History at A-level
AEB A-level History 630
Paper 1 Option 02 Topic number 11
Irish Nationalism c.1865-1923
Understanding Anglo Irish relations
From Fenians to partition
Irish nationalism c.1865-1923
The green flag which hung over the
G.P.O. in Dublin on Easter Monday 1916
Banner carried at an Ulster anti-Home
Rule demonstration, c. 1913
Produced by
’Ireland In Schools–
in association with
The Warrington Project
SU26
The Warrington Project, January 2000
The copyright for this Study Unit rests with The Warrington
Project.
However, the materials in this unit may be photocopied without
charge or restriction by schools and colleges teaching the AEB
History A Level 630 Paper 1 Option 02 Topic number 11 Irish
nationalism c.1865-1923.
The Warrington Project
PO Box 282
Warrington
WA1 1UH
Tel: 01925 442233
Fax: 01925 231077
Contents
Preface and acknowledgements
1.
Addressing the syllabus
1
2.
Using these materials
4
3.
Introduction to the study ’ Ireland and the Union
7
4.
Gladstone and Ireland
Were Gladstone–s Irish policies successful?
14
The Irish Nationalist movement c.1870-1886
What did the Nationalist movement achieve c.1870 ‘ c1890?
21
Irish Home Rule
Why did Home Rule fail 1886-93?
30
Assignment
Why were Gladstone–s Home Rule Bills of 1886 and 1893 defeated?
39
The Ulster Crisis
Why did the Third Home Rule Bill take Ireland to the verge of Civil War in 1914?
45
Partition
Why was Ireland partitioned in 1921-22?
53
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Assignments:
Why and when did Partition become the only practicable solution to the Irish Question?
Was Irish Unionism a more successful movement than Irish Nationalism in the period 18651923?
Appendix
Examples of students‘ work
A. Note on students and assessment
B. Marks awarded
C. Essays
1. Gladstone and Ireland
Why did Gladstone make Ireland his priority from 1868-74?
2. Gladstone and Ireland
How successful were Gladstone–s Irish policies 1868-74?
3. Home Rule
…Home Rule means Rome Rule.– How far does this slogan explain the intensity of Unionist
opposition to Home Rule for Ireland in the period 1868‘ 1914?
4. Home Rule
Between 1886 and 1914 there were three attempts to introduce Home Rule for Ireland and
all three were defeated. How far was this the result of the actions of Ulster Protestants?
5. Partition
Was partition an acceptable solution to the Irish question?
Bibliography
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96
Preface and acknowledgements
This Study Unit is one of a series of units commissioned by the Warrington Project and
designed to support teachers currently covering aspects of Irish History in their A-level
courses, and to encourage teachers interested in introducing some Irish history elements
into their courses. The units are all directed at particular sections of syllabuses, so as to
minimise the amount of customising the teacher has to do in order to use the units. This
unit, From Fenians to Partition, focuses on a number of issues which emerge in the
teaching of Topic number 11 (…
Irish nationalism, c.1865-1923‘), AEB A-level History
630 Paper 1 Option 02.
Ultimately, all A-level syllabuses are assessed in some form of structured writing, even
if the exact form differs. Students find this a difficult skill to master. Part of the
problem is that students try to access information, and then produce a piece of analytical
writing. The fatal flaw here is that students need more than content flung at them. They
need guidance with the thinking process as well. With this in mind, the units are built less
around content headings and more around the kinds of questions which students will have
to deal with.
The problem is compounded by the perceived difficulty of Irish History. It is sometimes
said that the problem lies in an Anglo-centric view which makes an understanding of the
topic difficult. This may be true, but a purely Irish view also makes the topic difficult
to comprehend. When Ireland is treated as a foreign country, this makes the interest of
the Conservatives in opposing Home Rule very difficult to grasp.
The aim of this unit is to try to explore the different …
mental Irelands‘ which existed in
this period:
the Gaelic Ireland of the Nationalist activists;
the United Kingdom or Unionist Ireland, where County Donegal occupies a similar
status to Staffordshire; and
the Home Rule Ireland, with its own parliament but still ruled by Queen Victoria
and a loyal part of the empire.
All of these Irelands, and a good few more, coexist in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries and frequently collide with each other. If one group were losing out
on the island of Ireland, what would be more logical than to enlist the support of brothers
and colleagues on the mainland? Thus, the thrust of these materials is to recognise and
get to know the different Irelands of the period. Once students recognise them, they
should be closer to understanding them.
I would like to thank the Warrington Project for asking me to write up these materials,
and for the patience they have shown in waiting for them to be delivered. Most of all,
I would like to thank Professor Patrick Buckland for much support, patience, advice and
good conversation. Patrick is a rare man, and Anglo Irish understanding, less than
satisfactory as it may be at the moment, would be much the poorer were it not for his
work.
Ben Walsh
1999
1. Addressing the syllabus
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 1 of 96
PREPARING FOR THE EXAMINATION
Syllabuses are not just about examinations, but examinations are pretty important all the
same. Also, there is no reason why good history focused on the major historical issues
of the time cannot be directly useful and relevant to the examination. In fact, that is the
ideal of every examiner. So, this unit is trying to make strong links between good
history, key historical issues and the needs of the examination.
In an ideal world, the best preparation for the examination would be to have a good look
at the paper in advance! Clearly this is not possible, but it is possible to do some really
organised and structured thinking.
To begin with, put yourself in the position of the examiner. You may have studied
events in chronological order, but no examiner will ever set a question which asks you
to tell a story in chronological order. The questions set centre around big issues, such
as whether Gladstone‘s Irish policies succeeded, or why Ireland was partitioned. So, you
need to have a view on these big questions.
To achieve this …
big view‘ you have to work in a smart way:
look at past examination papers;
work out what the really big themes and issues are; and
make sure that you could answer any question on these big themes and issues, if
you were asked.
FRAMEWORK FOR THINKING
Think about preparing for the examination now, as you work through the course. Here
is a suggested way to think through things.
What is the
major theme?
What are the key
questions?
(just a couple of
examples here)
What do I do
with them?
What do I do
next?
Irish Nationalism c1865-1923
…
Ulster will Fight and Ulster will be Right.‘ Account for the strength of
Unionist opposition to Irish Home Rule in the period 1886-1914.
Why and when did Partition become the only practicable solution to the Irish
Question?
(Assuming you have covered the topic)
1. First of all, decide what your view is on the question. So for the first
question, why was the opposition to Home Rule so strong? Was there one
reason, was there a combination of factors? Were some factors more
important than others? What points are you going to set out in that first
paragraph to get the Examiner thinking …
Ah, this person has thought through
the issues, I‘m not going to get a story here‘.
2. Now, you need to ask yourself:
What points will I make to convince the examiner that my view is right?
What evidence (events; sources; examples) will show that my views are
sensible and well thought out?
Make sure you have a well supported view on all of the questions which might
come up under all of the key themes.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 2 of 96
IRISH NATIONALISM, 1865-1923: KEY THEMES
So what are these key themes and how do we prepare for them? The AEB syllabus sets
out the key themes of the topic very clearly.
Fenianism: Gladstone–s First Ministry.
Parnell and Gladstone.
Home Rule 1885-94.
Ulster Unionism.
Land Reform.
The Gaelic Revival.
The Home Rule Crisis, 1911-14.
The Easter Rising.
The 1918 general election and its consequences.
The conflict of 1919-21.
The Government of Ireland Act (1920).
The Irish Treaty and its consequences in Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State.
IRISH NATIONALISM, 1865-1923: PAST QUESTIONS
However, sometimes it is easier to see how these themes translate into questions by
looking at the questions which examiners have set in the last few years. Here are the
questions from 1992-1999.
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
How valid is the judgement that …
Ulster Unionism was more successful than
Irish Nationalism in the period 1885-1921‘?
Why and when did Partition become the only practicable solution to the Irish
Question?
…
Ulster will Fight and Ulster will be Right.‘ Account for the strength of
Unionist opposition to Irish Home Rule in the period 1886-1914.
Consider the view that, in the period 1885-1914, Irish nationalism achieved
little.
How responsible were the Ulster Protestants for Ireland‘s failure to achieve
Home Rule in the period 1886-1918?
To what extent, and why, in the period 1885-1921, did Ulster Unionists succeed
in achieving their objectives?
…
Home Rule means Rome rule.‘ How far does this slogan explain the intensity
of Unionist opposition to Home Rule for Ireland in the period 1886-1914?
Why, in the period 1886-1914, did the campaigners for Home Rule for Ireland
fail to achieve their objectives?
