y m a r i t a l law a r e e x p l a i n e d by P. Lerebour
-
Pigeonnizre:
'ILes l ' e g i s l a t e u r s de 1804 c o n s i d g r a i e n t certainement que l a l i b e r t 6 de
conscience d e s i r k e p a r t o u t l e monde a pour c o r o l l a i r e nature1 l'indkpendance
de l a l o i v i s - 5 - v i s
de l a r e l i g i o n :
v o i l a ce q u i j u s t i f i e l a s 6 c u l a r i s a t i o n
du mariage dans l e Code c i v i l , v o i l a ce q u i en dgtermine 1' importance. ,I191
As p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s had a u t h o r i z e d d i v o r c e
w i t h t h e enactment o f t h e "Decree R e g u l a t i n g Divorce" o f September 20,
1792.
A f t e r c a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n by t h e draftsmen,
i t was decided t o
p e r m i t d i v o r c e under t h e C i v i l Code, b u t i n more r e s t r i c t e d f a s h i o n than
under t h e Revolution.
P o r t a l i s was e s p e c i a l l y h o s t i l e t o t h e i n s t i t u t i o n
and t h i s h o s t i 1 i t y was manifested i n t h e narrow grounds
o f divorce'92,
allowed t o p e t i t i o n e r s :
a d u l t e r y , c o n v i c t i o n o f a s e r i o u s crime, and
grave i n s u l t s , excesses o r c r u e l t y ( ~ r t i c l e s229 t o 232). 193
*
Divorce
f o r reasons o f i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y was suppressed as being c o n t r a r y t o t h e
theory o f c o n t r a c t :
a c o n t r a c t cannot be d i s s o l v e d by t h e wishes o f
o n l y one p a r t y t o t h e agreement. lg4A t t h e i n s i s t e n c e o f Bonaparte 195,.
d i v o r c e by mutual consent was i n t r o d u c e d i n t h e f i n a l t e x t o f t h e Code
( ~ r t i c l e233)lg6,
b u t i t was o n l y p e r m i t t e d under s t r i n g e n t c o n d i t i o n s
197
- 3.).
( ~ r t i c l e s275 e t
The d e c i d e l y i n f e r i o r s t a t u s assigned t o women under t h e Code was
p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n the matter o f divorce.
I n t h e case o f d i v o r c e
f o r cause o f a d u l t e r y , t h e a d u l t r e s s c o u l d be c o n f i n e d i n a house o f
c o r r e c t i o n f o r a p e r i o d n o t l e s s than t h r e e months, nor exceeding two
years ( A r t i c l e 298). 19*
However, t h e husband was empowered t o m i t i g a t e
t h e e f f e c t o f t h i s sentence by consenting t o r e c e i v e h i s w i f e a g a i n
( A r t i c l e 309). lg9No s i m i l a r p r o v i s i o n s were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e Code
t o punish t h e e r r a n t husband.
Concerning t h e s u b o r d i n a t e p o s i t i o n accorded t o women, which
represented a d e f i n i t e r e g r e s s i o n from R e v o l u t i o n a r y i d e a l s , J. Godechot
observes:
"Ce q u i t r a n c h e s u r t o u t avec l a l g g i s l a t i o n r & o l u t i o n n a i r e ,
c ' e s t 1 ' e s p r i t de t o u t l e t i t r e V I du code, consacrg au d i v o r c e :
en e f f e t ,
c ' e s t 13 que 1 ' i n 6 g a l i t &de I'homme e t de l a femme, s i marqu6e dans
presque t o u t l e code c i v i l a t t e i n t
un degrk d ' i n j u s t i c e r g v o l t a n t . "200
Whereas " l e d r o i t r g v o l u t i o n n a i re" had attempted t o i n t r o d u c e
t h e concepts o f l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y i n t o t h e f a m i l i a l u n i t , t h e C i v i l
Code, by c o n t r a s t , p a r t i a l l y r e s t o r e d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l view t h a t t h e head
of t h e f a m i l y was t h e r e a l a u t h o r i t y .
P r o v i s i o n s were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o
t h e Code p e r m i t t i n g t h e f a t h e r t o i n c a r c e r a t e h i s c h i l d r e n w i t h o u t
governmental a u t h o r i t y ( A r t i c l e
-
375 e t 3.)201,
and t h e m a r r i a g e r i g h t s
o f sons and daughters were s u b j e c t e d t o v a r y i n g degrees o f p a r e n t a l
-
c o n t r o l , depending upon age and sex ( A r t i c l e 148 e t =.).
202
The Code e x p r e s s l y subordinated t h e m a r r i e d women t o h e r husband
by c a t e g o r i c a l l y s t a t i n g t h a t she owes him obedience:
"The husband
owes p r o t e c t i o n t o h i s w i f e , t h e w i f e obedience t o h e r husband"
213) .203
(Article
Furthermore, she was denied t h e c a p a c i t y t o g i v e , a1 i e n a t e ,
pledge, o r purchase p r o p e r t y w i t h o u t t h e w r i t t e n consent of h e r husband
( A r t i c l e 217). 204
I n t h e f i e l d o f p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s , t h e husband was
given a b s o l u t e power t o a d m i n i s t e r t h e community p r o p e r t y of h i s spouse
w i t h o u t h e r concurrence ( A r t i c l e 1 4 2 1 ) ~ ' ~ ;and he was a l s o g i v e n t h e
power t o manage a l l h i s w i f e ' s personal p r o p e r t y ( A r t i c l e 1428).
206
The e f f e c t o f these p r o v i s i o n s , which r e f l e c t e d t h e i n f l u e n c e o f Bonaparte's
a u t h ~ r i t a r i a n i s m ~was
~ ~ ,t o extend t o a l l areas o f France d i s a b i l i t i e s
p r e v i o u s l y known o n l y i n t h e "pays de d r o i t /ecrit."
It i s worth noting
t h a t , except f o r a few changes o f small import, t h e c o n d i t i o n o f t h e m a r r i e d
woman under t h e C i v i l Code was n o t a p p r e c i a b l y improved u n t i l t h e passage
o f a law on J u l y 13, 1965, by t h e N a t i o n a l Assembly.
208
I n t h e f i e l d of successoral l e g i s l a t i o n ,
t h e C i v i l Code i n c o r p o r a t e d
t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p r i n c i p l e s concerning r e s t r i c t i o n o f testamentary
l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y of shares among h e i r s o f t h e same degree o f kindred.
745 o f t h e Code declares t h a t " C h i l d r e n
Article
d i s t i n c t i o n o f sex o r p r i m o g e n i t u r e
portions
... when
....
... succeed ... w i t h o u t
They succeed by equal
they a r e a l l i n t h e f i r s t degree
i n c o n t r a s t t o " l e d r o i t r'evolutionnaire",
...."209
However,
t h e Code was more p e r m i s s i v e
i n t h e freedom g r a n t e d t o t e s t a t o r s t o dispose o f t h e i r p r o p e r t y by
w i 11:
a person who leaves one c h i I d may f r e e l y dispose o f one h a l f o f
h i s estate;
i f he leaves two c h i l d r e n , one t h i r d ; i f t h r e e o r more c h i l d r e n ,
one f o u r t h ( ~ r t i c l e913). 210
Although r e l a t i v e l y more p e r m i s s i v e than
t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y l e g i s l a t i o n , t h e d i s p o s i t i o n s a u t h o r i z e d by t h e Code
e f f e c t i v e l y prevented t h e c r e a t i o n o f i n e q u a l i t i e s through i n h e r i t a n c e .
The r e t e n t i o n o f t h e R e v o l u t i onary ban on p r i m o g e n i t u r e and unequal
inheritances,
and t h e v i r t u a l p r o h i b i t i o n o f e n t a i l s ( ~ r t i c l e896)
211
,
r e f l e c t e d t h e d e s i r e o f t h e n a t i o n t o prevent any r e t u r n t o t h e s i t u a t i o n
which e x i s t e d under t h e o l d regime.
The l i b e r a t i o n and d i v i s i o n o f t h e
land r e s u l t i n g from t h e c o l l a p s e o f t h e "r'egime s e i g n e u r i a l " ,
and t h e
d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e c o r p o r a t e p r o p e r t i e s , had b e n e f i t t e d t h e m i d d l e
classes i n p a r t i c u l a r .
I t was thus i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t t o ensure t h a t t h e
p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e C i v i l Code made I r r e v o c a b l e t h e disappearance o f t h e
feudal a r i s t o c r a c y which t h e R e v o l u t i o n had accomplished.
~ e r e b o u r s - Pigeonn i g r e e x p l a i n s :
6
I'
...
As P.
l a suppression de t o u t e i n g g a l i t 6
e n t r e 1 'a7n6 e t l e s puin&
6 t a i t moins i n s p i r k e p a r I e respect dO
2
l l i n d i v i d u a l i t & des puin6s que par l e d k s i r de n i v e l e r l e s f o r t u n e s ,
s i t u a t i o n s , e t dtemp$cher l e r e t o u r d'une f g o d a l i t 6 f o n c i g r e
vise
3 rgduire
les
... e l l e
un c e r t a i n n i v e a u l e rang qu'une f a m i l l e peut a t t e i n d r e ,
pour consacrer l e c a r a c t & r e dkmocratique de l a n a t i o n . 11212
The i n s t i t u t i o n o f adoption was m a i n t a i n e d i n t h e C i v i l Code, b u t
i t was s u b j e c t e d t o many precautions.
The adopter had t o be c h i l d l e s s
and o v e r f i f t y years o f age ( ~ r t i c l e3431213; t h e adopted was n o t
p e r m i t t e d t o sever t h e t i e s which bound him t o h i s n a t u r a l f a m i l y ( A r t i c l e
348)214; n o r c o u l d adoption take p l a c e so long as t h e adopted was a minor
( A r t i c l e 346) . 2 1 5
The p r o v i s i o n s concerning t h e s t a t u s o f i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n
r e f l e c t e d t h e i n f l u e n c e o f Bonaparte who m a i n t a i n e d t h a t s o c i e t y has no
i n t e r e s t i n having n a t u r a l c h i l d r e n recognized. 216
Under t h e C i v i 1 Code,
as under t h e o l d regime, they were i s o l a t e d and excluded from t h e f a m i l y ,
unless a f f o r d e d l e g a l r e c o g n i t i o n .
Article
756
T h e i r s i t u a t i o n was e x e m p l i f i e d by
of t h e Code r e g a r d i n g successoral r i g h t s :
"Natural
children
a r e n o t h e i r s ; t h e law does n o t g r a n t t o such any r i g h t s over t h e p r o p e r t y
o f t h e i r f a t h e r o r mother deceased, except when they have been l e g a l l y
recognized.
I t does n o t g r a n t t o them any r i g h t o v e r t h e p r o p e r t y o f
r e l a t i o n s o f t h e i r f a t h e r o r mother. 11217
The Code r e i n f o r c e d t h e d i s a b i l i t i e s o f i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n
by making no p r o v i s i o n t o f a c i l i t a t e i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n t o q u e s t i o n s o f
paternity;
i n f a c t , s c r u t i n y as t o p a t e r n i t y was e x p r e s s l y f o r b i d d e n
( ~ ri ct l e 340). 218
Thus,
i n the matter o f natural children,
t h e Code
represented a decided r e g r e s s i o n from t h e laws o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n which
had attempted t o remove t h e i r s o c i a l i n f e r i o r i t y .
I n r e t u r n i n g , then, t o t h e q u e s t i o n posed e a r l i e r concerning
t h e Code ~ a ~ o l g oand
n i t s e f f e c t on t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a d i t i o n ,
it is
e v i d e n t t h a t t h e draftsmen were n o t prepared t o r e j e c t e n t i r e l y " l e
d r o i t r&olutionnaire."
While r e v e r t i n g i n p a r t t o t h e j u r i s t i c
t r a d i t i o n s o f France, t h e Code, i n sum, represented a s e t t l e m e n t by way
As A l b e r t Sore1 remarks:
of
"Le Code c i v i l , c ' e s t l a
j u r i s p r u d e n c e du d r o i t romain e t 1 'usage des coutumes combings ensemble
e t adapt&
3 l a ~ g c l a r a t i o ndes d r o i t s de l'homme, s e l o n l e s moeurs,
conv6nances e t c o n d i t i o n s de 1 a n a t i o n f ranga ise
A r i s i n g o u t o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , t h e Code
.. ..11220
Napoleon succeeded i n
p r o v i d i n g t h e n a t i o n w i t h a u n i f i e d system of law which i n c o r p o r a t e d t h e
h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n w h i l e p r e s e r v i n g t h e e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789.
Indeed, t h e v e r y a c t o f c o d i f i c a t i o n tended t o consol i d a t e t h e s o c i a l
conquests o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n and t o symbolize i t s accomplishments.
sense i t was r e v o l u t i o n a r y .
In this
CHAPTER I V
THE REVOLUTION AND CRIMINAL LEGISLATION
The Work o f the R e v o l u t i o n a r y Assemblies
As n o t e d p r e v i o u s l y , t h e c a h i e r s which t h e c o n s t i t u e n t s d e l i v e r e d
t o t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s contained numerous demands f o r r a d i c a l reforms
o f t h e c r i m i n a l law and procedure.
The p r e p a r a t i o n f o r necessary reform
had been l a r g e l y accompl ished through t h e w r i t i n g s o f Montesquieu,
0
Beccaria, and V o l t a i r e , and t h e a l l e g e d m e r i t s o f E n g l i s h c r i m i n a l
procedure had r e c e i v e d wide p u b l i c i t y i n t h e years b e f o r e t h e Revolution.
I t was i n e v i t a b l e , t h e r e f o r e , t h a t t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies would
be c a l l e d upon t o undertake comprehens i v e r e v i s ions t o laws "6cr it e s avec
du l a i t pour l e s Nobles, avec du sang pour l e peuple. ,1222
The C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly,
i n r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e p r e s s i n g need t o
c o r r e c t e x i s t i n g abuses, proceeded w i t h despatch toward t h i s end.
Wattinne observes:
"Une f i h r e de t o u t rknover, q u i touchai t
f r g n k s i e , s 8 $ t a i t emparge des e s p r i t s .
premi'ere aborde/e.I1 223
\a
As A.
la
La r6forme c r i m i n e l l e f u t l a
As a r e s u l t o f t h i s i n t e n s e a c t i v i t y , two laws o f
g r e a t s i g n i f i c a n c e were enacted on t h e s u b j e c t o f c r i m i n a l procedure:
t h e Decree o f October 8-9,
1789, and t h a t o f September 16-29,
1791.
22 1
The f i r s t o f these two laws, meekly r e g i s t e r e d by t h e parlement
o f P a r i s on October 14,
1 7 8 9 , ~
was
~ ~intended t o r e c t i f y the graver
abuses which required immediate a t t e n t i o n .
However, as the preamble
i n d i c a t e d , t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was considered t o be p r o v i s i o n a l i n nature,
pending a more comprehensive reform i n t h e f u t u r e :
"Although t h e
execution o f the whole o f t h i s reform r e q u i r e s l e i s u r e l i n e s s and the
m a t u r i t y o f the deepest r e f l e c t i o n , i t i s , nevertheless, p o s s i b l e t o enable
t h e n a t i o n t o enjoy t h e b e n e f i t o f v a r i o u s p r o v i s i o n s , which, w i t h o u t
subverting t h e order o f procedure a t present followed, would reassure
the innocent and f a c i l i t a t e t h e v i n d i c a t i o n o f those accused. 11225
Under the p r o v i s i o n s o f the Decree o f October 1789, no attempt was
made t o remove t h e e x i s t i n g c r i m i n a l procedure i n i t s e n t i r e t y .