THE BIG QUESTIONS
A number of themes emerge clearly from this list.
Why Unionists were so opposed to Home Rule.
The aims of the Home Rule movement.
The reasons why Home Rule was defeated.
The issue of whether Unionism should be regarded as a more successful movement
than Nationalism in this period.
Why Ireland was partitioned in 1922.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 3 of 96
2. Using these materials
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 4 of 96
Teacher notes
With these …
big questions‘ in mind, this study unit has been constructed around the
following teaching scheme which has been trialed in teaching this particular course. The
scheme is based on two hours of contact time with students per week, and at least one
hour of their own time spent on directed reading or writing up assignments.
It is by no means the only way to deliver the course. However, it may provide teachers
with some initial ideas on planning and managing the timescale and workload associated
with the topic. Clearly, there will be many local variations on the circumstances in
which the scheme was generated. Teachers may not have the regular two hours, or they
may have more contact time in a shorter period. Holidays, modular examinations and
scores of other contingencies have to be built in.
In practice, the plan was used with students. The teacher initially created the scheme and
explained its workings to the students. This has some enormous advantages. The
students know what is expected of them at all points during the topic. This makes the fair
and judicious application of policies with respect to assessments and handing in work
much easier to operate.
In addition, reading requirements prior to lessons are set out. Students absent for one
session should be fully aware as to whether they have any reading to do or work to hand
in for a forthcoming lesson. In some respects it is demanding for the teacher, in that it
requires a degree of forward planning. However, most teachers already do this, although
they may not share the information with the students.
Practice has shown that slippage in the timescale is not a problem. If anything, a degree
of bonding takes place between teacher and student in the process of amending the sheet
and explaining why and how they now have to work harder to catch up on slippage!
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 5 of 96
WORK SCHEME TOPIC 11 IRISH NATIONALISM C.1865-1923
Week
Session
Areas to cover/work to do
1
Lesson
Ireland and the Union: Why was Gladstone concerned
with Ireland?
Introduction to key terms and issues
Assessment of key Irish problems and Gladstone–s
motives
Research and write up: Why did Gladstone focus on
Ireland?
Personal
2
Lesson
Personal
3
Lesson
Personal
4
Lesson
Personal
5
6
Lesson
Personal
7
Lesson
Personal
8
Lesson
Were Gladstone‘s Irish policies a success 1868-1974?
Analysis of problems and solutions
Planning an answer to an essay question
Preparation: Parnell and Nationalism timeline
How much did Nationalism achieve c1870-c1890?
Achievements c1870-1885
Achievements 1886-95
Research and write up: Critical profile of Nationalist
movement
Why did Home Rule fail 1886-93?
Analysis of relative importance of different factors
Source based exercise: Defeat of Home Rule
Assignment: Past essay question on defeat of Home
Rule
Why did the third Home Rule Crisis take Ireland to the
verge of Civil War in 1914?
Revival of Home Rule under Redmond
Unionist reaction
Causal diagram: Reasons for tension and connections
between them
Why was Ireland partitioned in 1922?
Development of Nationalism 1914-20
Government of Ireland Act and the Anglo Irish War
Source based exercise
Assignments: Partition; Comparison of Nationalism and
Unionism
Personal
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 6 of 96
Notes,
deadlines etc.
3. Introduction to the study - Ireland and the Union
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 7 of 96
Ireland and the Union
Teacher notes
The purpose of this, the opening, section is simply to set the scene for the rest of the
topic. There is a tendency with Irish history to assume that the problems all go back to
the Normans or beyond. Even if they do, which is doubtful, this only merits a sentence
or two. When studying Bismarck and the Unification of Germany, how much time is
allocated to Charlemagne or Otto the Great?
This opening section is primarily designed as a briefing sheet for teachers introducing the
topic. It certainly could be handed to students, although there is always the danger that
it enters the graveyard commonly referred to as student files.
A preferred measure might be for the topic to be introduced through a teacher
presentation, supported by the two images.
SOURCE 1
A cartoon from the magazine Punch, October 1846
This is fairly typical of Punch–s Liberal economic views, coupled with remarkable
prejudice towards the Irish. The cartoon came in the aftermath of the Repeal of the Corn
Laws. This brought very real benefits to Britain‘s industrial working classes. Punch
wrongly assumed it would do the same for Ireland. Here John Bull is shown helping
Brother Ireland, while the spade signifies the more intelligent and productive farming
methods Ireland needs to employ. At best it is patronising, and sums up nicely the
general feeling that …
poor Paddy‘ is a simpleton who needs to be ruled for his own good.
SOURCE 2
A cartoon from the French magazine Le Charivari, January 1882
French attitudes towards Britain‘s Irish policies were consistently hostile. This cartoon
is looking back at the Famine years many years later. The hint of the Nationalist
argument that this was a genocide is clear from John Bull‘s tone and his manner and
appearance. This is a neat summary of the position that England has little or no interest
in Ireland‘s good.
Activities
These images are probably sufficiently clear that they may be simply presented to
students who could be asked to figure out as much as possible from them. Here is a
suggested process (the empty space on the page next to the cartoons is for students to
annotate their own copy):
Ask students to label anything in the pictures, however trivial, that they recognise
(even if it is just a pair of shoes).
Now label anything which they do not recognise but might be important.
Now label anything that implies a judgement (eg wealth, nobility etc).
Now list any questions which would provide useful information about the cartoons
(teacher‘s discretion here about how far you are prepared to answer the questions
or make them do the research or simply leave them as good questions).
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 8 of 96
3. Ireland and the Union
Teacher notes (continued)
Finally, make a list of the ways in which the 2 cartoons make very different
statements about British rule in Ireland.
Aims and key points
This exercise should give an active introduction to the topic. It is usually enjoyable. It
should leave questions in their minds, which the teacher presentation should begin to
refine, if not answer.
The core purpose is to establish the different views of Ireland which existed at this time:
The British view which either regarded Ireland as simply a collection of 32 British
counties separated from the mainland by water, or ignored Ireland altogether.
The Unionist view that the Union was for the good of Britain and Ireland.
The Home Rule view which wanted to retain links with Britain but felt that Ireland
would be better ruled by a Dublin Parliament.
The Nationalist or Republican view which wanted an independent Irish Republic
(which would include the mainly Protestant areas of NE Ulster).
After the teacher introduction, students might return to the cartoons and decide how each
of the above perspectives might view the two cartoons.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 9 of 96
3. Ireland and the Union
Teacher notes (continued)
Ireland and the Union
Notes for teacher presentation
The relationship between England and Ireland has rarely been stable. The story involves
conquest, settlement, assimilation and rebellion. Religion certainly plays a role, but that
role declines in significance during this period of study. There are not two sides in
Ireland, and there never has been a time when there were two clear cut sides. This has
been one reason why Irish history has been confusing. If one does not look for two
sides, then one is not confused by the fact that there seem to be more than two!
ACT OF UNION
For this topic, the extent of the necessary background is the Act of Union of 1800. This
was passed in the aftermath of a rebellion against British rule in 1798 which involved
Ulster Protestants as well as Catholic rebels. One major cause of the rebellion was the
fact that the Dublin Parliament of the eighteenth century was unrepresentative and was
totally dominated by the aristocracy. Under the Act of Union, the Parliament was
removed and between 100 and 105 MPs represented Ireland in Parliament in London.
GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND
British rule in Ireland was centred on the Viceroy, the representative of the monarch in
Ireland. However, much of the day to day authority lay with the Chief Secretary in
Dublin, who usually was a member of the Cabinet (although sometimes it was the Lord
Lieutenant who joined the Cabinet) and relied on a team of civil servants to run the
government in his absence.
As in England, there was no extensive bureaucracy in Ireland. Administration at the
local level was run effectively by local landlords and clergy. They were the magistrates,
they took care of the sick and the poor. As in England, they saw this as their role in
society. In return for the privileges of wealth and land ownership, they were the
guardians of society.
ASSESSMENT OF BRITISH RULE
Although the Union did bring some positive benefits to Ireland and some criticisms are
either exaggerated or misplaced, it has to be admitted that British rule in Ireland could
hardly be described as an overwhelming success. For instance, there were rebellions
against British rule in 1803, 1848 and 1867. These were the work of republican
agitators, known from the 1850s onwards as Fenians. They were unsuccessful but
illustrated the hostility which British rule could arouse.