Much o f
the w r i t t e n and complex procedure was retained, such as the information,
the r u l i n g t o the "extraordinary"
a c t i o n , t h e c o n f i r m a t i o n and t h e
c o n f r o n t a t i o n , the r e p o r t o f the a c t i o n , and t h e f i n a l i n t e r r o g a t i o n .
In
f a c t , A r t i c l e 28 o f the Decree s p e c i f i c a l l y provided t h a t the Ordonnance
C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 remained i n f u l l force:
"The Ordinance of 1670 and
t h e e d i c t s and r u l i n g s concerning c r i m i n a l matters s h a l l continue t o be
observed so f a r as c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e present Decree, and except as
otherwise f o r m a l l y ordained. ,1226
Nevertheless, various progressive elements were incorporated
i n t o t h e Decree which provided safeguards f o r t h e accused.
These
c o n s i s t e d p r i m a r i l y i n t h e allowance and assurance o f defence counsel,
and i n t h e p u b l i c i t y o f t h e procedure r e q u i r e d :
"
... a l l
the steps
o f t h e examination s h a l l t a k e p l a c e c o n f r o n t a t i v e l y w i t h him,
p u b l i c l y , w i t h t h e doors o f t h e chamber o f examination open
( ~ ri ct l e 11). 227
...
F u r t h e r amendments t o t h e o l d procedure a l s o
a p p r e c i a b l y improved t h e l o t o f t h e accused:
reasons had t o be g i v e n
f o r every condemnation t o a f f l i c t i v e o r degrading punishment ( ~ r t i c l e22);
no sentences i n v o l v i n g degrading o r c a p i t a l punishment c o u l d be
pronounced except by a t w o - t h i r d s o r f o u r - f i f t h s m a j o r i t y , r e s p e c t i v e l y ,
o f t h e votes c a s t by t h e judges ( A r t i c l e 25) ; t h e use o f t o r t u r e and
o f t h e p r i s o n e r ' s seat were a b o l i s h e d f o r e v e r ( ~ r t i c l e25).
Although t h e Decree o f October 8-9,
have more than an ephemeral e x i s t e n c e ,
228
1789, was n o t expected t o
i t served t h e purpose o f
i n t r o d u c i n g immediate reforms i n c r i m i n a l procedure demanded by p u b l i c
opinion.
Reform o f a more fundamental n a t u r e would be forthcoming i n
l e s s than two years w i t h t h e promulgation o f t h e Decree o f September 16-29,
1791, which would o r g a n i z e c r i m i n a l procedure on an e n t i r e l y new basis.
I n t h e meantime, v a r i o u s laws were passed by t h e C o n s t i t u e n t
Assembly d u r i n g 1790 which were intended t o ensure e q u a l i t y b e f o r e t h e
law and t o c o n f i n e punishment t o t h e o f f e n d e r h i m s e l f .
Article 1 of
t h e law o f January 21, 1790, p r o v i d e d t h a t "offenses o f t h e same n a t u r e
s h a l l be punished by t h e same k i n d of p e n a l t i e s , ' whatever be t h e rank and
t h e s t a t i o n o f t h e offender. "229
T h i s law f u r t h e r declared t h a t " n e i t h e r
t h e death p e n a l t y n o r any infamous punishment whatever s h a l l c a r r y w i t h
i t an i m p u t a t i o n upon t h e o f f e n d e r ' s family",
s i n c e " t h e honour o f
,
those who belong t o h i s f a m i l y i s i n no w i s e t a r n i s h e d . ,230
The p e n a l t y
o f general c o n f i s c a t i o n o f p r o p e r t y was h e n c e f o r t h abolished, and t h e
r e c o r d o f t h e accused's death was no longer t o i n c l u d e reference t o
t h e mode o f death. 231
The p o s i t i o n o f t h e accused was a l s o strengthened by t h e Decree
Reorganizing t h e J u d i c i a r y o f August 16, 1790.
provided t h a t :
Article
14 o f T i t l e I I
" I n every c i v i l o r c r i m i n a l m a t t e r t h e arguments r e p o r t s
and judgments s h a l l be p u b l i c , and every c i t i z e n s h a l l have t h e r i g h t
t o defend h i s case i n person, e i t h e r o r a l l y o r i n w r i t i n g . " 2 3 2
more, t h e f o l l o w i n g A r t i c l e s t i p u l a t e d t h a t :
Further-
" T r i a l by j u r y s h a l l t a k e
p l a c e i n c r i m i n a l cases; examination s h a l l be made p u b l i c l y
....11233
T h i s r e f e r e n c e t o t r i a l by j u r o r s i n c r i m i n a l m a t t e r s f o r e t o l d t h e
b a s i s upon which t h e Decree o f September 16-29,
criminal justice;
1791, reorganized
namely, t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e procedure by j u r y .
The c a h i e r s o f 1789 had demanded t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f j u r i e s f o r judgment of
f a c t and had recommended t h e study o f t h e E n g l i s h system where t h e
accused was t r i e d by t w e l v e o f h i s f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s . 234
However t h e
i m p o r t a t i o n i n t o France o f t h e E n g l i s h c r i m i n a l procedure was an arduous
task.
I n England, t h e examination p r i o r t o t r i a l was e n t r u s t e d almost
e n t i r e l y t o j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace, and i t formed b u t an i n s i g n i f i c a n t
element i n t h e t o t a l proceedings.
*
I n France, on t h e o t h e r hand, t h e
examination by t h e judge had c o n s t i t u t e d t h e g r e a t e s t p a r t o f t h e
procedure and represented t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e whole e d i f i c e .
Again,
235
i n England, t h e procedure was e n t i r e l y o r a l and precluded t h e
reading o f w r i t t e n d e p o s i t i o n s t o t h e t r i a l j u r y , whereas a c t i o n s i n
France were judged main l y upon wr it t e n documents.
236
A f t e r prolonged debate, t h e l e g i s l a t i v e committee o f t h e
C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly decided t o s a c r i f i c e t h e t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s
o f France t o t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f E n g l i s h c r i m i n a l procedure which were
f e l t t o be i n harmony w i t h t h e s p i r i t o f t h e
evolution.^^^
Theessential
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e new system, which were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e Decree o f
September 16-29,
1791, were t h e a d o p t i o n o f t h e " j u r y d ' a c c u s a t i o n " and t h e
" j u r y de jugement" which corresponded t o t h e Engl i s h grand j u r y and t r i a l j u r y .
The Decree p r o v i d e d f o r an o r a l , p u b l i c , and uncomplicated procedure
b e f o r e t h e c r i m i n a l t r i b u n a l and t h e " j u r y de jugement",
composed o f t w e l v e j u r o r s .
p r e c i s e l y defined:
The o r a l c h a r a c t e r o f t h e procedure was
"The examination o f t h e w i t n e s s s h a l l always be made
o r a l l y and w i t h o u t w r i t i n g o u t t h e i r depositions"
A r t . 3)
which was t o be
(Part I I , T i t . V I I ,
.238
I t was recognized, however, t h a t no s e r v i l e i m i t a t i o n o f t h e
E n g l i s h system was p o s s i b l e and t h a t v a r i o u s p a r t i c u l a r s would have t o
be changed.
U n l i k e t h e E n g l i s h t r a d i t i o n , which r e q u i r e d t h e judge t o
r e s t a t e t h e issues t o be s o l v e d a t t h e conclusion of t h e argument, t h e
Decree s t l p u l a t e d t h a t issues should be p u t t o t h e j u r o r s i n w r i t i n g
so t h a t they had o n l y t o r e p l y by "yes"
or
Furthermore,
t h e Decree d i d n o t adhere t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l E n g l i s h r u l e r e q u i r i n g
t h e j u r y ' s d e c i s i o n t o be unanimous:
ought always t o be s u f f i c i e n t ,
"But
the opinion of three jurors
i n t h e accused's favour,
e i t h e r t o decide
t h a t t h e f a c t i s n o t c e r t a i n , o r t o decide i n h i s favour t h e q u e s t i o n s
p u t by t h e p r e s i d e n t r e l a t i v e t o i n t e n t " - ( p a r t I I , T i t . V I I , A r t . 28).
W i t h t h e enactment o f t h e Decree o f September 16-29,
2 40
1791,
e s t a b l i s h i n g t h e " j u r y d'accusation" and t h e " j u r y de jugement",
the
C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly achieved a t r u l y r a d i c a l d e p a r t u r e from e x i s t i n g
c r i m i n a l procedure.
I n t h e case o f proceedings b e f o r e t h e t r i a l j u r y ,
p r o g r e s s i v e r u l e s were s e t f o r t h t h a t assured t o t h e accused those
indispensable guarantees o f which he had been so long deprived.
However,
t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e Decree concerning p r e l i m i n a r y examination b e f o r e
commencement o f t r i a l were less successful.
I n t h i s area, an i m p e r f e c t
and inadequate mechanism was s u b s t i t u t e d i n p l a c e o f t h e o l d procedure.
The s e c r e t p r e l i m i n a r y examination, which had been t h e longest and
most i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f t h e proceedings under t h e o l d regime, was reduced
t o a summary examination b e f o r e t h e o f f i c e r o f t h e j u d i c i a l p o l i c e , t o
t h e p o s s i b l e h e a r i n g o f witnesses by t h e " j u r y d'accusation",
i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f t h e accused by the d i r e c t o r o f t h i s j u r y .
and t o t h e
The j u s t i c e
o f t h e peace, who was p r i m a r i l y t h e m a g i s t r a t e o f d e t e c t i v e p o l i c e ,
66
r
caused t h e appearance b e f o r e him o f those accused o f crimes by means
o f a "warrant o f product ion. "241
l f , upon i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f t h e accused,
he b e l i e v e d t h e r e were no grounds f o r c r i m i n a l p r o s e c u t i o n , t h e accused
i f n o t , t h e l a t t e r was imprisoned b y v i r t u e o f a "warrant
was s e t f r e e ;
o f a r r e s t . ,1242
i
The j u s t i c e o f t h e peace c o u l d i n i t i a t e a c t i o n e i t h e r o f f i c i a l l y
o r by means o f a complaint l a i d by an i n j u r e d p a r t y . 243
~ h u s ,c r i m i n a l
p r o s e c u t i o n s were no longer e x c l u s i v e l y i n i t i a t e d by t h e S t a t e , and t h e
f u n c t i o n s o f t h e p u b l i c prosecutor were g r e a t l y diminished.
Conversely,
p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s were allowed much g r e a t e r and more e f f e c t i v e r i g h t s
o f a c c u s a t i o n than f o r m e r l y .
N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g these changes, t h e Decree
unwisely c r e a t e d a c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r e s t w i t h respect t o t h e powers
conferred upon t h e j u s t i c e o f t h e peace.
As t h e i n d i v i d u a l occupying
t h i s p o s i t i o n was a u t h o r i z e d t o i n i t i a t e c r i m i n a l proceedings, two
q u a l i f i c a t i o n s were u n i t e d i n h i s person which should have been k e p t
separate:
those o f p r o s e c u t o r and o f examining m a g i s t r a t e .
244
Although t h e n e x t stage o f t h e proceedings was h e l d behind c 1osed
doors, more emphasis was placed on o r a l examination and t h e p u b l i c was
now represented by t h e " j u r y d ' a c c u s a t i o n .I1 T h i s body, c o n s i s t i n g
0f
e i g h t j u r o r s , was charged w i t h t h e d u t y o f d e t e r m i n i n g whether t h e
p r o s e c u t i o n should go forward o r be d i s a l l o w e d .
I f t h e j u r y allowed t h e
p r o s e c u t i o n , an " a c t e d'accusation" was drawn up and t h e m a t t e r then
passed t o t h e c r i m i n a l t r i b u n a l and t h e t r i a l j u r y .
*
Thus t h e p r e l i m i n a r y examination, which c o n s t i t u t e d n e a r l y t h e
whole o f t h e a c t i o n under t h e o l d system, was g r e a t l y reduced i n
importance.
I t c o u l d c o n s i s t merely o f summary examination by t h e
j u s t i c e o f t h e peace, and t h e h e a r i n g o f witnesses by t h e " j u r y d'accusation."
Although w r i t t e n d e p o s i t i o n s were taken,
t h e i r purpose was o n l y t o serve
as i n f o r m a t i o n ; they were submitted n e i t h e r t o t h e " j u r y d'accusation" n o r
t o t h e " j u r y de jugement. "245
However t h e accused's p o s i t i o n was
p r e j u d i c e d a t t r i a l by t h e f a c t t h a t these "notes d ' i n t e r r o g a t o i re" and
" 6 c l a i r c i ssemen t s par 'ecri t" were made a v a i 1 a b l e t o t h e pub1 ic prosecutor,
b u t n o t t o t h e defence.
246
The system o f p r e l i m i n a r y examination inaugurated by t h e Decree
o f September 16-29,
1791 was n o t d e s t i n e d t o have l a s t i n g success.
D e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t t h e new procedures represented a v a s t improvement
o v e r t h e s e c r e t and i n q u i s i t o r i a l methods they replaced, experience showed
t h a t t o o much r e l i a n c e had been placed upon t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s assigned
t o t h e j u s t i c e o f t h e peace.
Furthermore, t h e r i g h t o f p r o s e c u t i o n
c o n f e r r e d upon p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s proved t o be unsuccessful as w e l l .
A. Esmein e x p l a i n s t h e reasons f o r these f a i l u r e s :
franfais
"Le juge de p a i x
6 t a i t un t r o p p e t i t personnage, un m a g i s t r a t t r o p peu i n s t r u i t ,
pour b i e n j o u e r l e r81e important q u i l u i 6 t a i t d&volu; e t dans n o t r e pays
l e s i n d i v i d u s sont peu e n c l i n s
leur intgri3t
p r e n d r e en mains 1 1 i n t 6 r S t p u b l i c , lorsque
p r i v 6 n ' e s t pas en j e u . 1,247
I n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h i t s work on c r i m i n a l procedure, t h e C o n s t i t u e n t
Assembly brought t o completion a Penal Code on September 25,
1791.
The
Assembly had p r e v i o u s l y p r o c l a i m e d t h e b a s i c p r i n c i p l e s o f c r i m i n a l l a w
i n t h e D e c l a r a t i o n of t h e R i g h t s o f Man o f August 26,
o f t h i s document declared t h a t :
"La
1789.
Article 8
l o i ne d o i t 6 t a b l i r que des peines
s t r i c t e m e n t e t gvidemment ngcessai res, e t nu1 ne peut E t r e puni qu'en
v e r t u d'une l o i &tab1 i e e t promulgu6e antgrieurement au d6l i t , e t
lkgalemen t appl iqu6e.I'
248
These p r i n c i p l e s were d u l y a p p l i e d i n t h e Penal
Code which e s t a b l i s h e d t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f crimes and punishments by
w r i t t e n law.
Under i t s p r o v i s i o n s , no person c o u l d be sentenced t o a
punishment o t h e r than t h a t which t h e law had f o r m a l l y s p e c i f i e d f o r a
crime d e f i n e d p r i o r t o i t s commission.
The p e n a l t i e s p r e s c r i b e d by t h e Code,
i n c o n t r a s t t o those o f t h e
o l d regime, were n e i t h e r a r b i t r a r y , a t r o c i o u s , n o r p e r p e t u a l .
The
i n f l i c t i o n o f t h e death p e n a l t y was l i m i t e d t o d e c a p i t a t i o n , and c o r p o r a l
m u t i l a t i o n was v i r t u a l l y a b o l i s h e d .