THE FAMINE
A more damning indictment came in the form of the Great Famine of 1845-51. Over one
million died and another million emigrated. Claims that this was a form of genocide are
rejected by historians. However, inadequate government organisation contributed to the
calamity. So did the short sighted economic policies which were totally unsuited to an
economy almost entirely dependent on rents from tenants growing only one crop.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 10 of 96
3. Ireland and the Union
Teacher notes (continued)
ARGUMENTS FOR HOME RULE
The Famine was used in the arguments of the Fenians, but it was also used as evidence
by more moderate Nationalists. They saw the Great Famine (and the numerous near
famines which continued well into the 1870s and 1880s) as evidence that Ireland needed
to be ruled from Ireland. Decent responsible landlords as MPs in a Dublin Parliament
would make better laws about Ireland than the mixed bag of aristocrats, professional
politicians and industrialists who made up the Westminster Parliament. Such people were
to form the core of the Home Rule for Ireland movement which emerged in the late
1860s.
GLADSTONE AND IRELAND
However, they were not the main concern of the Liberal Prime Minister William
Gladstone when he came to power in 1868. Ireland had attracted his attention and he
made it clear that his mission was not to satisfy but …
to pacify Ireland‘. His reasons were
complex, but only to a modern student who sees Ireland as a separate country in the
nineteenth century. Gladstone‘s motives involved English politics and Irish politics, but
in the late nineteenth century that was good politics. If a modern British politician could
find an economic policy which would please both the service sector and the
manufacturing sector would he or she consider it a bad policy because it might confuse
future history students? Most unlikely!
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 11 of 96
Ireland and the Union
Student sheet 1
Sources 1 and 2: Two different views of the effects of the
Union on Ireland
John Bull: Here are a few things to go on with Brother,
and I‘ll soon put you in way to earn your own living.
Carton in Punch, October 1846
Poor Irish tenant: Pity please John Bull, we are dying
from hunger.
John Bull: Patience, patience ... we will be able to help
the survivors more easily.
Cartoon from French magazine
Le Charivari, January 1882
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 12 of 96
Ireland and the Union
Student sheet 2
Basic Information
BRITISH RULE
Ireland was ruled directly from Britain after Act of Union in 1800.
The Viceroy in Dublin represented the English monarch.
Day to day government run by the Chief Secretary.
Local level in Ireland the government relied on local landlords to organise law and
order, care for the poor, education etc.
THE FAMINE
British rule in Ireland not a huge success.
Most extreme example was the Famine of the 1840s. Some extremists argued this
was genocide. Most historians believe this to be wrong. Government did not
deliberately create the famine, but still responsible to a large extent - appalling
incompetence and mismanagement of relief measures. Government action was too
little and too late.
FENIANS
Famine helped revolutionary Nationalists, the Irish Republican Brotherhood or
Fenians, to gain recruits.
The Fenians were well supported with funds from the USA.
Staged armed rebellion in 1867 which was easily defeated by British troops.
Fenian attacks from USA into British-ruled Canada between 1866 and 1871.
Also violent incidents in England. The most famous was in Manchester in 1867
when Fenians tried to free prisoners from a police wagon. A policeman was shot
dead in the attack and three Fenians were hanged for the crime and became known
as the …
Manchester Martyrs‘ in Irish nationalist iconography.
GLADSTONE–S MISSION TO PACIFY IRELAND
When William Gladstone became Prime Minister in 1868 he felt that urgent action
was needed.
He had no real love for the Irish but he was troubled by the Fenian violence.
In the past governments had used Coercion Acts (Acts which allowed measures like
imprisonment without trial, or banning certain publications) to put down trouble in
Ireland. Gladstone rejected this policy in 1868 as insufficient in itself.
He had a strong moral belief in fair and efficient government based on the rule of
law. He felt that events like the Fenian violence were caused by discontent with
unfair and bad government.
He had an …
English‘ problem as well. His own Liberal party was divided amongst
itself - it split over the question of Parliamentary Reform (giving more people the
vote) in 1866. There were also new voters to be appealed to, notably among the
Non-conformists. He thought he could get the various groups within his party to
work together to support him over Ireland. Then he could work on trying to sort
out the other internal disagreements.
He saw three main problems which needed tackling in Ireland: religion, land and
education.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 13 of 96
4. Gladstone and Ireland
Were Gladstone s Irish policies successful?
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 14 of 96
Gladstone and Ireland
Teacher notes
MOTIVES
The first activity in this section examines Gladstone‘s motives. In one sense it could be
regarded as optional, since it deals with Gladstone‘s motives rather than his actions.
However, its main aim is to establish the mix of English and Irish considerations in
Gladstone‘s thinking. This is vitally important in terms of sowing the seeds of future
understanding. If the principle of Gladstone‘s multiple and not wholly consistent
priorities can be established, it will help students immeasurably in understanding the
actions of the Conservative leadership in the subsequent Home Rule crises.
The issues which concerned Gladstone are set out alphabetically, which makes them
random. The table into which they will sort Gladstone‘s concerns is deliberately flawed.
Teachers may wish to provide the sub divisions of moral justice in a table that they give
to students. However, A-level students are pretty adept at simple mix and match
exercises. An additional thinking level is added by forcing them to create the new
categories, or at least consider why some issues might belong under several categories.
The activity concludes with a framework to help students organise their thoughts. They
need not write up the whole exercise formally, but it is important that they do write up
their work, and that they do so in a structured and organised way.
POLICIES
The second activity builds on the work done in the first. It provides a recap of the main
issues concerning Gladstone and an assessment of the efficacy or otherwise of the
measures. Again, a good deal of the thinking is done for students in this initial activity.
The aim of the topic is gradually to get students to do the thinking, but this clearly has
to be in the hands of the teacher, and the teacher‘s knowledge of individual students.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 15 of 96
Gladstone and Ireland
Student activity sheet
AIMS
You need to develop a substantiated view on these two important questions:
1.
2.
Why did Gladstone make Ireland his priority from 1868-74?
How successful were his Irish policies in this period?
QUESTION 1
Why did Gladstone make Ireland his priority from 1868-74?
You cannot expect there to be one answer to a question like this. Historians have
suggested several reasons for his decision. Some of these reasons are closely connected,
so it is not really sensible to regard them as separate things. The possible reasons are
Security concerns: Fenian violence and local disturbances.
Moral concerns: Gladstone‘s belief that government should be just, fair and
efficient - it should be for the good of the people who were governed.
Political concerns: Gladstone‘s Liberal party was deeply divided on issues like
Parliamentary Reform and he thought he could unite them all and win over new
Non-conformist voters with a programme to pacify Ireland.
The following issues all concerned Gladstone:
After 1867 the electorate was much larger and more varied, with Non-conformists
becoming particularly vocal - government had to respond to its people rather than
being a paternal organisation.
Decline of the landlord influence.
Education was restricted, especially University education.
Fenian Rising in Ireland 1867.
Increasing political awareness, especially of perceived inefficiency of remote
government.
Increasing prosperity and education in Ireland.
Irish government was unpopular and not especially efficient - many resented rule
from London.
Land ownership laws were chaotic and sometimes unfair (although exaggerated).
Local violence against landlords and agents by secret organisations like the
Ribbonmen.
Most Irish people were Catholics.
Reinvigorated Catholic church.
Roman Catholics and Presbyterians suffered from the official status of the Church
of Ireland.
The Liberals had split over plans for Parliamentary Reform in 1866, allowing the
Conservatives to pass Reform in 1867.
Tithes were resented and unfair.
USA was home to active and well-financed Fenian organisations.
Vast wealth and power of the Church of Ireland.
Violence by Fenians in England, for example, Manchester 1867.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 16 of 96
4. Gladstone and Ireland
Student sheet (continued)
POSSIBLE ESSAY STRUCTURE
Use these points, your notes from your reading and any other work which may be useful
to plan a structured and supported answer to question 1. First, you might like to
reorganise the points along these lines:
Violence
Gladstone–s concerns
Moral justice
Party unity
Links between
factors
(Maybe sub divide this
into religious, education,
land?)
Now make sure that these and any other points you have added are supported. You will
gain nothing for saying …
Gladstone was concerned about violence‘ - the examiner wants
to know what violence? when? etc. Your answer might look something like this:
Why did Gladstone make Ireland his priority from 1868 to 1874?
(Introduction - your overall view): There were three main reasons why Gladstone was
concerned about Ireland. He was worried about the levels of violence he saw there. He
was also motivated by a sense of moral justice. Finally, he also saw Ireland as a way to
reunite his divided party and to win the support of new voters, particularly among Nonconformists.