The p r i n c i p l e t h a t offenses o f t h e
same n a t u r e should be punished by t h e same k i n d o f p e n a l t i e s ,
irrespective
o f t h e rank o f t h e p e r p e t r a t o r , was exempl i f i e d by A r t i c l e 3 o f t h e Code
deal i n g wi t h capi t a l punishment:
I n t h i s regard, M.
"Tout condamn6 aura l a t E t e tranchge. ,1249
Foucault observes:
"La q u i l l o t i n e u t i l i s g e 3 p a r t i r
de mars 1792, c ' e s t l a mkcanique adgquate $ ces p r i n c i p e s . ,,250
The Code was d i v i d e d i n t o two main p a r t s , t h e f i r s t d e a l i n g w i t h
t h e v a r i o u s punishments p r e s c r i b e d f o r c o n v i c t e d c r i m i n a l s .
*
These
punishments were death,
l a b o u r i n chains, confinement, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ,
and c i v i c degradation. 251
The second main p a r t o f t h e Code embraced t h e
d e f i n i t i o n s o f s p e c i f i c crimes and was s u b d i v i d e d i n t o two t i t l e s ;
the
'
f i r s t t i t l e d e a l t w i t h crimes a g a i n s t p u b l i c i n t e r e s t s , t h e second, w i t h
crimes a g a i n s t i n d i v i d u a l s .
2 52
The general system o f c r i m i n a l law r e s u l t i n g from t h i s body o f
l e g i s l a t i o n was g r e a t l y s u p e r i o r t o t h a t which e x i s t e d p r i o r t o t h e
Revolution.
Nevertheless, c e r t a i n d e f e c t s ,
t h e p r e v i o u s regime, were apparent.
r e s u l t i n g from a r e a c t i o n t o
Through a v e r s i o n t o a r b i t r a r y
punishments , t h e p e n a l t y f o r each o f f e n s e was f i x e d s p e c i f i c a l l y and
unalterably.
As t h e judge was r e q u i r e d t o a p p l y t h e w r i t t e n l e g a l p r o v i s i o n
w i t h o u t regard t o e x t e n u a t i n g circumstances, h i s f u n c t i o n was reduced t o
t h e reading o f a law.
I f found g u i l t y , t h e accused was a t once subjected
t o t h e r i g i d l e g a l punishment w h i c h c o u l d n o t even be v a r i e d between a
minimum and a maximum.
The r e s u l t o f t h i s system, observes C.
von Bar,
"was t h a t t h e p e n a l t y was f r e q u e n t l y d i s p r o p o r t i o n e d t o t h e deed which i t
aimed t o repress; and t h a t j u r i e s ,
making a compromise w i t h t h e i r consciences,
p r e f e r r e d t o a c q u i t t h e o f f e n d e r r a t h e r than t o b r i n g upon him a punishment
which they regarded as exaggerated. 1,253
A second d e f e c t o f t h e Penal Code o f 1791 was the a b o l i t i o n o f t h e
e x e c u t i v e power o f pardon f o r a l l o f f e n s e s t r i e d by j u r i e s
Art.
13). 254
i it.
VI,
T h i s p r o v i s i o n a l s o represented a r e a c t i o n t o p r e v i o u s
abuses, and doubtless expressed t h e confidence t h a t the l e g i s l a t i v e reforms
enacted would h e n c e f o r t h render unnecessary t h e a n c i e n t r i g h t o f pardon.
Nevertheless, t h e d e c i s i o n t o remove t h i s r i g h t was i n e r r o r .
von Bar remarks:
'I...
As C.
t h e power o f pardon must have a p l a c e i n any
r a t i o n a l system as t h e necessary complement o f s o c i a l j u s t ice. ,1255
A f t e r t h e d i s s o l u t i o n o f the C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly,
relatively
l i t t l e was done by t h e succeeding L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly i n t h e f i e l d o f
criminal legislation.
The achievements o f t h e f i r s t Assembly had been
considerable i n t h i s regard, and t h e changes r e a l i z e d i n p r o c e d u r a l and
penal laws were now taken t o be s u b s t a n t i a l l y complete.
Convention,
However t h e
i n i t s t u r n , e l e c t e d t o c o n t i n u e t h e work o f penal reform and,
by t h e Decree of 23 F r u c t i d o r , An I I , commissioned t h e j u r i s t M e r l i n t o
prepare a comprehensive code on t h e whole o f c r i m i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n .
2 56
The new code was t o encompass b o t h procedural and penal l e g i s l a t i o n , and
i t s s p e c i a l purpose was t o p r o v i d e a work a t once s y n t h e t i c and d e t a i l e d ,
as d i s t i n g u i s h e d from t h e laws o f t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly.
2 57
I n pursuance o f t h e Decree, a d r a f t o f t h e Code o f Offenses and
Punishments (code des d 6 l i t s e t des peines) was presented t o t h e Convention
on 3 Brumaire, An I V ( ~ c t o b e r25,
1795).
Begun e i g h t e e n months e a r l i e r ,
t h e Code was p r i n c i p a l l y t h e work o f M e r l i n and represented a p r o d i g i o u s
t a s k f o r one i n d i v i d u a l .
I t was v o t e d i n t o law i n two s i t t i n g s o f ' t h e
Convention which adopted i t i n r e l i a n c e upon t h e a u t h o r ' s sponsorship.
The Code o f Brumaire was p r i m a r i l y a code o f c r i m i n a l procedure;
s u b s t a n t i v e penal law occupied o n l y a l i m i t e d p l a c e i n i t s p r o v i s i o n s .
e
258
Although some o f t h e p r i n c i p l e s a f f i r m e d i n t h e laws o f 1791 were somewhat
p a l l i a t e d , no changes were made i n t h e broad f e a t u r e s o f t h e p r e v i o u s
l e g i s l a t i o n .259
However s e v e r a l amendments were i n t r o d u c e d which concerned
procedural d e t a i 1s.
Whereas t h e Decree o f September 16-29,
1791, had been exceedingly
b r i e f r e g a r d i n g t h e p a r t t o be played by t h e j u s t i c e o f t h e peace i n t h e
p r e l i m i n a r y examination,
t h e Code o f Offenses and Punishments devoted
t h i r t y a r t i c l e s t o t h i s subject.
260
S i m i l a r l y , t h e new Code d e a l t more
m i n u t e l y w i t h t h e proceedings b e f o r e t h e t r i a l j u r y .
T h i s was a n a t u r a l
e v o l u t i o n r e s u l t i n g from procedures t h a t g r a d u a l l y became more p r e c i s e
and s t a n d a r d i z e d w i t h t h e development o f an i n s t i t u t i o n unknown t o t h e
o l d law.
Again, w h i l e t h e new Code continued t h e p r i n c i p l e o f o r a l i t y i n
c r i m i n a l proceedings, more emphasis was p l a c e d upon w r i t t e n documents
d u r i n g t h e course o f p r e l i m i n a r y examination.
now p e r m i t t e d a t t r i a l ,
Although t h e i r use was
they had t o be p l a c e d a t t h e disposa
accused and h i s counsel as w e l l as t h e p u b l i c accuser.
o f the
261
Other t h a n these m o d i f i c a t i o n s , t h e system o f c r i m i n a l procedure
contained i n t h e Code o f 1795 was e s s e n t i a l l y t h e one e s t a b l shed
e a r l i e r by t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly.
I n l i k e manner, t h e p o r t i o n of
t h e new Code d e a l i n g w i t h s u b s t a n t i v e penal law d i d n o t depart from t h e
p r i n c i p l e s embodied i n t h e Penal Code o f September 25,
1791.
The
p r o v i s i o n s devoted t o t h e enumeration and d e f i n i t i o n o f crimes and
punishments confirmed t h e general system o f penal law i n s t i t u t e d by
t h e former Code,
including the defects r e f e r r e d t o previously.
I n s p i t e o f t h e i r imperfections,
2 62
t h e c r i m i n a l laws enacted by t h e
C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly and t h e Convention c o n s t i t u t e d a d e f i n i t e break
w i t h t h e past.
I n p l a c e o f a procedure t h a t had been s e c r e t ,
inquisitorial,
and h i g h l y u n f a v o u r a b l e t o t h e accused, t h e r e was s u b s t i t u t e d one which
assured t o him many safeguards.
Furthermore, t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f t h e many
grave abuses which had c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e penal law o f t h e o l d regime
represented a fundamental r e f o r m o f t h e g r e a t e s t importance.
As no f u r t h e r a l t e r a t i o n s were made t o t h e Code o f Offenses and
Punishments d u r i n g t h e balance o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y decade,
i t remained
i n f u l l f o r c e u n t i l t h e e a r l y p e r i o d o f t h e Consulate.
Le Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e o f 1808; and l e Code pdnal o f 1810
The two codes o f t h e Napoleonic p e r i o d concerning c r i m i n a l procedure
and s u b s t a n t i v e c r i m i n a l law continued many o f t h e changes t h a t were
introduced during t h e Revolutionary period.
Nevertheless these codes a l s o
c o n t a i n e d r e a c t i o n a r y elements which u n e q u i v o c a l l y r e f l e c t e d t h e
a u t h o r i t a r i a n views o f Bonaparte.
263
C r i m i n a l procedure,
i n p a r t i c u l a r , underwent a r a d i c a l change
a f t e r Napoleon's assumption t o power.
An e a r l y amendment t o t h e r u l e s
was c o n t a i n e d i n t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 F r i m a i r e , An V I I I ,
where i t was
decreed t h a t t h e p u b l i c prosecutor was h e n c e f o r t h t o be t h e agent and
nominee o f t h e e x e c u t i v e power:
"The d u t i e s o f p u b l i c p r o s e c u t o r b e f o r e
a c r i m i n a l c o u r t s h a l l be performed by t h e commissioner o f t h e Government"
it.
V , A r t . 63). 264
Thus t h e stage was s e t f o r t h e r e i n s t it u t i o n o f
t h e o l d o f f i c e o f p u b l i c prosecutor i n i t s e n t i r e t y i n t h e proceedings
b e f o r e t h e c r i m i n a l courts.
L e g i s l a t i o n followed s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r which marked a d i s t i n c t
r e t u r n t o the past.
Under t h e Law o f
7 PluviGse, An I X , t h e p r e l i m i n a r y
examination was reorganized along l i n e s a k i n t o t h e o l d procedure:
witnesses were t o be heard o u t o f t h e accused's presence, and judges were
n o t r e q u i r e d , a t t h e o u t s e t , t o g i v e t h e accused any i n f o r m a t i o n concerning
t h e charges brought a g a i n s t him. 265
I n a d d i t i o n , t h e new l e g i s l a t i o n
m a t e r i a l l y a l t e r e d t h e proceedings b e f o r e t h e " j u r y d'accusation" w i t h
t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n o f w r i t t e n f o r o r a l procedure. 266
However t h e p r o v i s i o n s
o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y laws were p a r t l y r e t a i n e d i n t h a t t h e accused was
a l l o w e d t o review t h e d e p o s i t i o n s placed b e f o r e t h e " j u r y d ' a c c u s a t i o n ' ,
a f t e r which he c o u l d i n s i s t upon a second i n t e r r o g a t i o n by t h e judge.
267
The Law o f 7 P l u v i a s e a l s o c a l l e d f o r t h e appointment of deputy
governmentcommissioners i n every
arrondissement
, and
gave them power
t o imprison pending t h e r e p o r t o f t h e " j u r y d'accusation."
C
These
deputies,
a p p o i n t e d by t h e F i r s t Consul, were t o r e c e i v e denunciations
and c o m p l a i n t s and t o prosecute a l l manner o f crimes.
Justices o f the
peace were h e n c e f o r t h placed under d e p u t i e s ' o r d e r s and thus became
mere ass i s t a n t s o f t h e pub1 ic prosecutor.
2 68
T h i s l e g i s l a t i o n , then, showed a d e f i n i t e r e t u r n t o t h e o l d system
o f p r e l i m i n a r y examination w h i l e t h e r u l e s o f t h e Codes o f 1791 and
1795 were,
i n t h i s respect, abandoned.
However as no changes were made
i n t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y laws concerning procedure b e f o r e t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n s
i t was e v i d e n t t h a t a compromise between t h e o l d and t h e
o f judgment,
new was s t i l l d e s i r e d .
The Law o f
7 P l u v i a s e t h u s represented a t r a n s i t i o n
between t h e codes o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d and t h e "Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n
c r i m i n e l le" o f 1808.
The C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 F r i m a i r e , An V I I I ,
l i k e those which had
proceeded i t , guaranteed judgment by j u r y f o r a l l a c t i o n s determined t o
be crimes:
" i n t h e case o f crimes e n t a i l i n g c o r p o r a l o r ignominious
p e n a l t i e s , a f i r s t j u r y s h a l l admit o r r e j e c t t h e i n d i c t m e n t ;
admitted, a second j u r y s h a l l t a k e cognizance o f t h e f a c t s ,
judges f o r m i n g a c r i m i n a l c o u r t , s h a l l a p p l y t h e p e n a l t y
A r t . 6 2 ) . 269
i f i t be
and t h e
...I1
i it.
V,
i n s p i t e o f t h i s constitutional provision, the retention
o f t h e j u r y system was by no means assured.
T h i s i n s t i t u t i o n was t h e
o b j e c t o f c o n t i n u i n g c r i t i c i s m on t h e p a r t o f t h e magistracy and, more
importantly,
i t was looked upon w i t h d i s f a v o u r by t h e F i r s t Consul.
2 70
I n p r a c t i c e , t h e t r i a l j u r y had n o t proved e n t i r e l y e f f e c t i v e
because o f reasons o f i n t i m i d a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l p r e j u d i c e .
o f brigandage,
The problem
i n p a r t i c u l a r , had c r e a t e d an environment i n which t h e
j u r y was hard p u t t o p e r f o r m i t s d u t i e s adequately.
c r i t i c i z e d f o r b e i n g t o o timorous,
J u r i e s were
f o r a l l o w i n g two many crimes t o go
unpunished, and f o r being t o o s u s c e p t i b l e t o p o l i t i c a l i n f l u e n c e .
27 1
However as any suggestions t o d e s t r o y t h e j u r y sys tern met w i t h
s t u r d y r e s i s t a n c e by many o f t h e l e g i s l a t o r s , Bonaparte r e s o l v e d t o reduce
i t s i n f l u e n c e w i t h t h e establishment o f a c o n c u r r e n t c r i m i n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n .
Two j u r i s d i c t i o n s were proposed, t h e one e n t a i l i n g t h e use o f t h e j u r y
f o r o r d i n a r y c r i m i n a l cases, t h e o t h e r i n v o l v i n g t h e use o f s p e c i a l
c o u r t s w i t h o u t j u r i e s t o deal w i t h cases o f armed r e b e l l i o n o r t h r e a t s
t o t h e i n t e r n a l s a f e t y o f t h e State.
A f t e r much acrimonious debate, t h e l e g i s l a t u r e allowed t h i s d u a l i t y
t o e x i s t i n t h e Law o f 18 P l u v i 8 s e , An I X . 272
Many members o f t h e
T r i b u n a t e were s t r o n g l y opposed t o what they considered t o be t h e
r e e s t a b l ishment o f t h e " p r & o t a l "
c o u r t s o f t h e o l d regime.
Assurances
by t h e government t h a t these were temporary measures d i d n o t assuage t h e i r
concern, f o r they r e a l i z e d t h a t p r o v i s i o n a l m a t t e r s tend t o become d e f i n i t e .
I n fact,
t h e newly created system was d e s t i n e d t o pass i n t o t h e "Code
d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e " which m a i n t a i n e d t h e s p e c i a l c o u r t s as a
permanent i n s t i t u t i o n
i it.
V I , Book 1 1 , A r t . 553 t o 599).
273
Several o f t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e Law o f 18 P l u v i 8 s e were
regressive i n nature.