Paragraph 1: When Gladstone became PM in 1868 violence in Ireland was headline news
£ . (YOU PROVE IT!)
Paragraph 2: Gladstone also felt that there was a moral case for reform of land, the
Church of Ireland and University education £ (WHY DID HE FEEL THIS? PROVE IT!
This paragraph could get big - you might want to split it up into separate paragraphs on
land, Church etc.)
Paragraph 3: Finally, Gladstone felt these measures might help him to unite his divided
party (PROVE IT WAS DISUNITED!)
Conclusion: Thus Gladstone had a range of reasons for wanting to concentrate on
Ireland. It is important to recognise that these factors influenced each other. For example
£
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 17 of 96
4. Gladstone and Ireland
Student sheet (continued)
QUESTION 2
How successful were Gladstone–s Irish policies in the period 1868-74?
Historians disagree about Gladstone‘s Irish policies from 1868-74. There are several lines
of argument:
They were a complete failure - the measures failed to solve any of the problems
they set out to solve.
They were useful measures but, taken as a whole, they did not go far enough.
Gladstone failed to grasp what the real problems were in Ireland - he hoped to kill
off Nationalism with measures of reform which did not satisfy enough people.
Here is a very basic summary of Gladstone–s Irish policies. It is meant to help you to
organise your thoughts.
Religion
Problem
The Church of Ireland was the official state church. It was enormously powerful
and wealthy. It owned assets worth á 16 million, a huge amount of money. It
controlled University education, the most obvious example of this being Trinity
College in Dublin. It was paid for partly by tithes, taxes placed on farmers and
landlords. Gladstone felt that this was not right that the Church of Ireland should
have this wealth, power and status. This was because only about 11% of the
population of Ireland belonged to the Church of Ireland.
Action
Gladstone passed the Disestablishment of the Church of Ireland Act in 1869.
C of I became self governing with its own Parliament (no longer linked to
government).
Kept á 10 million of its á 16 million assets to pay for building; schools; salaries.
Remaining á 6 million to Church Surplus fund, used for poor, development of
agriculture and fisheries.
Church estates were sold to tenants who rented them, government helped them buy
- about 6,000 tenants took up the offer.
Grants abolished for all 3 churches - they now had to rely on their followers.
Assessment
Generally considered a success, recognising the rights of all parties and allowing
the Church of Ireland to re-organise to suit its new position.
Land
Problem
The land question was confused by Nationalist propaganda. It was said that
landlords were cruel, and they used unfair laws to exploit tenants with rack renting
and evictions. This did happen, but one off examples were often used to tar all
landlords with the same brush.
What tenant farmers really wanted was the 3Fs: Fair rent; Fixity of Tenure and
Free sale. This was sometimes known as the …
Ulster Custom‘ because it already
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 18 of 96
4. Gladstone and Ireland
Student sheet (continued)
existed in some parts of Ulster. The Tenant League founded by Isaac Butt in 1869
was campaigning for this.
Gladstone had a problem with his own party on this issue. Many Liberals disliked
the idea of government interfering with the way landlords and tenants sorted out
their business.
Action
Passed the Land Act of 1871 - a first step but nowhere near enough for most tenant
farmers.
Ulster Custom became law in areas where it already existed.
In other areas tenants could get compensation if unfairly evicted BUT he had to
prove it in court.
Bright Clause allowed government to lend two thirds of price for tenants to buy the
land they rented from landlords.
Assessment
Some plus points: the principle of laws affecting property had been accepted by
Gladstone‘s colleagues in the Liberal Party. This was an important psychological
achievement because it made it easier to pass later Land Acts which did a great deal
more than this one.
This Act was a failure overall, dealt with wrong issues and possibly even made
relations between landlords and tenants worse.
Even when a landlord behaved unfairly, tenants could not afford to go to court and
courts favoured landlord.
About 800 tenants took up the Bright Clause. Vast majority just did not have the
resources to buy the land.
Violence and protest did not end over the land issue. It got worse, and Gladstone
had to reintroduce Coercion Acts in 1871.
Agricultural depression from the mid-1870s, with a sharp collapse in agricultural
prices, underlined how the problem of reconciling landlord and tenant rights
remained unresolved.
University Education
Problem
Primary education and literacy were becoming more widespread in Ireland.
However, Catholics generally had to go abroad to get a University level education,
which was the only way to get the top professional jobs (doctors, lawyers etc).
Catholic church wanted a Catholic University in Ireland endowed by the state.
Action
Gladstone put forward a Bill for a University of Dublin. All University level
institutions would be affiliated to this University.
Assessment
Total failure - Parliament rejected the Bill and it never became law.
Catholic bishops also rejected it.
Probably impossible to put into practice anyway.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 19 of 96
4. Gladstone and Ireland
Student sheet (continued)
Gladstone‘s reluctance to provide a Catholic University made Catholics suspicious
of him, especially the hierarchy who threw their weight behind the demand for
Home Rule, helping the transformation of the Home Government Association into
the Home Rule League with the significant order of priorities - denominational
education, land and home rule.
Activity 1 question 2
How successful were Gladstone–s Irish policies in the period 1868-74?
Your task now is to write an organised answer with supporting evidence to this question.
Below is an opening paragraph which you might want to use to get you started (always
the hardest bit!).
Remember the structure for question 1 and try to apply the same principles here.
OPENING PARAGRAPH
How successful were Gladstone–s Irish policies in the period 1868-74?
Gladstone passed a series of measures to pacify Ireland in the period 1868-74. These
were helpful but not very far reaching. They certainly did not pacify Ireland because
Ireland continued to be a source of trouble throughout the 1870s and 1880s. He failed
to understand that a large section of the Catholic majority in Ireland wanted his reforms,
and a lot more reforms and they also wanted their own Parliament. They felt that the
Union with Britain did not represent them.
His first measure was £ (Action; impact; success/failure/in-between, evidence to support
your view)
The second measure was £ .
Etc.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 20 of 96
5. The Irish nationalist movement c1870-c1886
What did the Nationalist movement achieve c. 1870 1890?
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 21 of 96
Irish nationalism ... 1870-1886
Teacher notes
IRISH NATIONALISM VERSUS IRISH UNIONISM
One of the most difficult elements of Irish history in the period 1865-1923 is the way in
which a twin track history develops on the themes of the development of the Nationalist
movement and the story of Home Rule.
The narrative is comparatively straightforward. The Nationalist movement develops in
such a way as to become a major force in British politics. This happens to the extent that
Home Rule for Ireland looks to be a definite possibility. This creates a huge reaction
among the Protestants throughout Ireland, but particularly in the province of Ulster,
supported by politicians in Britain. Bills to introduce Home Rule were defeated twice in 1886 and 1893.
The inevitable conclusion many students draw from this sequence is that Unionism was
the successful movement of the period and Nationalism the loser. Alas, history is rarely
so simple. Long term perspectives and relative achievements have to be evaluated.
Clearly, we cannot reinterpret Nationalism as a force which achieved all of its aims in
this period, but we have to see its existence, its continued existence and its consistently
important influence on British politics in the 1880s and 1890s as evidence of importance
if not success.
TEACHING STRATEGIES
In order to address this difficult issue, this section of the unit leapfrogs the Home Rule
debate. The first half of this section looks at the development of the Nationalist
movement to the eve of the first Home Rule Bill. Teachers could leave the section here,
move on to the next section on Home Rule and then return. There is certainly logic in
such a course. On the other hand, there is also a logic in leapfrogging Home Rule and
looking at Nationalism up to the mid 1890s in order to create a coherent mini topic.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
The information section in this section takes a number of forms. The background
information is exactly that. It is a handout for students to give them some feeling for the
origins of the movement and the tensions within it. The section on the development of
Nationalism is another handout, more of an extended timeline designed to give students
a basis for taking notes from a secondary source. This is very much how this is meant
to be used, rather than as ready made notes.
DEVELOPING UNDERSTANDING
The activity at the end of the section is designed to focus students‘ notes into something
they have to think through. Thus, even if they have copied rather than taken effective
notes, they have to read through those notes doing something with the information in the
notes. Such a process makes student work about understanding material rather than
simply transcribing it from one place to another. This kind of engagement with
information drives understanding which in turn drives memory as well.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 22 of 96
5. Irish nationalism
Teacher notes (continued)
In this instance, they have to search through their notes matching examples to the
achievements laid out in the activity. Teachers might well want to tell students that this
is what they will be doing before they head off and take notes. Such advance warning
is likely to make note-taking more efficient and save time.
However, teachers may not want to give all the achievements to their students to find
evidence for them. It may be more profitable to get students to try to assess at least some
of the achievements themselves. At the opposite extreme, teachers may want to give
students the summary sheet at the end of the unit. In practice, it was used to aid revision.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 23 of 96
Irish nationalism ... 1870-1886
Student sheet
INTRODUCTION
Gladstone committed a great deal of time and energy trying to pacify Ireland between
1868 and 1874 but it was clear by 1871 that his policies were not succeeding. If anything
the discontent with British rule in Ireland was growing. Between 1870 and 1886 the
Nationalist movement became stronger and stronger. Campaigns over the Land Question
and whether Ireland should have Home Rule became key issues in British life. In a
nutshell, the majority of Irish people wanted an end to the Union.
CHARLES STEWART PARNELL
How did this happen? How were Irish Nationalists able to put Ireland on the centre stage
when most English politicians knew little and understood less about it? A key figure in
answering this question is the Nationalist leader Charles Stewart Parnell. He was a very
able politician. He was also a complex man, not always easy to get on with. To
understand how a Protestant landlord became the leader of Irish Nationalism in the
1880s, supported by tenant farmers and the Catholic Church, we need to go back a
couple of years.
NATIONALISM IN THE 1870S
The old divisions in the Nationalist movement were still there in 1871. The Fenians still
plotted and dreamed about total independence for Ireland achieved by an armed rebellion.
However, times were changing. There was another branch of Nationalism which might
be able to bring about peaceful change. There was widespread discontent with British
rule at the …
respectable‘ end of society.
HOME RULE
Many Protestant landowners felt that a Parliament in London could not govern Ireland
properly. Irish MPs were outnumbered by English MPs who knew little about Ireland
and cared little as well. Laws passed to help England might actually damage Ireland.
They felt there was a need for Ireland to have Home Rule. This meant staying part of
the British Empire, but Ireland would have its own Parliament and rule itself. In 1870
a gentleman lawyer, Isaac Butt, founded the Home Government Association. It was a
very mixed bunch of Protestants, Catholics, tenants and landlords and even a few
Fenians.
They all agreed on one thing - the need for an Irish Parliament. As Gladstone‘s reforms
failed to please anyone in Ireland they became more sure of this. One important
development was that some Fenians began to see the possibilities of Butt‘s movement.
In 1873, the Association became a proper political party called the Home Rule League.
In the 1874 election 59 Home Rule MPs gained seats. Not all of them were totally
committed to Home rule - they just wanted to be MPs. However, there were some MPs
who were Fenians and they were committed to the cause. One of them, Joseph Biggar,
was a member of the IRB Supreme Council.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 24 of 96
5. Irish nationalism
Student sheet (continued)
PARNELL
The new party made little impact. Butt was not the best man to lead it. Anyway, the
Tories won the 1874 election with a comfortable majority. The Tory Prime Minister
Benjamin Disraeli ignored Irish affairs. But not for long. In 1875 Biggar and some of
the other Fenian MPs began a policy of obstructionism in the House of Commons. This
drove English MPs wild and infuriated the press. However, it gained huge support in
Ireland. One young MP saw this effect. This MP for Wicklow, Parnell, saw the impact
of more extreme action by the Fenian MPs. He also saw that the Fenians had a lot of
support and influence at grass roots level in Ireland. He wondered whether the
Parliamentary wing of Nationalism could be allied more closely with the Fenian wing.
Others had developed their thinking along the same lines, particularly the Fenian leader
Michael Davitt. It was the beginning of the New Departure.
Charles Stewart Parnell
Born 1846 in Avondale, Wicklow.
Family were Protestant landowners, but his mother was American.
Became a Home Rule MP 1875.
Made himself famous and popular by disrupting Parliament with long and irrelevant
speeches.
1878 became President of Land League.
Key organiser in the Land War for land reform.
Very skilful speaker, Parnell used revolutionary language to frighten the government
although he believed in constitutional action. His critics accused him of being in
league with violent Fenians and even of directing their actions.
Despite the rejection of the Home Rule Bill in 1886, he remained hugely popular in
Ireland.
Lost support of Catholic Church and much of his own party when his affair with Kitty
O‘Shea (a married woman) became public.
Tried to continue as leader but unsuccessful.
Died in Brighton, five months after marrying Kitty O‘Shea, 1891.
The New Departure
In the 1860s and 1870s both Parliamentary Nationalists and the IRB helped to
campaign for changes in the land laws.
John Devoy (Fenians) and Michael Davitt (IRB) helped to organise a Tenant League
to protect tenants. The Tenant Leagues were successful.
In 1879 Devoy, Davitt and Parnell discussed ways to harness the support of the tenant
farmers for Parnell‘s party.
This combination of land campaigners, Fenians and politicians was the New
Departure.
It was strengthened by the support of the Catholic Church and by changes in the
British voting system (see pp 35-6).
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 25 of 96
5. Irish nationalism
Student sheet (continued)
Activity 1
Note making - nationalism in the period c1870-1890
This sheet contains a very basic skeleton of the development of the Nationalist movement
in the period 1870 ’ c1890. Your task is to use it as a framework for making notes from
your textbook on the development of the movement. Make sure you focus your notes on
the issues in the heading. The headings for your notes are divided into phases.
PHASE 1: BUILDING A MOVEMENT 1870-80
Summary of events
Certain members of Isaac Butt‘s Home Rule movement used obstructionist policies to
highlight the issue of Home Rule in Parliament. Charles Stewart Parnell managed to
unite the Republican Fenian wing of the Nationalist movement with the more moderate
elements of the Home Rule movement. This New Departure linked the issues of land
reform (the Land Question) and Home Rule. This created a potentially very large and
loyal power base for Parnell. Parnell himself became President of the Land League.
Make sure your notes cover these events, but also the significance of these events.
Underline anything that seems to you to be a significant achievement of the movement.
PHASE 2: THE LAND WAR 1880-82
Summary of events
Gladstone became British Prime Minister again in 1880, which made Home Rule a
possibility (Conservatives would not consider it). Parnell wanted to push for Home Rule
but his allies within the movement insisted that Land Reform was the priority. The Land
War began ’ a combination of social pressure, boycotts and the threat of physical force,
all aimed at getting improved conditions for Irish tenants and protection from landlords.
The grass roots influence of the Fenians was crucial in keeping the movement‘s
discipline. Even so, there was some violence and intimidation. In 1881 Gladstone
passed a new Land Act but also used a Coercion Act and Parnell was arrested. The
violence continued. Gladstone agreed to a number of concessions if Parnell would try
to establish calm ’ this was known as the Kilmainham Treaty.
Make sure your notes cover these events, but also the significance of these events.
Underline anything that seems to you to be a significant achievement of the movement.
PHASE 3: THE MOVE TO HOME RULE 1882-85
Summary of events
The new spirit was undermined by the infamous Phoenix Park murders when extreme
Republicans murdered the new Irish Chief Secretary and his Under-Secretary. It set back
his hopes for closer co-operation with Gladstone on …
the national question‘ but at the
same time underlined the need for strong leadership of the Nationalist movement. The
Nationalist movement now turned more in Parnell‘s direction, with the focus on
achieving Home Rule. He was reaching the high point of his career. In October 1882
the main Nationalist organisation became the National League. From then until 1885
men like Harrington, O‘Brien and Healy built a party structure for the National League
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 26 of 96
5. Irish nationalism
Student sheet (continued)
which made it one of the first democratic mass movements in Europe. The party
structure of the National League was copied by the Liberal and Conservative parties.
The Home Rule party completely dominated elections in the island of Ireland for the next
30 years (see pie charts below).
General election, Ireland, 1886
General election, Ireland, Dec. 1911
17
2
Conservative
Liberal Unionist
Irish Unionist
Irish Home Rule
Irish Home Rule
84
Make sure your notes cover these events, but also the significance of these events.
Underline anything that seems to you to be a significant achievement of the movement.
PHASE 4: HOME RULE AND THE BRITISH DIMENSION
Summary of events
Between 1882-85 Gladstone produced a series of measures, mainly focusing on land
reform. The 1884 Parliamentary Reform Act strengthened Parnell‘s position by giving
many tenant farmers the vote. In 1885 Parnell co-operated briefly with the Tories,
briefly in power in that year, gaining further concessions but not support for Home Rule.
Gladstone converts to the idea of Home Rule and tries to pass the measure. There was
fierce and well-organised opposition on the part of Unionists in Ireland, beginning in the
three southern provinces but spreading to the province of Ulster. The bill is ultimately
defeated (see next section).