The accused was denied an opportun it y t o prepare
h i s defence, and t h e r i g h t t o be released on b a i l was abo 1 ished.
Furthermore, t h e judges o f t h e s p e c i a l c o u r t s were n o t r e q u i r e d t o
p r o v i d e grounds f o r judgment,
d e c i s i o n s was den ied.274
nonetheless:
and the r i g h t t o appeal from t h e i r
C e r t a i n Rev01 u t i o n a r y reforms were maintained,
t h e procedure was p u b l i c and o r a l , and t h e accused had
t h e b e n e f i t o f counsel and t h e r i g h t t o know immediately t h e n a t u r e o f
t h e charge a g a i n s t him. 275
C o n c u r r e n t l y w i t h t h e establishment o f t h e s p e c i a l c o u r t s , p r e l i m i n a r y
work had begun on t h e r e c a s t i n g o f a l l c r i m i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n by an
appointed commission.
I n i t i a l l y a s i n g l e t e x t was contemplated, c o n t a i n i n g
t h e r u l e s o f c r i m i n a l procedure and s u b s t a n t i v e c r i m i n a l law.
However i t w a s
e v e n t u a l l y decided t h a t procedure should be d e a l t w i t h f i r s t because
r e g u l a t i o n s governing procedure tend t o f a c i l i t a t e t h e f o r m a t i o n o f o p i n i o n
concerning s u b s t a n t i v e law.
2 76
I n due course, a d r a f t o f procedural law was submitted by t h e
commission which preserved t h e j u r y system w h i l e i n c o r p o r a t i n g several
changes i n i t s r u l e s and composition.
Since i t was f e l t t h a t t h e e x i s t i n g
system o f choosing j u r o r s had r e s u l t e d i n t o o many bad s e l e c t i o n s ,
r e s t r i c t i o n s were i n t r o d u c e d which r e q u i r e d f u t u r e j u r o r s t o meet c e r t a i n
census q u a l i f i c a t i o n s .
I n a d d i t i o n , t h e p a r t i e s t o an a c t i o n were g i v e n
t h e r i g h t t o cha l l e n g e , i n c o u r t , t h e proposed panel o f j u r o r s .
Finally,
t h e r u l e o f unan i m i t y was suggested f o r t h e d e c i s i o n s o f t h e t r i a l j u r y ,
as was t h e p r a c t i c e i n England. 277
I n view o f t h e many r e s e r v a t i o n s expressed concerning t h e wisdom
o f r e t a i n i n g t h e j u r y system, an e x t e n s i v e i n q u i r y was ordered by
Bonaparte t o o b t a i n t h e o p i n i o n s o f t h e m a g i s t r a c y on t h e work o f t h e
commissioners.
As soon as t h e d r a f t l e g i s l a t i o n was reviewed by t h e c o u r t s ,
i t became c l e a r t h a t many were h o s t i l e t o t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e j u r y
and wished t o see i t suppressed.
The f a c t t h a t England was t h e implacable
However a
enemy o f France a t t h i s time doubtless i n f l u e n c e d o p i n i o n .
genuine b e l i e f was expressed t h a t t h e Ordinance o f 1670, as m o d i f i e d by
t h e Decrees o f 1789, o f f e r e d more safeguards t o t h e accused.
observes:
'I...
As A.
Esmein
l a prockdure c r i m i n e l l e de l ' a n c i e n d r o i t , purge'es de ses
a t r o c i ti% e t de ses i n j u s t i c e s , avai t conservg de nombreux p a r t i s a n s . 11278
O f t h e seventy f i v e c r i m i n a l c o u r t s whose o b s e r v a t i o n s were published,
o n l y twenty s i x were i n favour o f r e t a i n i n g t h e j u r y ;
twenty t h r e e d i d
n o t express an o p i n i o n f o r o r a g a i n s t ; w h i l e twenty s i x , m a i n l y from
t h e s o u t h o f France, pronounced a g a i n s t i t s r e t e n t i o n . 2 7 9
Thus t h e
problem o f whether t o r e t a i n t h e j u r y remained a b u r n i n g question.
The d r a f t o f t h e suggested c r i m i n a l code, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e r e s u l t s
o f t h e i n q u i r y , came b e f o r e t h e l e g i s l a t i v e s e c t i o n o f t h e Council o f
S t a t e on May 22,
1804.
P r i o r t o t h e commencement o f d i s c u s s i o n on t h e
proposed l e g i s l a t i o n , Napoleon o r d e r e d t h e d r a f t i n g o f a l i s t o f
fundamental questions t o serve as a b a s i s f o r debate i n t h e Counci 1 o f
A c c o r d i n g l y , fourteen q u e s t i o n s were d u l y submitted, t h e f i r s t
State.
seven concerning t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e j u r y .
were as f o l l o w s :
These seven questions
S h a l l t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e j u r y be preserved?
Shall
How s h a l l t h e j u r o r s be appointed; from what
t h e r e be a grand j u r y ?
c l a s s s h a l l they be appointed; by whom a r e they t o be appointed?
i s t h e c h a l l e n g e t o be exercised?
o r p a r t l y o r a l and p a r t l y w r i t t e n ?
t o t h e j u r y , o r o n l y one:
How
S h a l l t h e examination be p u r e l y o r a l ,
S h a l l s e v e r a l questions be p u t
" I s t h e accused g u i l t y o r n o t g u i l t y ? "
Shall
t h e v e r d i c t t o t h e j u r y be unanimous o r s h a l l a c e r t a i n number of votes
280
determine t h e issue?
The main p a r t o f t h e debate thus r e v o l v e d around t h e is-sue o f t h e
j u r y and a l t h o u g h several argued f o r i t s suppression, o t h e r s , n o t
w i s h i n g t o abandon t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , defended i t w i t h
a b i l i t y and eloquence.
A f t e r l i s t e n i n g t o t h e c o n f l i c t i n g arguments,
Napoleon s e t f o r t h h i s own o p i n i o n s on t h e s u b j e c t .
A d e s p o t i c government
c o u l d more e a s i l y i n f l u e n c e a j u r y than a judge, and, g i v e n t h e p u b l i c i t y
o f proceedings and counsel f o r t h e defence, t h e j u r y represented a
s u p e r f l u o u s guarantee.
Furthermore, a j u r y would always a c q u i t a person
who c o u l d a f f o r d a lawyer, and always condone an o f f e n c e a g a i n s t t h e
police.
one the less,
i f t h e j u r y was p r o p e r l y composed i t might have a
p l a c e i n c r i m i n a l proceedings, as long as t h e s p e c i a l c o u r t s were
a v a i l a b l e t o p u n i s h o r g a n i z e d crime.
28 1
I n s p i t e o f Napoleon's unmistakable ideas concerning t h e j u r y ,
t h e members o f t h e Council o n l y p a r t i a l l y concurred w i t h them and,
in
due course, t h e r e t e n t i o n o f b o t h grand j u r y and t r i a l j u r y was v o t e d
i n principle.282
As t h e m a t t e r now appeared t o be a t an end on t h i s
p o i n t , t h e C o u n c i l proceeded t o h o l d several sessions on o t h e r p a r t s of
the d r a f t l e g i s l a t i o n .
However t h i s body was soon presented w i t h another
d r a f t law proposing t h e amalgamation o f c i v i l and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e ,
was t o g i v e e f f e c t t o Bonaparte's i n t e n t i o n .
which
I n answer t o t h e arguments
p u t forward f o r i t s a d o p t i o n , i t was s t a t e d t h a t , under t h e suggested
p l a n o f w i d e r j u d i c i a l competence,
impossible i n p r a c t i c e .
t h e use o f t h e j u r y would be
Taking n o t e o f t h e o b j e c t i o n s , Napoleon t a c i t l y
withdrew h i s p l a n and s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r t h e work o f t h e commission was
suspended.
I t was apparent t h a t Bonaparte b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e moment was
n o t f a v o u r a b l e t o press f o r t h e suppression o f t h e j u r y b u t t h a t o p i n i o n
wou I d change o v e r time. 283
Thus a1 1 t h e m a t t e r s r e l a t i n g t o c r i m i n a l
1aw and procedure were a l l o w e d t o f a l l i n t o o b l i v i o n f o r a t h r e e year
Per iod.
When t h e debate was resumed i n January,
separate p r o c e d u r a l law from s u b s t a n t i v e law.
1808, i t was decided t o
The former was presented
as a d r a f t Code o f C r i m i n a l Procedure (code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e ) ,
t h e l a t t e r as a d r a f t Penal Code (code p & a l ) .
6
Concerning p r o c e d u r a l m a t t e r s , t h e g r e a t problem o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n
o f t h e j u r y c o n t i n u e d t o dominate discussion.
s o l u t i o n was agreed upon:
I n t h e end, a compromise
t h e t r i a l j u r y would be r e t a i n e d , p r o v i d e d
i t was p r o p e r l y c o n s t i t u t e d ; and t h e grand j u r y would be abolished,
its
f u n c t i o n s b e i n g t r a n s f e r r e d t o a s p e c i a l s e c t i o n o f t h e Court o f Appeal.
The f a c t t h a t t h e grand j u r y was guaranteed by t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22
F r i m a i r e , An V I I I , d i d n o t prove t o be a d e t e r r e n t .
explains:
As S. Esmein
"On passa o u t r e d e c l a r a n t , p a r un de ces i n g i h i e u r s d'etours
s i souvent employ6s $ c e t t e Cpoque, que l a Cour d ' a p p e l 6 t a i t l e
m e i l l e u r des j u r y s d'accusation." 284
Thus,
i n t h e prolonged s t r u g g l e
between t h e procedure by j u r y and t h e Ordinance o f 1670, t h e former can
be s a i d t o have gained a p a r t i a l v i c t o r y .
But w h i l e t h e Code o f C r i m i n a l Procedure based i t s r u l e s f o r t h e
t r i a l i n c o u r t upon t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n ,
i t borrowed from
t h e Ordinance o f 1670 almost a l l i t s r u l e s concerning t h e p r e l i m i n a r y
examination.
Witnesses' d e p o s i t i o n s were t o be taken s e c r e t l y i n t h e
presence o f t h e examining judge and h i s c l e r k , and i n t h e absence o f
t h e accused; t h e judge c o u l d n o t be compelled t o hear witnesses nominated
by t h e accused; and t h e accused was kept i n complete ignorance o f t h e
testimony g i v e n , and
t h e n a t u r e o f t h e charges l a i d , throughout t h i s
stage o f t h e proceedings ( ~ r t 71
. t o 86).
2 85
I n comparison, under t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y laws t h e accused had been
allowed t o be present a t t h e h e a r i n g o f witnesses, and t h e complaint
and a i l documents had been read t o him b e f o r e he was p u b l i c l y
interrogated.
Thus t h e safeguards granted t o t h e defence s i n c e 1789
were now withdrawn.
As J. Godechot observes:
"Le code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n
c r i m i n e l l e de 1808 marque encore une n o u v e l l e & a c t i o n
dans l a
proc'edure c r i m i n e l l e , p u i s q u ' i l r g t a b l i t l e s e c r e t , presque dans l e s
mSmes c o n d i t i o n s que l'ordonnance c r i m i n e l l e de 1670."
2 86
As p r e v i o u s l y noted, t h e Code o f C r i m i n a l Procedure i n c o r p o r a t e d
t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y r u l e s governing proceedings a t t r i a l .
Court t r i a l s
were t o be open t o t h e p u b l i c and t h e accused was a l l o w e d t h e p r o d u c t i o n
o f witnesses and t h e a s s i s t a n c e o f counsel.
However t h e i m p a r t i a l i t y
o f t h e proceedings was p o t e n t i a l l y d i m i n i s h e d because o f t h e Code's
p r o v i s i o n s d e a l i n g w i t h the composition o f t h e t r i a l j u r y .
Henceforth,
p r e f e c t s were charged w i t h t h e t a s k o f assembling l i s t s o f j u r o r s whose
e l i g i b i l i t y was l i m i t e d t o c e r t a i n c a t e g o r i e s o f persons, e s p e c i a l l y
those o f means ( ~ r t .381 and 382). 287
C r i m i n a l j u s t i c e thus assumed t h e
c h a r a c t e r o f a " j u s t i c e de classe" w i t h t h e i n e v i t a b l e impairment of
the i m p a r t i a l i t y o f the j u r y .
Furthermore, challenges t o j u r o r s i n c o u r t
were now r e g u l a t e d ; t h e r e c o u l d be no more c h a l l e n g e s f o r cause assigned
( A r t . 399).
288
The Code o f C r i m i n a l Procedure was f i n a l l y enacted on November
27, 1808, and was promulgated on January 1, 1811, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e
Penal Code o f 1810.
As i n t h e case o f t h e Code ~ a ~ o l g o ni ,t represented
a compromise between t h e competing i n f l u e n c e s o f " l e d r o i t
r 6 v o l u t i o n n a i r e 1 ' , t h e laws o f t h e o l d regime, and t h e o p i n i o n s o f
Bonaparte.
elements,
A f t e r due allowance has been made f o r i t s r e a c t i o n a r y
i t s t i l l represented a v a s t improvement over t h e procedure
used b e f o r e 1789, and i n t h i s sense i t c o n s o l i d a t e d t h e accomplishments
o f the Revolution.
The Code of C r i m i n a l Procedure c o u l d n o t be p u t i n t o f o r c e u n t i l
t h e completion o f a penal code, and t h e . l e g i s l a t o r s took t h i s t a s k i n
hand a t t h e end o f 1808.
As mentioned p r e v i o u s l y , Napoleon had ordered
t h e p r e p a r a t i o n o f a q u e s t i o n n a i r e i n 1804 t o f a c i l i t a t e t h e debates
b e f o r e t h e Council o f State.
O f t h e f o u r t e e n q u e s t i o n s submitted, t h e
f o l l o w i n g s i x were concerned p r i m a r i l y w i t h penal law:
punishment be continued?
Shall c a p i t a l
S h a l l t h e r e be punishments f o r l i f e ?
c o n f i s c a t i o n be p e r m i t t e d i n c e r t a i n cases?
Shall
S h a l l judges have a c e r t a i n
freedom i n t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f punishments; s h a l l t h e r e be a maximum and
a minimum which w i l l g i v e them t h e power o f imposing punishment f o r a
l o n g e r o r s h o r t e r p e r i o d according t o circumstances?
Shall surveillance
be i n t r o d u c e d f o r a p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s o f c r i m i n a l s , a f t e r t h e e x p i r a t i o n
o f t h e i r punishment, and s h a l l b a i l be demanded i n c e r t a i n cases f o r
r
f u t u r e good conduct?
S h a l l rehabi 1 it a t i o n be accorded t o c o n v i c t s whose
conduct w i l l have made them worthy o f i t ?2 89
Although these q u e s t i o n s were answered m a i n l y i n t h e a f f i r m a t i v e
a t t h a t time, t h e debates were b e f o r e l o n g postponed because.of t h e
impasse over t h e m a t t e r of t h e j u r y .
When t h e work was resumed i n 1808,
despotism had assumed s t e r n e r forms,
and t h i s f a c t was evidenced by t h e
s e v e r i t y o f t h e ensuing penal l e g i s l a t i o n .
As M. Ancel observes:
"We
a r e no longer f a c i n g a Code o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n o r even t h e "Consulat",
but,
i n f a c t , a Code o f Empire, enacted a t t h e apogee o f Napoleon's
reign.
One should n o t be s u r p r i s e d t h e r e f o r e t h a t
... t h i s Code was
marked by some a u t h o r i t a r i a n ideas, and t h a t f e l o n i e s and misdemeanours
a g a i n s t t h e S t a t e as such were repressed w i t h harshness."