Make sure your notes cover these events, but also the significance of these events.
Underline anything that seems to you to be a significant achievement of the movement.
PHASE 5: NATIONALISM 1886-91
Summary of events
Home Rule was defeated in 1886 (and again in 1893). However, the actions of the
Nationalist movement continued. The Plan of Campaign was an attempt to collect funds
to help tenants who had been evicted. The Tories remained in power for most of the
1880s and 1890s. They supported landlords, but also recognised that they had to
improve conditions. Ireland Secretary Balfour‘s policy was …
Killing Home Rule with
Kindness‘ recognising that it was a movement that could not be ignored. The
movement‘s importance diminished in the mid 1890s, after being split by the Parnell
divorce scandal and his refusal to resign from the leadership of the party.
Make sure your notes cover these events, but also the significance of these events.
Underline anything that seems to you to be a significant achievement of the movement.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 27 of 96
5. Irish nationalism
Student sheet (continued)
Activity 2
What were the achievements of nationalism in the period c1870-c1890?
These points could all be seen as achievements of the Nationalist movement in this
period. Your task now is to work through the notes you took from Activity 1 and select
evidence to support the assertion that each of these were achievements of Nationalism.
Achievement(s)
Evidence or examples which support the
view that this was an achievement
Creating a united and disciplined
movement.
Using Land Question as a means to
get tenant support for Home Rule.
Creating a mass political movement
with grass roots party machinery.
Creating the environment which
demanded the solution of the Land
Question.
Breaking the political power of
landlords at a local level.
When you have finished collecting the relevant evidence, you may want to discuss with
other students which of the achievements would rate more highly than any others.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 28 of 96
5. Irish nationalism
Student sheet (continued)
What were the achievements of the Nationalist movement in the
period c1870-1890?
Student summary sheet
WAS NATIONALISM A SUCCESS OR FAILURE C1870-c1890?
Phase 1: Building a movement 1870-80.
Phase 2: The Land War 1880-82.
Phase 3: The Move to Home Rule 1882-85.
Phase 4: The British Dimension.
Phase 5: Nationalism 1886-91.
PHASE 1: BUILDING A MOVEMENT 1870-80
Achievements: Uniting Fenian and Constitutional Nationalists; Linking Land Question to Home
Rule.
Origins of the Home Rule Movement (Butt; obstructionism; Parnell and the Fenians).
The New Departure (Parnell, Davitt and Devoy).
Depression and opportunity (Land League formed; Parnell leads Home Rule Party).
PHASE 2: THE LAND WAR 1880-82
Achievements: political education of RCs, especially women; Land Act 1881; Kilmainham
Treaty
Gladstone PM 1880.
Parnell–s priority: Land Reform beats Home Rule.
Land War: moral force (boycott) with a definite edge.
Jan-Mar 1881: Clampdown; Coercion Act (March).
April 1881 Land Act: dilemma for Parnell.
October 1881: Parnell arrested.
Jan-May 1882: violence, need for compromise - the Kilmainham Treaty.
PHASE 3: THE MOVE TO HOME RULE 1882-85
Achievements: Democratic mass movement copied by Liberals and Tories; separation from
Fenianism.
May 1882: Phoenix Park murders.
October 1882: Irish National League - Home Rule now the priority.
1882-85: Harrington. O–Brien and Healy build National League (branches and Convention).
1882-90: Parnell is uncrowned King of Ireland.
PHASE 4: HOME RULE AND THE BRITISH DIMENSION
Achievements: Ashbourne Act; 1885 election results.
1882-5 Liberal series of measures.
1884 Parliamentary Reform Act.
1885 Parnell co-operates with Tories - Ashbourne Act.
1885-6: Gladstone supports Home Rule; PM with Parnell–s support.
Mayhem! Home Rule defeated.
PHASE 5: NATIONALISM 1886-91
Achievements: maintained support of farmers; beginning of the solution of the Land Question
(1891 Land Act and momentum for 1903 Act).
1886: Home rule defeated.
New agricultural depression - evictions and violence.
1886 The Plan of Campaign (limited by Parnell).
Irish Secretary Balfour supported landlords.
1890-91 Parnell Divorce scandal.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 29 of 96
6.
Irish Home Rule
Why did Home Rule fail 1886-93?
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 30 of 96
Failure of home rule
Teacher notes
(for Sections 5 and 6)
BRITISH OR IRISH QUESTIONS
The pedagogy of this section is comparatively simple. There is a substantial amount of
information for students and an activity at the end of the section. The purpose of the
activity is to make students crystallise their thoughts about how far the failure of Home
Rule is an Irish Question or a British Question. The activity could be tackled simply as
a discussion, perhaps led by the teacher drawing a diagram on the board to represent the
class‘s views.
PREPARATION
There is a second purpose underpinning this section, which is to prepare the ground for
the assignment in Section 6. The assignment is simply an essay, or a choice of essays.
A suggested opening paragraph has been provided for each essay, and teachers may or
may not wish to use it. There is also a preliminary activity to the essay, designed to
introduce new ideas and remind students of material they have already covered.
Teachers may wish to use this Activity 1 as the concluding activity to section 6, rather
than as the introduction to section 6.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 31 of 96
Failure of home rule
Student sheet
IRISH UNIONISM - SOUTHERN AND ULSTER
In section 5 you studied the rise and successes of the Nationalist movement under Parnell
in the 1880s. Both Catholic and Protestant tenant farmers supported his Land League
campaigns against unfair landlords. His support was growing all the time, even in
Ulster.
As a new General Election approached in 1885, tension rose in Ireland among supporters
of the Union throughout Ireland and in Britain. These Unionists feared the worst. It
seemed that the Nationalists might achieve Home Rule ’ the creation of a Parliament to
rule Ireland, based in Dublin. The Nationalists were well organised and well funded.
At first Irish opponents of Home Rule tried to make common cause and form one unionist
movement for the whole of Ireland, catering for the scattered Southern Unionists in the
three southern provinces, who were largely Protestant landlords and some Catholics of
…
substance and repute‘, and for Unionists in Ulster, where the more numerous Protestants
formed an almost self-contained society. Such differences meant that Southern and Ulster
Unionists soon went their separate ways. They co-operated in campaigning in Britain but
maintained separate organisations in Ireland.
Events of 1885-86
24 Nov ’ 9 Dec 1885 General Election ’ Conservatives under Lord Salisbury kept
in power by Parnell.
December 1885 Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland meets in Dublin to plan resistance
to Home Rule.
January 1886 widespread demonstrations against Home Rule across Ulster, especially
in Belfast.
25 January Irish Unionist Party in Parliament founded, led by Colonel Edward
Saunderson.
1 February Gladstone becomes PM after Parnell switches his support to Liberals in
return for promise of Home Rule.
February Conservatives support Ulster demonstrations against Home Rule. Most
violent opposition led by Randolph Churchill.
Catholic Church declares support for Home Rule.
March Liberals split over Home Rule ’ Joseph Chamberlain leads Liberal Unionists
in opposition to Gladstone.
April Home Rule Bill put to Parliament .
Liberals begin to split ’ Liberal and Conservative Unionists join Ulster Unionist
protests against Home Rule.
8 June Home Rule Bill defeated in House of Commons (341 votes to 311).
8-10 June Protestant riots in Belfast; police kill seven rioters; army called in.
July ’ September Rioting, mainly by Protestants against Catholics; 32 killed and 377
injured.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 32 of 96
6. Failure of Home Rule
Student sheet (continued)
UNIONIST CONCERNS - SATISFACTION WITH THE UNION
Nevertheless, Irish Unionists shared basic objections to Home Rule. In the first place,
they were satisfied with the status quo, arguing that Ireland had benefited from the British
connection, especially since the Act of Union of 1800. This was especially true of the
north-east of Ulster which was enjoying unprecedented prosperity thanks to
industrialisation.
Ulster‘s hostility to Home Rule may lie in the way it developed economically in the
nineteenth century. Even by the late nineteenth century Ireland was a mainly rural
economy. Ulster was the exception. Around Belfast the linen industry had developed
into a world leader and almost half of Ireland‘s industrial workers belonged to the Belfast
linen trade. Similarly, shipbuilding enterprises like Harland and Wolff made Belfast an
industrial giant. For many Unionists this was proof that times had changed.
Source 1
A statement by the Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union 1886, a Unionist
campaign group
the Irish people are at this moment very far in advance of the condition of
their ancestors at the time of the Union. They are better housed, better clad,
better fed; they receive better prices for the produce of their farms, and
higher wages for their labour; they have greater liberty and better protection
in health, abundant provision for sickness, and facilities for the education and
advancement in life of their children, such as were undreamt of 80 years ago.
UNIONIST CONCERNS - FEAR OF CONSEQUENCES
Secondly, they were afraid of the consequences of Home Rule. With Home Rule they
would be the minority in Ireland, subject to rule by the Catholic and Nationalist majority.
How would this affect their Protestantism, their economic prosperity, their control of the
country?
Ulster, especially Belfast, had more in common with British cities like Liverpool and
Glasgow than the rest of Ireland. Losing the British connection, and with its trade with
the Empire would be disastrous for Belfast and the thousands who depended on her
industries for jobs. Not many Unionists liked the idea of Tim Healy as their local MP.
Source 2
Tim Healy, writing in the Nationalist newspaper The People s
Advocate 1883
We must pave the way for Ireland to take her place among the nations of the
earth. None of us whether in America or Ireland will be satisfied until we
have destroyed the last link, which keeps Ireland bound to England.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 33 of 96
6. Failure of Home Rule
Student sheet (continued)
THE ELECTION CAMPAIGNS 1885-86
Unionists organised themselves to meet the challenge of Parnell‘s Nationalists in Ulster.
Men like E.S. Finnigan reorganised the Conservative local associations in Ulster. He
also revitalised the Orange Order. From a small scale peasant society, the Order was
transformed. Middle class businessmen and professionals turned it into a …
respectable‘
political organisation. It mobilised working class support for Conservative Unionist
candidates. It should be said, however, that Orangemen did not always agree with these
new recruits. For instance, in Belfast they even ran their own alternative candidates who
they felt better represented their class.
CAMPAIGNING IN BRITAIN
Irish Unionists also campaigned in Britain to defeat Home Rule. They were helped by
the Protestantism they shared with the majority of people in Britain and also, and this
factor is often ignored, the close links, personal, economic and political, the Irish
aristocracy had with the British aristocracy. Leading members of the Conservative and
Liberal parties in Britain were also large landowners in Ireland.
ELECTION RESULTS
The elections increased the tensions in Ireland. Neither Gladstone‘s Liberals nor
Salisbury‘s Conservatives won a clear majority. In the rest of Ireland there was no doubt
about the majority. Parnell‘s Home Rulers swept to victory. Even in Ulster Nationalists
gained over half of the seats. Only North-East Ulster remained solidly against Home
Rule.
Source 3
General election results in Ulster, 1885
16
17
Unionist
Home Rule
This meant that Parnell‘s offer was simple. His MPs would support whichever party
would promise Home Rule for Ireland. The Conservatives wanted nothing to do with
Home Rule. However, the Liberal leader William Gladstone was convinced by 1885 that
Home Rule was the right policy for Ireland.
ULSTER , HOME RULE AND DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS
When Gladstone announced his support for Home Rule, Ulster Protestants reacted to
defend the Union. The Conservative Party supported them. Over 10,000 Unionists were
present when Randolph Churchill made his threatening speech at the Liberty Hall in
Belfast in February 1886.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 34 of 96
6. Failure of Home Rule
Student sheet (continued)
Source 4
Randolph Churchill attacking Home Rule in a speech in Belfast 1886.
Ulster will not be a consenting party [to Home Rule]: Ulster at the proper
moment will resort to the supreme arbitrament of force; Ulster will fight,
Ulster will be right
Nationalist critics argued that the democratic will of the majority of the people of Ireland
had voted for Home Rule (see Source 5). However, Unionists argued that the whole of
the United Kingdom needed to agree if one part of the United Kingdom were to separate
from the rest. The refusal of Ulster to accept Home Rule is sometimes painted as a denial
of democracy, but as you will see, the situation was not simple, and we cannot explain
it in simple terms.
NATIONALIST VIEWS ON UNIONIST CLAIMS
Not surprisingly, Nationalists saw matters differently. They argued that Home Rule
should apply to Ulster as well as the rest of Ireland.
Belfast was not Ulster ’ a great deal of Ulster was rural and depended on farming,
just like the rest of Ireland.
The majority of the traditional 9 counties of Ulster were Catholic and Nationalist
who had returned a majority of Nationalist MPs in 1885. However, Ulster
Unionists won a majority of the Province‘s seats in 1886.
Home Rule would not cut trading links with Britain and the Empire (in fact Parnell
had trouble selling the Home Rule Bill to some Nationalists because they felt it was
a feeble measure which did not separate Ireland enough from Britain).
Under the Union Ireland as a whole had
declined in population. The 1891 census
showed that Ireland‘s population was the
same as Scotland and one eighth of
England and Wales. In 1800 it had been
three times Scotland and half of England
and Wales.
Ireland had been overtaxed under the
Union.
Source 5
Nationalist cartoon criticising the
Unionists of NE Ulster for opposing Home
Rule
SHOULD THE TAIL WAG THE DOG ?
THE BRITISH FACTOR
Another important factor in explaining Ulster‘s reaction to Home Rule is the changes
taking place in British society and politics. A number of important changes took place
in the 1860s to 1880s:
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 35 of 96
6. Failure of Home Rule
Student sheet (continued)
The 1867 Parliamentary Reform Act extended the right to vote to more people. In
Ireland this included tenant farmers. This greatly increased the support for
Nationalism.
The 1872 Secret Ballot Act meant tenants voted in secret. They could not be
evicted or punished for voting against their landlord‘s candidate.
The 1884 Parliamentary Reform Act gave more working men the vote. This meant
the main political parties developed local party organisations to gain support. It
also gave 500,000 Irish small farmers the vote.
In the 1870s and 1880s the Empire became more and more important to Britain, in
terms of trade and also psychologically.
If Home Rule was to be passed it would have to get through the British Parliament.
British politics was in a process of change. The 1884 Parliamentary Reform Act meant
the main political parties had to compete hard for the votes of the new electorate. Party
politics became very bitter.
CONSERVATIVES
The Conservatives were opposed to Home Rule. They were the landlords party and the
landlords would lose out from Home Rule. They were also a Protestant Party, very antiCatholic. They disliked the idea of Catholics ruling Protestants in Ireland, even though
they were the majority population. Above all, the Conservatives feared that Irish Home
Rule would be the first step to the break-up of the British Empire. Most people in
England were opposed to Home Rule, and conservatives used this as a weapon against
the Liberals.
Ambitious young politicians like Lord Randolph Churchill (father of Winston Churchill)
used the Home Rule issue as an opportunity to make a name for himself in politics. He
went to Ulster and made rousing speeches which galvanised the opposition to Home Rule
in Ulster. Nationalists accused him of stirring up old hatreds and passions simply to
further his own political career. To some extent they were right. Many of the
Conservatives who swore to support Ulster knew or cared little about it. They simply
thought it was the best way to defeat the Liberal government which they disliked so
much.
LIBERAL UNIONISTS
Other opponents of Home Rule in Britain also felt that it threatened the Empire. In their
view this was so serious that any kind of opposition to it was justifiable. As a result,
when the Liberal Prime Minister William Gladstone tried to introduce Home Rule in
1886 he split his own party. Many Liberals under Joseph Chamberlain voted against him
and became Liberal Unionists.
OTHER FACTORS
Finally, there were other British factors in the opposition to Home Rule. Irish
immigrants who could vote became a factor in politics in England ’ Liverpool had a
Home Rule MP! Religious and racial prejudice against the Irish made the chances of the
English electorate agreeing to Home Rule very slim.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 36 of 96
6. Failure of Home Rule
Student sheet (continued)
THE DEFEAT OF HOME RULE
The 85 Home Rule MPs were never enough to get Home Rule through Parliament. They
needed the support of one of the main parties. In the end, Prime Minister William
Gladstone‘s support for Home Rule was not enough. The first Home Rule Bill of 1886
was defeated by 341 votes to 311. This was caused by the refusal of a large number of
Liberal MPs to support it.
In 1893 another Home Rule Bill actually passed through the House of Commons but it
was rejected by the Lords. By this time Parnell was dead. A new generation of
Nationalists felt betrayed by the failure of Home Rule. Democratic and constitutional
campaigning seemed to achieve nothing. They began to look for other ways to achieve
their aims.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 37 of 96
6. Failure of Home Rule
Student sheet (continued)
Activity
What should we call the problems of the 1880s?
Many books about Home Rule say that they are about …
The Irish Question‘.
However, should we really call it the Ulster Question, or the British Question, or the
Religion Question?
1.