290
I n essence, t h e Penal Code o f 1810 aimed t o secure t h e defence
o f s o c i e t y by means o f i n t i m i d a t i ~ n . ~ " Under i t s system o f p e n a l t i e s ,
t h e concept o f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was ignored and emphasis was placed
e x c l u s i v e l y upon punishment.
For t h i s reason, s e v e r a l punishments
employed d u r i n g t h e o l d regime, such as t h e use o f t h e branding i r o n
(Art.
7)292 and t h e p r a c t i c e o f s e v e r i n g t h e r i g h t hand o f
p r i o r t o h i s e x e c u t i o n ( A r t . 13)
293
, were
reinstated.
a parricide
I n addition t o
these excessive chastisements, t h e death p e n a l t y and l i f e imprisonment
were f r e e l y a p p l i e d , and p e n a l t i e s u n j u s t i n t h e i r e f f e c t s were r e s t o r e d ,
such as general c o n f i s c a t i o n ( A r t .
7)
294
,
and " l a mort c i v i l e "
(Art.
18)?g5
However the Penal Code of 1810 did inst i tute some changes of a
progressive nature.
In the first place, it renounced the rigidity
of punishments adopted by the Revolutionary legislation and allowed the
judge a discretion between minimum and maximum.
Furthermore, the judge
could now take into consideration extenuating circumstances, in the
case of misdemeanours, before arriving at his decision ( ~ r t . 463). 296
Secondly, the power of pardon, which had already been restored to the
executive by means of a "senatus-consultuml'of 16 Thermidor, An X , was
reestablished.297
Finally, from the point of view of legislative
technique, the Code was drafted with great clarity and the various
provisions were presented systematically and methodically. Crimes of the
same generic type were now grouped together, even though they might vary
as to their gravity or sanction.298
I n comparison, then, with the Codes of
1791 and 1795, the Penal
Code of 1810 was especially retrogressive concerning severity of punishments.
Nonetheless, the essential principles of the Revolutionary legislation were
maintained. Equality before the law was recognized by having the same
penalties for all citizens, and the fundamental principle of legality of
crimes and punishments was retained ( ~ r t . 4) .299 AS with the other
Napoleonic codes, it represented a fusion of the old and the new.
CHAPTER V
THE REVOLUTION AND JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION
The d e f e c t s i n t h e system o f j u d i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had been one
o f t h e c h i e f grievances under t h e o l d regime.
As a r e s u l t , t h e
C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly t u r n e d i t s a t t e n t i o n t o t h i s m a t t e r a t an e a r l y
date.
Although t h e parlements no longer i n f l u e n c e d t h e course o f events
and had sunk i n t o t h e background, t h e o v e r r i d i n g concern was t o p r e v e n t
t h e reestablishment o f any c o u r t s o f j u s t i c e w i t h pretensions analogous
t o those o f t h e s o v e r e i g n c o u r t s .
As A. Esmein e x p l a i n s :
"cette crainte
des parlements, ou en g'ene'ral des grands corps j u d l c i a i r e s , a p k e
constarnment s u r I' e s p r i t de l a m a j o r i t 6 dans l ' o e u v r e de l a r e c o n s t i t u t i o n
j u d i c i a i re."
300
I n l i g h t o f t h e concerns expressed, t h e continued
e x i s t e n c e o f t h e parlemen t s represented an i n c o n g r u i t y and on November
3, 1789, they were sent on a prolonged v a c a t i o n .
formal l y suppressed.
A year l a t e r t h e y were
30 1
V e n a l i t y o f j u d i c i a l o f f i c e was suppressed by A r t i c l e 7 of t h e
Decrees o f August 4-11,
1789,
302
and, more i m p o r t a n t l y , t h e j u d i c i a r y was
e n t i r e l y reorganized by t h e Law o f August 16-24,
1790.
Under t h i s
l e g i s l a t i o n , t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly attempted t o r e s o l v e t h e two b a s i c
problems i n v o l v e d i n t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e j u d i c i a l system, namely
t h e method o f choosing and remunerating judges and t h e composition and
competence o f t h e new j u d i c i a l h i e r a r c h y .
Concerning t h e f i r s t problem,
i t was decided t h a t those who were t o
e x e r c i s e j u d i c i a l power should h o l d i t through e l e c t i o n .
As j u d i c i a l
power was considered by t h e d e p u t i e s t o be one o f t h e m a n i f e s t a t i o n s o f
national sovereignty,
i t was f e l t t h a t t i t l e t o t h i s power should be
achieved i n t h e same manner as those who e x e r c i s e d t h e l e g i s l a t i v e power,
o r who e x e r c i s e d a d m i n i s t r a t i v e functions. 303
o f t h e Law o f August 16-24,
Accordingly, A r t i c l e 3
1790, declared t h a t "Judges s h a l l be e l e c t e d
by t h e persons s u b j e c t t o t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . , 1 3 0 ~ Judges were t o be
e l e c t e d f o r a p e r i o d o f s i x years, and t h e i r s e r v i c e s were t o be rendered
g r a t u i t o u s l y and p a i d f o r by t h e S t a t e
f o r e v e r ( ~ rict l e 2 and 4). 305
- venality
I n addition,
betng a b o l i s h e d
r e s t r i c t i o n s were i n t r o d u c e d
which p r o v i d e d t h a t no one c o u l d be s e l e c t e d as a judge u n l e s s he had
a t t a i n e d t h i r t y y e a r s o f age and had been a judge o r lawyer p r a c t i c i n g
pub1 i c l y b e f o r e a c o u r t f o r f i v e years ( ~ r t i c l e9 ) .
306
Thus, by making
t h e judges e l e c t i v e , t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly succeeded i n reducing
t h e i r independence by a b o l i s h i n g t h e p r i n c i p l e o f i r r e m o v a b i l i t y which
was regarded as i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h R e v o l u t i o n a r y ideas.
The Law o f August 16-24,
3 07
1790, expressed t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s '
d i s t r u s t o f t h e j u d i c i a r y by b a r r i n g c o u r t s from i n t e r f e r i n g i n t h e
o p e r a t i o n o f a d m i n i s t r a t i v e a c t s o r i s s u i n g summonses t o a d m i n i s t r a t o r s
*
on charges connected w i t h t h e i r d u t i e s ( A r t i c l e 13). 308
Furthermore,
i n o r d e r t o p r e v e n t t h e judges from e x e r c i s i n g a r81e s i m i l a r t o t h a t
o f t h e p a r l e m e n t a i r e s , t h e y were f o r b i d d e n from t a k i n g any p a r t i n t h e
l e g i s l a t i v e branch o f government o r o b s t r u c t i n g t h e e x e c u t i o n of
l e g i s l a t i v e decrees ( ~ r t i c l e10). 309
These p r o v i s i o n s r e s t r i c t i n g t h e j u d i c i a l power w i t h i n c l e a r l y
d e f i n e d l i m i t s were i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f September
3,
1791:
"The c o u r t s may n o t i n t e r f e r e w i t h t h e e x e r c i s e o f t h e
l e g i s l a t i v e power, suspend t h e e x e c u t i o n o f t h e laws, encroach upon
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n s , o r summon a d m i n i s t r a t o r s before them f o r reasons
connected w i t h t h e i r d u t i e s "
i it.
l l I, Chapt. V , A r t .
3) .310
Thus
understood, t h e p r i n c i p l e o f t h e s e p a r a t i o n o f powers, as conceived by
t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly, amounted t o a d e l i b e r a t e avoidance o f a powerful
and c r e a t i v e j u d i c i a r y capable o f imposing i t s i n f l u e n c e upon t h e l e g i s l a t i v e
and e x e c u t i v e f u n c t i o n s o f government.
I n t h e o p i n i o n of the Revolutionaries,
law making was e x c l u s i v e l y a f u n c t i o n o f t h e l e g i s l a t u r e , and because o f
t h e i r f a i t h i n t h e f e a s i b i l i t y of a l e g a l system based e n t i r e l y on s t a t u t e s ,
t h e r61e o f t h e j u d i c i a r y was n a r r o w l y circumscribed.
Concerning t h e establishment o f a new j u d i c i a l h i e r a r c h y , t h e
C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly was guided by a dominant p r i n c i p l e :
t o maintain a
d i s t i n c t i o n between c i v i l and c r i m i n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n s and t o c r e a t e d i f f e r e n t
c o u r t s t o a d m i n i s t e r these separate j u r i s d i c t i o n s . 3 1 1
I n t h i s regard, t h e
Law o f August 16-24,
o f the judiciary
-
1790, brought about a s i g n i f i c a n t r e o r g a n i z a t i o n
e s p e c i a l l y w i t h respect t o c i v i l m a t t e r s .
types o f judges were d i s t i n g u i s h e d by t h i s law:
Three
a r b i t e r s , j u s t i c e s of
t h e peace and judges p r o p e r l y so c a l l e d .
I n cases o f a r b i t r a t i o n , a l l persons were p e r m i t t e d t o nominate
one o r more a r b i t e r s " t o pass upon t h e i r p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s ,
and on a1 1 m a t t e r s w i t h o u t exception"
i it.
i n a l l cases
I, A r t . 2 ) . 3 12 An appeal
from a r b i t r a l d e c i s i o n s was n o t p e r m i t t e d u n l e s s t h e p a r t i e s e x p r e s s l y
reserved t h i s r i g h t by mutual consent
i it.
I, A r t . 4).313
Where t h e
r i g h t t o appeal was n o t reserved t h e d e c i s i o n s o f t h e a r b i t e r were t o
be executed by means o f an ordinance o f t h e d i s t r i c t c o u r t
A r t . 6).
i it.
I,
314
Although t h e d e s i g n a t i o n "juge de p a i x " had been borrowed from
t h e E n g l i s h " j u s t i c e o f t h e peace,"
t h e f u n c t i o n s a s s i g n e d t o t h i s member
o f t h e j u d i c i a r y were q u i t e d i s t i n c t from those o f h i s E n g l i s h c o u n t e r p a r t .
I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e m a t t e r s s t i p u l a t e d t o be w i t h i n h i s competence under t h e
Law o f August 16-24,
1790, he was a l s o expected t o mediate d i s p u t e s between
p a r t i e s i n c o n c e r t w i t h e l e c t e d "prud'hommes
assesseurs."
In principle,
no w r i t t o commence a c i v i l a c t i o n would be a d m i t t e d t o a d i s t r i c t c o u r t
u n l e s s m e d i a t i o n had been attempted b e f o r e a n - o f f i c e o f peace and
c o n c i l i a t i o n p r e s i d e d over by a j u s t i c e o f t h e peace
i it.
X, A r t . 2).
3 15
The law f u r t h e r declared t h a t a j u s t i c e o f t h e peace was t o be
e l e c t e d f o r every canton (several i n t h e l a r g e r towns) ; he c o u l d o n l y
be chosen from among c i t i z e n s e l i g i b l e f o r departmental and d i s t r i c t
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s and f u l l y t h i r t y years o f age; and he was t o be e l e c t e d
w i t h an a b s o l u t e m a j o r i t y o f v o t e s by t h e a c t i v e c i t i z e n s u n i t e d i n p r i m a r y
assemblies ( T i t .
Ill, Art.
316
1 e t 3.). I t should be noted t h a t t h e
c o n d i t i o n s o f e l i g i b i l i t y made no r e f e r e n c e t o t h e need f o r j u d i c i a l
knowledge o r t r a i n i n g .
As A. Esmein observes:
"On n ' e x i g e a i t du j u g e
de p a i x aucune connai ssance j u r i d i q u e , e t c e l a 6 t a i t conforme au r a l e
qu'on l u i a s s i g n a i t . J 1 7
Appeals from judgments o f j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace, when t h e y were
s u b j e c t t o appeal, were t o be brought b e f o r e judges of d i s t r i c t c o u r t s
t h e n e x t rung i n t h e newly c r e a t e d h i e r a r c h y .
-
I n addition t o the
a p p e l l a t e j u r i s d i c t i o n j u s t mentioned, t h e d i s t r i c t c o u r t s were g i v e n
cognizance i n t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e o f a l l p e r s o n a l , r e a l , and mixed s u i t s
o f every k i n d , e x c e p t i n g those d e c l a r e d t o be w i t h i n t h e competence o f
j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace
i it.
I V , Art. 4).
318
I n c e r t a i n cases, t h e i r
j u r i s d i c t i o n was extended t o f i r s t and l a s t instance:
"The d i s t r i c t
judges s h a l l have cognizance i n f i r s t and l a s t r e s o r t o f a l l personal and
personal p r o p e r t y s u i t s up t o a v a l u e o f 1000 l i v r e s of p r i n c i p a l , and
o f r e a l e s t a t e s u i t s o f which t h e p r i n c i p a l i t e m i s f i f t y l i v r e s of f i x e d
income,
i n e i t h e r r e n t o r lease p r i c e "
i it.
IV, Art.
5). 3 19
In a l l c i v i l
s u i t s i n v o l v i n g l a r g e r sums o f money, o r o t h e r causes o f a c t i o n ,
i t was
p r o v i d e d t h a t d i s t r i c t c o u r t s should a c t as c o u r t s o f appeal w i t h regard
t o each o t h e r ( T i t . V, A r t .
1). 320
The establishment o f t h e d i s t r i c t c o u r t s marked t h e upper boundary
o f the hierarchy o f c i v i l justice.
Although a Court of Cassation was
soon i n s t i t u t e d t o ensure t h e uniform i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e law throughout
t h e c o u n t r y ( ~ e c r e eo f November 27, 1790)
,
i n m a t t e r s o f appel l a t e
j u r i s d i c t i o n t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly chose n o t t o c r e a t e a c o u r t
superior t o the d i s t r i c t court.
The two b a s i c reasons f o r t h i s d e c i s i o n
a r e c o n c i s e l y s t a t e d by A. Esmein:
j u s t i c e des j u s t i c i a b l e s ,
des grands
pour
corps j u d i c i a i r e s
"lo l e d g s i r e de rapprocher l a
l a rendre accessible
5
tous; 2O l a c r a i n t e
en q u i p o u r r a i e n t r e s s u s c i t e r l e s
parlements. 11321
On January 20, 1791, a decree o f t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly a t t r i b u t e d
t h e p r o s e c u t i o n and judgment o f crimes i n v o l v i n g a f f l i c t i v e punishments
t o d i s t r i c t c o u r t s i n each department.
These c o u r t s , which d e a l t w i t h
c r i m i n a l cases i n t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e and on appeal, were composed o f an
e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t and t h r e e judges from n e i g h b o u r i n g d i s t r i c t c o u r t s
selected i n r o t a t ion.
322
The establishment o f the d i s t r i c t c r i m i n a l c o u r t s was f o l l o w e d
s h o r t l y by t h e c r e a t i o n o f c o u r t s o f summary j u r i s d i c t i o n . , pursuant t o
t h e Decree o f J u l y 16-22,
a
1791, f o r t h e judgment o f minor offences.
The composition o f these c o u r t s , which were s i t u a t e d i n t h e p r i n c i p a l
town o f each canton, c o n s i s t e d o f two judges and an assessor i n towns
w i t h more than one j u s t i c e o f t h e peace; elsewhere, they were composed
o f a j u s t i c e o f t h e peace and two assessors.
Prosecutions were i n i t i a t e d
e i t h e r by the i n j u r e d p a r t y , o r by t h e l o c a l p u b l i c prosecutor, o r by
"des hommes de l o i commis
>
c e t e f f e t p a r l a m u n i c i p a l i t H-11323
e
As mentioned above, a n a t i o n a l Court o f Cassation was e s t a b l i s h e d
by t h e Decree o f November 27,
1790, wi t h members chosen f o r f o u r years
by t h e e l e c t o r a l assemblies o f t h e departments.
I n s p i t e o f the desire
t o prevent t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f any c o u r t analogous t o t h e former parlements,
the m a j o r i t y o f t h e d e p u t i e s wished t o see t h e c r e a t i o n o f a supreme
jurisdiction.
324
However, i n o r d e r t o ensure t h a t t h i s c o u r t would never
overstep i t s a u t h o r i t y , t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d t h e
f u n c t i o n s assigned t o i t .
A r t i c l e 1 o f t h e e n a b l i n g decree p r e s c r i b e d
t h e s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r o f t h e appeals t o be taken b e f o r e i t :
t o u t e s l e s procgdures dans l e s q u e l l e s l e s formes auront
st6
I ' l l annulera
violges e t
t o u t jugement q u i c o n t i e n d r a une c o n t r a v e n t i o n expresse au t e x t e de l a
loi
... Sous
aucun' pr'etexte e t en aucun cas l e t r i b u n a l ne p o u r r a
connaTt r e du fond de 1 ' a f f a i r e ; aprss avoi r cassg 1 es procedures ou 1e
jugement,
i l r e n v e r r a l e fond des a f f a i r e s aux t r i b u n a u x q u i devront en
connaf t re. ,1325
Thus t h e Court o f Cassation c o u l d n o t pass upon t h e m e r i t s o f t h e
cases brought b e f o r e i t , n o r was i t p e r m i t t e d t o i n t e r p r e t t h e laws
(a r i g h t reserved t o t h e l e g i s l a t u r e under t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791 ;
Tit.
I l l , Chap. V , A r t . 21). 326
Nevertheless, w i t h i t s c r e a t i o n was
r e a l i z e d t h e u n i f o r m i t y o f c o u r t d e c i s i o n s which i s a necessary
complement o f l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y .
As a r e s u l t o f t h e new j u d i c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n w i t h which t h e
C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly endowed t h e c o u n t r y , t h e e x c e p t i o n a l c o u r t s
( t r i bunaux dlexcept i o n ) were suppressed, save t h e commercial c o u r t s whose
judges were e l e c t e d by l e a d i n g merchants. 327
The c o s t s o f l i t i g a t i o n ,
if
n o t a c t u a l l y g r a t u i t o u s , were g r e a t l y diminished, and t h e workings o f t h e
j u d i c i a l system were made more amenable t o t h e average c i t i z e n who was
obliged, without d i s t i n c t i o n ,
t o the same forms.
t o sue b e f o r e t h e same judges and a c c o r d i n g
As J. Godechot observes:
de l a France p a r l a C o n s t i t u a n t e a sans doute
"L'organisation
6tg
judiciaire
une des p a r t i e s l e s
p l u s r g u s s i e s de son oeuvre. I,328
Although t h e succeeding R e v o l u t i o n a r y assemblies i n t r o d u c e d several
changes, t h e broad o u t l i n e s o f t h e j u d i c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n c r e a t e d by t h e
C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly remained i n e x i s t e n c e .
Under t h e Convention,
c o n d i t i o n s o f p r o f e s s i o n a l c a p a c i t y w i t h respect t o t h e e l e c t i o n o f
judges were suppressed by t h e Decree o f October 14, 1792.
Henceforth,
judges c o u l d be chosen from among a l l c i t i z e n s who had a t t a i n e d twenty
f i v e years o f age.
329
A t t h e same time, t h e j u d i c i a l power was brought
under t h e d i r e c t c o n t r o l of t h e executive.
as a sovereign assembly,
R e l y i n g upon i t s q u a l i t y
.
t h e Convention, by means o f a number o f decrees,
intervened d i r e c t l y i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e .
It annulled the
judgments o f e l e c t e d m a g i s t r a t e s , a d j u d i c a t e d cases i t s e l f , and
ignored t h e e l e c t o r a l process by a p p o i n t i n g s e v e r a l judges.
Indeed, by
v i r t u e o f t h e Decree o f 14 Vent6se, An 1 1 1 (1795) t h e l e g i s l a t i v e
committee was subsequently a u t h o r i z e d t o a p p o i n t a l l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e
o f f i c e r s , m u n i c i p a l o f f i c e r s , and judges. 330 Thus, d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d
o f t h e Convention, t h e p r i n c i p l e o f t h e s e p a r a t i o n o f powers g r a d u a l l y
disappeared,
t o be replaced by a c o n c e n t r a t i o n and u n i t y o f powers under
t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y government.
The j u d i c i a l system i n s t i t u t e d under t h e T e r r o r saw t h e c r e a t i o n
of e x t r a o r d i n a r y t r i b u n a l s o f e x p e d i t i o u s procedure and t h e suppression
o f safeguards f o r t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l .
observes:
he he
R e v o l u t i o n a r y t r i b u n a l ] must,
As J. Godfrey
i n t h e f i n a l a n a l y s i s , be
judged as an i n s t i t u t i o n f o r t h e achievement o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y purpose
and n o t as a c o u r t f o r t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f law and j u s t i c e as o r d i n a r y
socia 1
The C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 5 F r u c t i d o r , An I I I, i n s t i t u t e d f u r t h e r
modif ic a t i o n s i n j u d i c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n .
Mav i n g a b o l i s h e d t h e d i s t r i c t
as an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t , i t a l s o a b o l i s h e d t h e d i s t r i c t c o u r t s and
*
replaced them w i t h departmental c o u r t s f o r purposes o f c i v i l s u i t s i n
t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e and on appeal
i it.
V I I I , A r t . 2 1 6 ) . ~ ) ~Henceforth,
each department i n France maintained two c o u r t s l o c a t e d i n i t s p r i n c i p a l
c i t y , one f o r c i v i 1 j u s t i c e , and t h e o t h e r f o r c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e .
The e f f e c t o f t h i s p r o v i s i o n was t o d r a s t i c a l l y reduce t h e number
o f c o u r t s and t o make j u s t i c e more remote from t h e c i t i z e n s i t was
intended t o serve. 333
Furthermore, t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e c i v i l c o u r t s
under t h e D i r e c t o r y assumed an a p p r e c i a b l y d i f f e r e n t form from t h a t o f
t h e preceding c o u r t s .
The m a g i s t r a t e s , who were e l e c t e d by a m i n o r i t y
o f c i t i z e n s o f means, were sometimes p a r t i s a n s o f t h e o l d regime d u r i n g
which they had e x e r c i s e d analogous f u n c t i o n s .
However, t h e i r e l e c t i o n
was s u b j e c t t o c o n f i r m a t i o n by t h e D i r e c t o r y , and t h e governments were a b l e t o
revoke
t h e e l e c t i o n o f those m a g i s t r a t e s whose q u a l i f i c a t i o n s ,
o p i n i o n , were found wanting. 334
Thus t h e e l e c t i v e system,
in their
though
maintained i n t h e o r y , was g r a d u a l l y abandoned i n p r a c t i c e .
On t h e whole,
t h e j u d i c i a l system f u n c t i o n e d s a t i s f a c t o r i l y d u r i n g
t h e p e r i o d o f t h e D i r e c t o r y , even though t h e government i n c r e a s i n g l y
e x e r c i s e d i t s p r e r o g a t i v e o f a p p o i n t i n g judges. 335
coup d ' g t a t o f 18 F r u c t i d o r , An V (!September 4,
However, a f t e r t h e
1797), t h e government
removed a l a r g e number o f judges and d i r e c t l y appointed t h e i r replacements,
thereby g r a v e l y endangering t h e independence s t i l l enjoyed by t h e
magistracy.
From t h i s moment,
i t was o n l y a m a t t e r o f t i m e u n t i l t h e
e l e c t i v e system gave way e n t i r e l y t o e x e c u t i v e appointment.
Godechot observes:
d ' a u t r e s domaines,
" I 1 n ' e n r e s t e pas moins que,
As J.
l a ' cornme en b i e n
l e D i r e c t o i r e en nomnant des m a g i s t r a t s , a f r a y g l a
v o i e ?i1'Empire. 11336
Under t h e Consulate,
t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 F r i m a i r e , An V l l l
(~ecernber 13, 1799), tended t o s l i g h t t h e j u d i c i a r y ;
however i t was
subsequently complemented by o t h e r laws concerned w i t h j u d i c i a l
administration.
A r t i c l e 61 o f t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n p r o v i d e d t h a t t h e r e
should be c o u r t s o f f i r s t i n s t a n c e and c o u r t s of appeal i n c i v i l matters. 337
No reference was made t o t h e number o f c o u r t s except t h a t every communal
arrondissement was t o be served by one o r more j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace
e l e c t e d d i r e c t l y by t h e c i t i z e n s f o r t h r e e years
i it.
V, A r t . 60.)
338
F u r t h e r p r o v i s i o n was made f o r t h e establishment o f a Court o f Cassation
w i t h powers s i m i l a r t o those granted d u r i n g t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y p e r i o d
( T i t . V , A r t . 65 and 66.) 339
The judges o f t h i s c o u r t were t o be chosen
from a l i s t o f n a t i o n a l notables, w h i l e judges o f c o u r t s o f f i r s t instance
and appeal were t o be chosen from departmental 1 i s t s
mo it.
V , A r t . 67).
340
A r t i c l e 45 p r o v i d e d t h a t a l l judges were t o be appointed by t h e F i r s t
Consul, w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace, thus a b o l i s h i n g t h e
e l e c t i v e system.
341
Judges, o t h e r than j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace, were t o
h o l d o f f i c e f o r l i f e , unless found n e g l i g e n t i n t h e performance o f t h e i r
duties
it.
V, A r t . 68). 342
However, t h i s p r o v i s i o n was m o d i f i e d by
a "senatus-consu1tum"
o f October 12, 1807, which w i t h h e l d l i f e t e n u r e
u n t i l a f t e r a judge had s a t f o r f i v e years. 343
Finally, the Constitution
r e t a i n e d from t h e R e v o l u t i o n such p r a c t i c e s as t h e use o f t h e grand and
t r i a l j u r i e s , a r b i t r a t i o n , and t h e h a n d l i n g o f c o n c i l i a t i o n by j u s t i c e s
o f t h e peace ( T i t. V, A r t .
.
60 and 62) 344
When Napoleon found t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o t u r n h i s f u l l a t t e n t i o n
t o t h e m a t t e r o f j u d i c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , he l a r g e l y r e e s t a b l i s h e d t h e
system c r e a t e d under t h e R e v o l u t i o n .
Pluviase, An V I I I ,
By v i r t u e o f t h e law o f 28
c o u r t s o f f i r s t i n s t a n c e were c r e a t e d i n each
arrondissement w i t h a u t h o r i t y t o judge a l l c i v i l matters,
including
appeals lodged from judgments pronounced by j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace.
However, appeals from one c o u r t o f f i r s t instance t o another c o u r t o f
f i r s t i n s t a n c e were abolished.
Instead, a s e r i e s o f i n t e r m e d i a t e a p p e l l a t e
c o u r t s were c r e a t e d t o r e v i e w judgments o f c o u r t s o f f i r s t i n s t a n c e as
w e l l as judgments from t h e commercial c o u r t s .
345
Under t h e Consulate, t h e judges o f t h e appeal c o u r t s were m a i n l y
r e c r u i t e d from t h e same background as those o f t h e c o u r t s o f f i r s t
instance; t h a t i s t o say,
period.
from among personnel o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y
However, i n t h e l a t e v years o f t h e Empire, t h e appeal c o u r t s
were m a i n l y peopled by m a g i s t r a t e s , o r t h e sons o f m a g i s t r a t e s , o f t h e
former parlements.
Thus i m p e r i a l j u s t i c e tended t o become more a k i n
t o o l d regime j u s t i c e .
346
As i n t h e case of t h e c i v i l c o u r t s , t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e
c r i m i n a l c o u r t s remained, on t h e whole, s i m i l a r t o t h a t which e x i s t e d
during the Revolution
-
a t l e a s t u n t i l 1810.
.
These c o u r t s were
s i t u a t e d i n t h e p r i n c i p a l c i t y o f each department and were composed o f
a p r e s i d e n t , chosen by Napoleon, t o g e t h e r w i t h judges drawn from t h e
appellate courts.
However, as p r e v i o u s l y mentioned, numerous s p e c i a l
c r i m i n a l c o u r t s were c r e a t e d i n 1801 t o deal w i t h m a t t e r s a f f e c t i n g t h e
s e c u r i t y o f the State.
criminal courts,
Other than t h e implementation o f these s p e c i a l
t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t departure from t h e e x i s t i n g system
concerned t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f Courts o f Assize i n 1810 which r e p l a c e d
t h e r e g u l a r c r i m i n a l c o u r t s f o r reasons o f economy.
347
CONCLUSION
When t h e c a h i e r s spoke o f e q u a l i t y and l i b e r t y ,
they represented
t h e demands o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s f o r e q u a l i t y o f r i g h t s , equal j u s t i c e ,
s e c u r i t y o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , and,
f i n a l l y , p o l i t i c a l power.
A1 though
e q u a l i t y and l i b e r t y remained t h e i d e a l s t o w h i c h s o c i e t y had f o r m a l l y
pledged i t s e l f a t t h e onset o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n , t h e s e i d e a l s were i n e v i t a b l y
g i v e n a p a r t i a l and c l a s s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by t h e l e a d e r s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n
who were m a i n l y men o f substance from t h e upper s t r a t a o f t h e T h i r d E s t a t e .
As t h e y were n o t v e r y m i n d f u l o f t h e g r i e v a n c e s o f t h e p o o r e r classes,
c o n c e p t i o n o f e q u a l i t y was l i m i t e d t o t h e d e s i r e t o a b o l i s h p r i v i l e g e .
A l f r e d Cobban observes:
their
As
" P r i v i l e g e was t h e enemy, e q u a l i t y t h e aim, though
i t must be remembered t h a t t h e e q u a l i t y d e s i r e d by t h e T h i r d E s t a t e was
an e q u a l i t y n o t o f p r o p e r t y b u t o f s t a t u s . "
On August 25,
348
1789, t h e m i d d l e c l a s s l a i d t h e d e f i n i t i v e f o u n d a t i o n s
o f t h e new s o c i e t y w i t h t h e D e c l a r a t i o n o f R i g h t s o f Man and t h e C i t i z e n .
As t h i s p r o c l a m a t i o n o f e q u a l i t y o f r i g h t s made t h e f r e e ownership o f
p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y seem
equivalent t o social equality, a continuing c o n f l i c t
between haves and have-nots was i n e v i t a b l e g i v e n t h e e x i s t i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s
o f wealth.
T h i s c o n f l i c t was t o l e a d t h e R e v o l u t i o n o n t o a democratic
c h a l l e n g e t o t h e narrower i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e D e c l a r a t i o n , and u l t i m a t e l y
t o cause t h e b o u r g e o i s i e t o appeal t o m i 1 i t a r y d i c t a t o r s h i p t o p r o t e c t i t s
*
s o c i a l and economic preeminence.
As would be expected,
t h e l e g i s l a t i o n enacted throughout t h i s p e r i o d
a c c u r a t e l y r e f l e c t e d t h e changing a t t i t u d e s d i s p l a y e d by t h e d i f f e r e n t
Revolutionary Assemblies and by Napoleon.
A t the outset, the Constituent
Assembly proclaimed, a l o n g w i t h l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y , t h e s a n c t i t y of
p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , though t h i s d i d n o t i n c l u d e "feudal"
were renounced by t h e Decrees o f August
4.
prerogatives
which
Nevertheless, t h e respect
p a i d t o p r o p e r t y r i g h t s was upheld by t h e q u a l i f i c a t i o n s which were
a l l o w e d t o remain concerning redemptions and compensation.
Similarly,
t h e d e s i r e t o prevent any r e t u r n t o t h e s i t u a t i o n which e x i s t e d under t h e
o l d regime was r e f l e c t e d i n t h e Decrees o f March 15, 1790, and A p r i l 8,
1791, a b o l i s h i n g p r i m o g e n i t u r e and p r o c l a i m i n g equal i n h e r i t a n c e s .
( ~ u t
s p e c i f i c p r o h i b i t i o n s a g a i n s t w i l l i n g p r o p e r t y unequally were o n l y
introduced i n 1794.)
That c r i m i n a l law and t h e j u d i c i a l system needed d r a s t i c change
was immediately recognized by t h e C o n s t i t u e n t Assembly and, as has been
shown, t h e reforms brought about by t h i s body were o f l a s t i n g s i g n i f i c a n c e .
Under t h e L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly,
t h e compromises, h e s i t a t i o n s , and
u n c e r t a i n t i e s which c h a r a c t e r i z e d much o f t h e c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e
p r i o r Assembly tended t o disappear.
The v a r i o u s circumstances, such as
t h e s t r u g g l e w i t h t h e r o y a l power and t h e war w i t h Europe, imposed a
more r i g o r o u s course o f a c t i o n upon t h e l e g i s l a t o r s .
s i x weeks, from August 14 t o September 20,
C
I n t h e space o f
1792, a s e r i e s o f important
decrees were passed.
On August 14, t h e d i v i s i on o f communal lands was
ordered t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e c o n f i s c a t i o n o f t h e p r o p e r t y o f t h e emigr&;
on August 20, 25 and 27, a1 1 " d r o i t s s e i g n e u r i aux'l were destroyed wi t h o u t
indemnity, and on September 20, t h e decrees s e c u l a r i z i n g marriage and
r e g u l a t i n g d i v o r c e were promulgated.
As
P. Sagnac s u c c i n c t l y remarks:
" A p r k avoi r a f f ranch i l e s t e r r e s , e l l e a f f ranchi t 1 es personnes. 11349
Between 1792 and 1794, t h e Convention Assembly attempted t o d e f i n e
t h e gains o f 1789 i n t h e d i r e c t i o n o f e q u a l i t y .
Accordingly, t h e
l e g i s l a t i o n produced by t h i s body, i n r e a c t i o n t o t h e precepts o f Roman
law, imposed 1 i m i t a t i o n s upon p r o p e r t y r i g h t s by g r a n t i n g n a t u r a l c h i l d r e n
successoral shares equal t o l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n , by c u r t a i l i n g p a t e r n a l
a u t h o r i t y , and by c a l l i n g f o r an equal d i v i s i o n among h e i r s i r r e s p e c t i v e
o f t h e wishes o f t h e t e s t a t o r .
The a b i l i t y o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l t o deal
w i t h p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y was thus c i r c u m s c r i b e d i n t h e b e l i e f t h a t t h e
p e r p e t u a t i o n o f gross inequal it i es of w e a l t h must n e c e s s a r i l y l e a d t o t h e
r u i n o f democracy.
B r i e f l y s t a t e d , "1 ' g g a l i t e l k g a l e ne s e r a i t clu'un
mot s i l e s grandes i n k g a l i t & de f a i t c o n t i n u a i e n t
>
s u b s i s t e r . 1,350
A1 though t h e Consti t u t i o n o f An I l l r e t u r n e d p o l i t i c a l power t o t h e
b o u r g e o i s i e by means o f p r o p e r t y q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r s u f f r a g e ,
the fear
remained t h a t a p o l i t i c a l democracy would be r e s u r r e c t e d which would l e a d
t o s o c i a l democracy and t h e d i v i s i o n o f p r o p e r t y .
Thus, under t h e D i r e c t o r y ,
attempts were made t o r e d e f i n e , p r o t e c t , and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e t h e gains o f
t h e new governing c l a s s .
*
The Dec l a r a t i o n o f R i g h t s accompanying t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f An I l l
was genera 1 1y conceived i n t h e s p i r i t o f t h e 1 i b e r a l " p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789,"
b u t w i t h s i g n i f i c a n t departures from i t .
E q u a l i t y now became e s s e n t i a l l y
equal i t y b e f o r e t h e law and n o t i n c i v i 1 r i g h t s :
ce q u i l a l o i e s t l a mCme pour tous"
( A r t . 3). 351
" ~ ' 6 g a lit; , c o n s i s t e en
Economic l i b e r t y was
e x p r e s s l y confirmed by t h e d e f i n i t i o n g i v e n t o p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y :
"La
p r o p r i & t 6 e s t l e d r o i t de j o u i r e t de d i s p o s e r de ses biens, de ses
revenus, du f r u i t de son t r a v a i l e t de son i n d u s t r i e "
( ~ r t .5).352
Finally,
t h e D e c l a r a t i o n saw t h e c o u n t r y as b e i n g governed by landowners as p a r t
o f the n a t u r a l o r d e r o f t h i n g s :
"C'est s u r l e m a i n t i e n des p;opri6t6s
que repose l a c u l t u r e des t e r r e s , t o u t e s l e s p r o d u c t i o n s , t o u t moyen de
t r a v a i l , e t tout l ' o r d r e social"
( A r t . 8).
353
The o v e r r i d i n g concern o f the p r o p e r t i e d c l a s s under t h e D i r e c t o r y
(1 795-1 799)
,a
p e r i o d o f i n t e n s e pol i t i c a l and economi c i n s t a b i 1 it y , was
t h e maintenance o f a s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y and t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l
and fami l y p r o p e r t y r i g h t s from i n t e r f e r e n c e by t h e S t a t e .
Thus, much
l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e p r e v i o u s Assemblies was amended, e s p e c i a l l y t h a t
concerning d i v o r c e and t h e r i g h t s g r a n t e d t o n a t u r a l c h i l d r e n .
I n addition,
t h e l e g i s l a t o r s r e e s t a b l i s h e d imprisonment f o r debt and r e g u l a r i z e d t o
t h e i r advantage t h e s a l e o f n a t i o n a l p r o p e r t y .
354
As t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y decade progressed, t h e r e f o r e ,
t h e r e emerged a
new and even s t r o n g e r system o f vested i n t e r e s t s than e x i s t e d b e f o r e 1789.
The l i b e r a l experiment o f t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f An I l l had n o t been
*
f
successful, having been undermined by d i c t a t o r i a l expedients.
Thus,
behind t h e facade o f a l i b e r a l C o n s t i t u t i o n , t h e ground was g r a d u a l l y
prepared f o r t h e d i c t a t o r s h i p o f Bonaparte.
By 1799, a regime o f repeated
c o u p s ' d ' e t a t made d i c t a t o r s h i p appear p r e f e r a b l e t o e i t h e r Jacobinism o r
r o y a l i s t r e a c t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y when t h e economic and s o c i a l conquests of
t h e R e v o l u t i o n seemed t o be threatened.
Under t h e t u t e l a g e o f Napoleon, t h e upper m i d d l e c l a s s was a b l e t o
consol i d a t e i t s supremacy and complete t h e work o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n i n terms
o f many o f i t s aims o f 1789.
The p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e Code Napol6on p r o t e c t e d
the property settlements o f t h e Revolutionary p e r i o d w h i l e maintaining the
p r i n c i p l e s o f e q u a l i t y b e f o r e t h e law and e q u a l i t y o f o p p o r t u n i t y .
The
Roman law t r a d i t i o n continued t o recover i t s i n f l u e n c e and t h i s was
r e f l e c t e d b o t h i n t h e r e s t o r a t i o n o f p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y and t h e f r e e r
d i s p o s i t i o n o f p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y , as w e l l as i n t h e increased s e v e r i t y o f
t h e p r o v i s i o n s o f t h e Penal Code.
I n essence, t h e Code Napolgon gave
permanence t o t h e i d e a l s and a s p i r a t i o n s o f t h e upper m i d d l e c l a s s .
Godechot observes:
''~6di~p
; a r des bourgeois, il a en vue uniquement
1 1 i n t 6 r 6 t de l a c l a s s e poss6dante.
I 1 r z g l e l e s c o n d i t i o n s d ' e x i s t e n c e de
l a f a m i l l e , considgrge sous l ' a n g l e de l a p r o p r i 6 t 6 :
l e s partages,
As J .
l e s donations,
l e c o n t r a t de mariage,
l e s successions sont l e s p r i n c i p a u x o b j e t s
de ses p r ' e o c ~ u ~ a t i o n s . I 1 c o n s i d s r e l a propri'ete' comme un d r o i t absolu,
indiscutable,
i n v i o l a b l e e t sac&.
11355
I t would be unduly r e s t r i c t i v e , however, t o p o r t r a y t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s
as being concerned e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h m a t e r i a l i n t e r e s t s .
The humanitarian
and i n s t i t u t i o n a l reforms achieved i n t h e areas o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure
and j u d i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n were, f o r t h e most p a r t , s i g n i f i c a n t and
durable.
S i m i l a r l y , t h e v a r i o u s attempts t o c o d i f y t h e c i v i l laws p r o v i d e d
an i n d i s p e n s a b l e foundation f o r the eventual successful c o d i f i c a t i o n under
Napoleon.
I n t h e f i n a l a n a l y s i s , t h e work o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n a r y Assemblies
was l a s t i n g because i t gave concrete expression t o i d e a l s which had been
long suppressed under t h e o l d regime.
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3.
Ibid.,
-
4.
J. M a c k r e l l ,
5.
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9.
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-
10.
P. Sagnac,
La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e de l a r & o l u t i o n
L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1898), p. 2.
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A. Esmein,
Cours G1;rnentait-e
d ' h i s t o i r e du d r o i t francais,
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14.
Sagnac, La I g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 6.
15.
Godechot,
16.
J .M.
17.
Baron F, Dglbeke, L ' a c t i o n p o l i t i q u e e t s o c i a l e des avocats au
X V l l l s i s c l e , (Paris:
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I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p.
141.
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18.
C.L.
19.
Ibid.,
20.
A. D e s j a r d i n s ,
137.
Von Bar, "A H i s t o r y o f C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law", i n C o n t i n e n t a l
Legal H i s t o r y , o on don: John Murray, 1916) Vol. X, p. 259.
p. 277.
criminel le,
Les c a h i e r s des 6 t a t s g6ngraux en 1789 e t l a l g g i s l a t i o n
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(Paris:
e
21.
R. Anchel,
Crimes e t chatiments au X V l l l
acad&nique P e r r i n , 1933), p. 29.
22.
Ibid.,
23.
Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 261.
24.
Ibid.,
25.
(Oxford:
p.
sizcle,
(paris:
Librairie
4.
p. 263.
A . Wattlnne,
L'affaire
des t r o i s rougs,
( ~ a c o n : P r o t a t FrZres, 1921).,
P . 49.
I
1
26.
1
27
A . Esmein,.
"A H i s t o r y of C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure", i n C o n t i n e n t a l
Legal H i s t o r y , ( ~ o s t o n : L i t t l e , Brown, and Company, 1913),
V o l . v., p . 397.
Ibid.,
p.
398.
28.
Ibid.,
p. 399.
29.
Ibid.,
30.
Godechot,
31.
Ibid.,
32.
D e s j a r d i n s , Cahiers des G t a t s g&6raux,
33.
Ibid.,
34.
Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 316.
35.
MIT.
36.
Ib i d .
37.
Ibid.,
p. 25.
38
Ibid.,
p. 25.
39.
Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p. 363.
40.
Ibid.
41.
Ibid.,
42.
Maestro, V o l t a i r e and B e c c a r i a , p. 27.
43.
M a c k r e l l , S e i g n i o r i a l J u s t i c e , p.
44.
Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 317.
45.
Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p . 364.
p. 400
I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 401.
p. 402.
p. 78.
p. 28.
#
Maestro, V o l t a i r e and B e c c a r i a as Reformers o f C r i m i n a l Law,
( ~ e wYork:
F a r r a r , S t r a u s and G i r o u x , 1972), p. 23.
p. 369.
/
134.
46.
Ibid.
47.
Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p.
48.
Ibid.
49.
Ibid.
50.
M a c k r e l l , S e i g n i o r i a l J u s t i c e , p.
51.
Wattinne, T r o i s
52.
Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccaria, p.
53.
P e t e r Gay, V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s : The Poet as R e a l i s t , ( p r i n c e t o n :
P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959), p. 284.
54.
Edna Nixon, V o l t a i r e and t h e Calas Case,
Ltd., 1961), p. 216.
55.
Gay, V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s , pp. 292 e t 3.
56.
Ibid.,
p. 293.
57.
Ibid.,
p. 293.
58.
Maestro, V o l a t i r e and Beccaria, p.
59.
Ibid.,
60.
Gay,
61.
Wattinne,
62.
Delbeke, L ' a c t i o n p o l i t i q u e , pp. 59-65.
ROU&,
415.
134.
p. 72.
/
101.
/
p.
116.
117.
Voltaire's Politics,
p. 298.
T r o i s Rougs, p. 71.
o on don:
V i c t o r Gollancz
63.
W.F.
Church. "The D e c l i n e o f t h e French J u r i s t s as P o l i t i c a l
~ h e o r i i t s , 1660-178911, i n French H i s t o r i c a l Studies, ( ~ o r c e s t e r ,
Mass.:
Hefferman Press, 1967) Vol. V, Number 1, S p r i n g 1967,
64.
Ibid.,
-
65.
Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 318.
66.
Ibid.
-
67.
H i s t o i r e de France, E. L a v i s s e (ed.),
Vol
I X , p . 195.
68.
Church, French J u r i s t s , p. 39.
69.
Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccaria, p .
70.
Anchel, Crimes e t chstiments, p. 221.
71.
A l f r e d Cobban, "The Parlements o f France i n t h e E i g h t e e n t h Century",
i n Aspects o f t h e French R e v o l u t i o n , o on don: Granada Pub1 ishing
L i m i t e d , 1971), p. 68.
72.
A. Goodwin, The French R e v o l u t i o n ,
p. 17.
73.
Cobban, Parlements of France, p . 78.
74.
R.R.
75.
Ibid.
76.
Goodwin, French R e v o l u t i o n , p . 17.
77.
Godechot,
78.
W.O.
p . 31.
.
(paris:
L i b r a i r i e Hachette
/
I
1.
155.
( ~ e wYork:
Harper & Row, 1966),
Palmer, The Age o f t h e Democratic Revolution,
P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959), p. 97.
(Princeton:
I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 17.
Doyle,
,
- "The Parlements o f France and t h e Breakdown o f t h e Old
Reg ifhe", i n French H i s t o r i c a l Studies, ( ~ o r c e s t e r , Mass. :
Hefferman Press, 1970) Vol. V I , Number 4, F a l l 1970, p. 415.
79.
Cobban, Parlements of France, p . 79.
80.
F.
~ i g t r i ,La riforrne de l l k t a t au x v l l l e s i z c l e , ( P a r i s :
' e d i t i o n s de France, 1935), p.
Les
139.
81.
J. D e c l a r e u i l , H i s t o i r e g6ngrale du d r o i t f r a n s a i s de o r i g i n e s d e s
3 1789. ( P a r i s : L i b r a i r i e du Recueil ~ i r e y . 1925),
82.
Desjardins, Cahiers des 6 t a t s g&6raux,
83.
Ibid.,
84.
M. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon e t l a rlforrne j u d i c i a i r e d,e
1788, ( P a r i s : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1905), p. 1.
85.
M a c k r e l l , S e i g n i o r i a l J u s t i c e , p . 128.
86.
Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon, p. 2.
87.
Ibid.,
88.
Goodwin, French Revolution, p. 37.
91.
E. Glasson, Le Parlernent de P a r i s ,
Cie., 1901) Vol. 2, p . 477.
92
Ibid.,
93.
Mackrell, Seigniorial Justice,
94.
Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon, pp. 67-68.
p. xx.
p. x x i .
-
p. 6.
(paris:
L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t
p. 478.
p. 127.
96.
Glasson, Parlement de P a r i s , p. 480.
97.
I sambert, Recuei 1 ggngral des anciennes l o i s f r a n ~ ases,
i
(Paris:
L i b r a i r i e de Plon FrZres, 1822-33) Vol. X X V I l , p. 527.
98.
e
J. Flammermont, Remonstrances du Parlement de P a r i s au X V l l l
~ i z c l e , (paris:
l m p r i m e r i e n a t i o n a l e , 1898) Vol. 3, p. 770.
99.
Isambert, Recueil g g n g r a l ,
100. I b i d . ,
p. 530.
101. -*l b i d
p. 531.
102. =l b i d
p. 531.
103. I b i d . ,
p. 531.
104. I b i d . ,
p. 532.
-
p. 532.
105. l b i d
Vol. X X V I I ,
p. 527.
106. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p. 397.
107. H i s t o i r e de France, E. L a v i s s e (ed.),
108. Isambert, Recueil gSnEral,
Vol.
Vol. X X V I I ,
109. H i s t o i r e de France, E. L a v i s s e (ed.),
I X , p. 347.
p. 561.
Vol.
110. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Lamoignon, p.
I X , p. 348.
4.
1 1 1 . Goodwin, French R e v o l u t i o n , p. .37.
112. P . Sagnac, La f i n de l ' a n c i e n rkgime e t l a r & o l u t i o n amgricaine
Presses un i v e r s i t a i r e s de France,
(1 765- 1789), ( ~ a rs:i
19521, p. 472.
B
113. Wattinne, T r o i s
ROU&,
p.
171.
114. Thompson, French R e v o l u t i o n Documents, p. 110.
-
115. I b i d .
116. I b i d .
117. I b i d .
118. Soboul, French Revolution, pp.
119. Godechot,
- seq.
178 e t
I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 27.
I
120. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 44.
121. I b i d . ,
122. J.H.
p. 46.
Stewart, A Documentary Survey o f t h e French R e v o l u t i o n ,
( ~ e wYork:
The Macmillan Company, 1966), p. 106.
123. Thompson, French R e v o l u t i o n Documents, p. 58.
124. I b i d . ,
p. 59.
-
p. 60.
125. l b i d
126. A. Esmein, L ' h i s t o i r e du d r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789
du Recueil S i r e y , 1911), p. 213.
1814, ( ~ i b r a i r i e
127. Soboul, French R e v o l u t i o n , p. 554.
128. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n- ~ a i sde 1789
2 1814,
p. 221.
129. L. Cahen and R. Guyot, L'oeuvre l e g i s l a t i v e de l a r & o l u t i o n ,
(paris:
L i b r a i r i e F 6 l i x Alcan, 1913), p. 27.
130. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 322.
131. I b i d . ,
p. 333.
132. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n-~ a i sde 1789
-
133. I b i d . ,
1814, p. 228.
p. 233.
134. Stewart, Documentary Survey, P. 326.
135. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n- ~ a i sde 1789
136. Ibid.,
2 1814, p. 233.
p. 234.
137. Sagnac, La 1 6 g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 385.
-
138. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n s a i s de 1789
139. I b i d . ,
p. 239.
140. Ibid.,
p. 242.
2
I
1814, p. 235.
141. M. P l a n i o l , "The R e v o l u t i o n and t h e Codes",
History,
o on don:
John Murray,
i n C o n t i n e n t a l Legal
1912) Vol. 1, p. 278.
142. I b i d .
143. I b i d .
144. A . Esmein, " ~ ' o r i ~ i n a l i t du
g Code C i v i l " ,
du Centenaire, ( p a r i s :
Vol. 1, p. 10.
145. F. Markham, Napoleon,
p. 96.
i n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e
L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969)
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146. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 3.
*
1963),
J.
I
s
-
148. I b i d .
149. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p.
146.
150. Cahen and Guyot, L'oeuvre l g g i s l a t i v e , p. 26.
151. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p.
152. Ibid.,
-
p. 48.
153. Ibid.,
-
p. 48.
154. Ibid.,
-
p. 48.
-
p. 48.
155. I b i d . ,
156. l b i d
Po
9
47.
p. 51.
157. Esmein, ~ ' o r i ~ i ni at gl du Code C i v i l , V o l . 1, p. 9.
158. Markham, Napoleon, p. 96.
159. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 52.
160. Rapport de Carnbaceres, Fenet, Vol. 1, p. 140, c i t e d by A. Esrnein,
original i t & du Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du
Centenaire, ( p a r i s :
L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969)
Vol. 1, p. 10.
161. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 53.
-
162. I b i d .
-
163. I b i d . ,
p. 54.
164. Markham, Napoleon, p. 96.
165. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 281.
166. Sagnac, La 1Ggislation civile, p. 55.
167. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p . 285.
-
168. Esmein, Droit fransais de 1789 2 1814, p. 329.
169. Ibid., p. 331.
170. R.B. Holtman, The Napoleonic Revolution, (~hiladelphiaand New York:
p. 88.
J.B. Lippincott Company, 1967)~
171. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1 ,
p . 288.
de la captivite' de l'empireur ~apole/on",Vol. 1,
172. De Montholon, "R&it
p . 401, cited by C.J. Friedrich, "The Ideological and Philosophical
Backgroundff,in The Code Napoleon and the Common-Law World,
B. Schwartz (ed.) , (New York University Press, 1956), p. 17.
173. Esmein, Droit francais de 1789 5 1814, p. 333.
174. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1,
p. 281.
175. ~ e n 6David, French Law: Its Structures, Sources, and Methodology,
a at on
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972), p. 12.
176. Godechot, lnstitutions de la France, p. 692.
177. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol . 1, p. 287.
178. Ibid.
179. Godechot, Institutions de la France, p. 692,
180. Fenet, Vol. 1, pp. 466-467; ~ o c r g , Vol. 1, pp. 254-255, c i t e d by
Andr6 Tunc. "The Grand O u t l ines o f t h e Code". i n The Code
~ a ~ o l g oand
n t h e Common-Law World, B. ~ c h w a r & ( e m w
York:
New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1956), p. 44.
181. David, French Law, p.
14.
182. Fenet, Vol. 1, pp. 467-469; ~ o c t - 6 , Vol.
And& Tunc, Grand Out1 ines, p. 24.
1, pp. 255-257,
183. P l a n i o l , R e v o l u t i o n and t h e Codes, Vol.
1, p. 285.
Ibid.,
-
p. 286.
185. I b i d . ,
p. 286.
184.
186. David, French Law, p.
.
c i t e d by
12.
187. P l a n i o l , R e v o l u t i o n and t h e Codes, V o l .
1 , p. 286.
-
188. I b i d .
189. Tunc, Grand Out1 ines, p. 34.
190. Code NapolGon, L i t e r a l l y t r a n s l a t e d from t h e o r i g i n a l and o f f i c i a l
e d i t i o n p u b l i s h e d a t P a r i s i n 1804 by a b a r r i s t e r o f t h e I n n e r
Temple, a at on Rouge: R.G. C l a i t o r pub1 i s h e r , 1960 r e p r i n t ) ,
P. 19.
191. P. Lerebours-Pigeonnizre, "Le F a m i l l e e t l e Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code
C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, ( p a r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin,
1969) Vol. 1, p. 275.
192. Godechot,
I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695.
193. Code ~ a p o l g o n , p. 62.
I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695.
194. Godechot,
L
195. Tunc, Grand O u t l i n e s , p.
196. Code Napolgon,
197. Ibid.,
-
p. 76.
198. I b i d . ,
-
p. 83.
-
p. 86.
199. Ibid.,
200. Godechot,
201
37.
p. 63.
I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695.
. Code Napolgon,
202.
Ibid.,
p. 44.
203.
Ibid.,
-
p.
204.
Ibid.,
p. 60.
205.
Ibid.,
p. 391.
206.
Ibid.,
p. 393.
p.
104.
59.
207. Tunc, Grand O u t l i n e s , p. 36.
208. Holtman, Napoleonic R e v o l u t i o n , p. 92.
209. Code Napolgon, p. 204.
210.
Ibid.,
p. 249.
211.
Ibid.,
p. 244.
212. ~ e r e b o u r s - ~ i ~ e o n n i z rLa
e , F a m i l l e e t l e Code C i v i l , Vol.
213. Code ~ a ~ f o 6 o np., 95.
1, p. 280.
214.
Ibid.,
p. 96.
215.
lbid.,
p. 96.
216. Holtman, Napoleonic R e v o l u t i o n , p. 91.
217. Code Napolgon, p. 208.
218.
Ibid.,
p. 94.
-
219. P l a n i o l . R e v o l u t i o n and t h e C odes, V
220. A . S o r e l , " I n t r o d u c t i o n " t o Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire,
( p a r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969) Vol. 1, p. x x i x .
221. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q
- a i s de 1789
2
1814, p. 250.
222. H. CarrG, La f i n des parlements (1788-17901,
Hachette e t Cie., 1912), p. 83.
223. Wattinne, T r o i s
-
224. I b i d . ,
p.
ROU~S,
p.
(Paris: L i b r a i r i e
177.
180.
225. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p. 402.
226.
Ibid.
227.
Ibid.,
p. 404.
228.
Ibid.,
p. 407.
229. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 321.
230.
Ibid.
231.
Ibid.
232. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p.
146.
-
233. I b i d .
234. Thompson, French R e v o l u t i o n Documents, p. 15.
235. Esrnein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 409.
-
236. I b i d .
237. I b i d . ,
p. 410.
238. l b i d . ,
-
p. 415.
239.
Ibid.,
p. 41 6.
240.
Ibid.,
p. 417.
241.
Ibid.,
p.
242.
Ibid.,
p. 411.
243.
Ibid.,
p. 411.
244. I b i d . ,
p. 419.
245.
Ibid.,
p. 419.
246. I b i d . ,
p. 419.
410.
247. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n c a i s de 1789
2
1814, p . 257.
a
248. Cahen and Guyot, L'oeuvre I Z g i s l a t i v e , p. 23.
249. I b i d . ,
p . 194.
250. M. ~ o u c a ? u l t , S u r v e i l l e r e t p u n i r , ( P a r i s : E d i t i o n s Gallimard,
19751, p. 18.
251. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p . 321.
252.
Ibid.,
p. 322.
253.
Ibid.,
p. 324.
254.
Ibid.,
p. 323.
255.
Ibid.,
p. 323.
256. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n c a i s de 1789
2
1814, p. 257.
257. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p. 427.
258.
Ibid.,
p. 428.
259.
Ibid.,
p. 429.
260.
Ibid.,
p. 430.
261.
Ibid.,
p. 434.
262. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Law, p. 323.
263. L. Gershoy, The French R e v o l u t i o n and Napoleon, ( ~ e wYork:
P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1965), p. 457.
264. S t e w a r t , Documentary Survey, p. 775.
265. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l C r i m i n a l Procedure, p. 439.
266.
Ibid.,
p. 440.
267.
Ibid.,
p. 439.
268.
Ibid.,
p. 438.
C
Meredith
269. Stewart, Documentary Survey, P.
270. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789
775.
2 1814, p. 336.
271. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 461.
272. Cambridge Modern H i s t o r y , G.W. Prothero, A.W. Ward, S . Leathes, (eds.)
(Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1906) Vol. I X , p. 171.
273. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , L o u i s T r i p i e r (ed.), ( p a r i s :
L i b r a i r i e de jurisprudence de C o t i l l o n , 1850), p. 817.
274. Cambridge Modern H i s t o r y , Vol.
I X , p. 171.
275. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 459.
276. Marc Ancel, " I n t r o d u c t i o n " t o The French Penal Code, G.O.W.
(ed .) , o on don : Sweet & Maxwell L i m i ted, 1960) , p 3.
.
277. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 464.
278. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q a i s de 1789
2
1814, p. 336.
r
279. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 472.
280.
Ibid.,
p. 483.
281. Cambridge Modern H i s t o r y , V o l .
IX,
p.
172.
282. Esmein, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Procedure, p. 495.
283. I b i d .
-
284. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n s a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 337.
285. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , p. 719.
286. Godechot,
I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p . 631.
287. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , p. 781..
Mueller
288.
*l
bid
'
p. 787.
289. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Law, p. 336.
290. Anchel, French Penal Code, p. 9.
291. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Law, p. 337.
292. Code p & a l , F i f t y - n i n t h e d i t i o n ,
D a l l o z , 1962), p. 5.
293.
Ibid.,
-
p. 9.
294.
Ibid.,
p.
295.
Ibid.,
p. 11.
296.
Ibid.,
p. 282.
(paris:
Jurisprudence g & g r a l e
5.
297. Von Bar, C o n t i n e n t a l Criminal Law, p. 338.
298.
Ibid.
-
299. Code p6nal
, p.
2.
300. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q a i s de 1789
2 1814, p. 86.
301. Cobban, Parlements o f France, p. 82.
302. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p.
108.
303. J. Brissaud, "A H i s t o r y of French P u b l i c Law", i n C o n t i n e n t a l Legal
H i s t o r y , ondo don: John Murray, 1915) V o l . I X , p . 561.
304. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p.
305.
Ibid.
-
306.
Ibid.
144.
I
308. S t e w a r t , Documentary Survey, p. 145.
.
311. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789
2
312. S t e w a r t , Documentary Survey, p.
313.
Ibid.
314.
Ibid.
315.
Ibid.,
p.
316.
Ibid.,
p. 146.
1814, p.
144.
152.
317. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789
2
1814, p. 106.
a
318. S t e w a r t , Documentary Survey, p.
319.
Ibid.
320.
Ibid.,
148.
p. 149.
321. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789 S 1814, p.
107.
322. Cahen and Guyot, L ' o e u v r e l g g i s l a t i v e , p. 184.
323. Esmein, D r o i t f r a na~ a i sde 1789 2 1814, p.
324. Godechot,
111.
I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 153.
325. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q a i s de 1789 2 1814, p . 113.
326. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 256.
327. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789
2
1814, p.
111.
a
328. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p.
329. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i sde 1789
2
159.
1814, p.
117.
#
330. Brissaud, French P u b l i c Law, Vol.
331. J.L.
I X , p. 562.
Godfrey, R e v o l u t i o n a r y J u s t i c e , (chapel H i l l :
o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a Press, l 9 5 l ) , p. 150.
332. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 596.
333. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q a i s de 1789
2
1814, p . 1
334. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 477
335.
Ibid.,
p. 480.
336.
Ibid.,
p. 481.
337. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p . 775.
338.
Ibid.
-
339.
Ibid.,
p. 776.
340.
Ibid.,
p. 776.
341.
Ibid.,
p. 773.
342.
Ibid.,
p. 776.
343. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 619.
344. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p . 775.
*
The U n i v e r s i t y
345. Godechot,
346.
1
Ibid.,
I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p . 621.
p . 622.
347. Holtman, Napoleonic R e v o l u t i o n , p. 87.
4
E
348. A l f r e d Cobban, A H i s t o r y o f Modern France, (~armondsworth, Middlesex:
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349. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 384.
350. I b i d . ,
p . 241.
351. Cahen and Guyot, L'oeuvre l e ' g i s l a t i v e , p . 111.
352.
Ibid.
353.
Ibid.,
p. 113.
354. Georges Lefebvre, The D i r e c t o r
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( ~ e wYork:
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355. ~ o d e c h o t ; l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p . 693.
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