Imagine this section is to be published as a separate book. You have to come up
with a title and 150 words of summary information for the back cover. You could
focus on all or one of these issues:
Religious concerns ’ the potential threat to Protestantism.
Political concerns ’ Unionist fears of being a minority in Ireland.
The British dimension ’ economy, empire and party politics.
2.
To help you, draw a diagram like this to summarise the issues. Use the
information in this section, and any reading you have done, to show events or
issues, which provide evidence of any of the factors. If any events or
developments go under more than one heading ...
IRISH
POLITICS
RELIGION
BRITISH
POLITICS
3.
Finally, produce your title and 150 words of information.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 38 of 96
7. Assignment
Why were Gladstone's Home Rule Bills of 1886 and
1893 defeated?
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 39 of 96
INTRODUCTION
This matter of England's relations with Ireland is sometimes called the Irish Question,
but this suggests that the issues are confined to Ireland. If that is the case, then the defeat
of Home Rule is virtually impossible to explain. The Home Rule Party had
overwhelming support in Ireland, shown by the elections of 1885 and 1886 when even
Ulster had a majority of Home Rule MPs. Many historians think it is more accurate to
call it the British Question. When we look at it this way, it becomes easier to explain,
although it is still complicated.
If you were an Irish Nationalist, you considered the island of Ireland to be a separate
entity and Britain therefore had no moral right to prevent Ireland having Home Rule as
it was the democratic will of the people.
However, if you were a Unionist then Ireland was simply a collection of 32 of Britain s
150 odd counties.
The only way a chunk of Britain would be allowed to separate itself was if the majority
of the people in the whole of Britain were prepared to accept it. By 1886 Liberal leader
William Gladstone had decided that the Union was bad for Ireland (and, indeed, for
Britain) and should end, but there were plenty who disagreed.
Were all the opponents of Home Rule motivated by the noble principle of democracy, or
were there other factors as well?
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 40 of 96
7. Assignment - defeat of Home Rule
Student sheet (continued)
Activity 1
Why was Home Rule defeated?
Some possible factors as to why Home Rule was defeated are:
Anti Irish prejudice, both racial and religious.
Ireland as a political football, useful to further the ambitions of individuals or as a
weapon to use against other political parties.
Ireland as part of Britain.
Threat posed by Home Rule to the Empire.
Traditional support in Britain for Ulster Protestants.
Close ties between British and Irish landlords and peers.
Impact of Irish Unionist campaigning in Britain.
Value of Ulster's economic links with the mainland.
Use the sources below, and the relevant section of your textbook, to find evidence which
supports or contradicts the idea that the factors above were important in the defeat of
Home Rule.
Possible explanation
Anti Irish prejudice
Ireland as a political football
Ireland as part of Britain
Threat posed by Home Rule to the Empire
Traditional support on the mainland for Ulster
Value of Ulster s economic links with the
mainland
Links between British and Irish landlords
Supporting evidence
Source 1
Letter from Gladstone to Lord Granville in January 1886, in which
he shows that he appreciates the consequences for his party if he
proceeds with Home Rule.*
Hartington ** writes to me a letter indicating... his determination 'to
maintain the legislative union', that is to proclaim a policy (so I understand
the phrase) of absolute resistance without examination to the demand made by
Ireland through five-sixths of her members. This is to play the Tory game with
a vengeance. They are now most rashly, not to say more, working the Irish
question to split the Liberal Party. It seems to me that if a gratuitous
declaration of this kind is made, it must produce an explosion; and that in a
week's time Hartington will have to consider whether he will lead the Liberal
Party himself, or leave it to chaos. He will make my position impossible.
*
**
The Liberal Party split over Home Rule and fared badly against the
Conservatives in the 1880s and 1890s, partly because it was associated
with Home Rule.
Lord Hartington, later Duke of Devonshire, had extensive estates in Ireland as
well as in Britain and did leave the Liberal Party over Home Rule.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 41 of 96
7. Assignment - defeat of Home Rule
Student sheet (continued)
Source 2
Extract from a speech by Joseph Chamberlain at Warrington in
September 1885. Chamberlain was the leader of the radical
Liberals.*
This new programme of Mr Parnell's involves a greater extension than
anything we have hitherto known or understood by Home Rule; the powers he
claims for his support in Parliament are altogether beyond anything which
exists in the case of the State Legislatures of the American Union, which has
hitherto been the type and model of Irish demands, and if this claim were
conceded we might as well for ever abandon all hope of maintaining a United
Kingdom. We should establish within 30 miles of our shores a new foreign
country animated from the outset with unfriendly intentions towards ourselves.
Such a policy as that, I firmly believe, would be disastrous and ruinous to
Ireland herself. It would be dangerous to the security of this country, and
under these circumstances I hold that we are bound to take every step in our
power to avert so great a calamity.
*
Chamberlain was leader of the radical Liberals. Like Hartington, he resigned
over the issue of Home Rule, claiming that Home Rule undermined the
integrity of the United Kingdom. This led to a split in the Liberal Party.
Source 3
From Ireland Since the Famine by F. S. L. Lyons, a highly respected
Irish historian, 1973.
Racism was no monopoly of the educated classes. It reflected also popular
prejudices about the Irish in Britain working often at lowly and ill paid
employment, living in squalor . . . suspect in their religion, despised (and
sometimes feared) as drinking too deep and quarrelling too often.... It was by
no means impossible for ordinary British citizens, whatever their politics, to
feel at one and the same time that the Irish were deeply to be pitied for their
poverty and sufferings, but also that because of their backwardness, their
illiteracy, their supposed domination by their priests, they were fundamentally
unsuited to have charge of their own affairs. This was a jaundiced view that
could be changed . . . but it was unreasonable to expect it to change
overnight or to find either in parliament or in the constituencies much
sympathetic understanding of Gladstone's insight into the Irish question. The
result when it came was close, but decisive and not unexpected. The Tories,
their numbers swollen by defecting Liberal Unionists*, were able to defeat the
Home Rule Bill on its second reading by thirty votes. Gladstone thereupon
resigned.
*
–defecting Liberal Unionists' = those Liberals led by Joseph Chamberlain and
Lord Hartington.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 42 of 96
7. Assignment - defeat of Home Rule
Student sheet (continued)
Source 4
A view from a British
magazine about how an
Irish Home Rule
Parliament would conduct
business.*
* Part of the motivation
behind Imperialism was a
genuine belief that other
peoples were unable to
govern themselves properly
and that it was the burden
of Empire to do this for
them.
Source 5
A cartoon from December
1887 celebrating the
’Emperor–s– * triumph over
Home Rule.
*
The –Emperor‘ is the
Conservative leader Lord
Salisbury. He was very
successful in elections in the
1880s and 1890s. A good
deal of his appeal was based
on belief in the Empire and
opposition to Home Rule.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 43 of 96
7. Assignment - defeat of Home Rule
Student sheet (continued)
Activity 2
Choose one of the following essays and write it!
ESSAY 1
Between 1886 and 1914 there were three attempts to introduce Home Rule
for Ireland, and all three were defeated. How far was this the result of the
actions of Ulster Protestants?
The issue in this question is whether the action of Ulster Protestants was the sole factor in
defeating Home Rule measures or whether other factors also played a role. I believe that the
Ulster Protestants played a key role in the defeat of the Home Rule measures, and that their role
was more important in 1912 than it was in 1886 and 1893. However, they would have found it
very difficult to defeat the Home Rule Bills without a range of other factors as well. In this essay
I will examine the importance of the Unionists– actions. I will also examine other factors which
helped to defeat Home Rule, such as British party politics, the Southern Irish Unionists– links
with leading British landowners and politicians (particularly in the House of Lords), the threat
which Home Rule posed to the Empire, anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the international
situation in 1914. I will also examine the links between these factors.
ESSAY 2
–Home Rule means Rome rule.‘ How far does this slogan explain the
intensity of Unionist opposition to Home Rule for Ireland in the period 18861914?
The issue in this question is whether religion was the only reason for the intense opposition to
Home Rule or whether other factors explain the intense opposition to Home Rule in this period.
I believe that religion was only one of a range of factors which explain the intensity of Unionist
opposition, both in Ireland and the rest of Britain. Religion was a key part of the Unionist way
of life, but Ulster Unionists also felt they were part of Britain economically and culturally. They
shared many anti-Irish prejudices with English people. They also believed in the importance of
the Empire and the United Kingdom. In this essay I will explain how each of these factors
contributed to opposition to Home Rule, and how they are linked to each other.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 44 of 96
8. The Ulster Crisis
Why did the third Home Rule crisis take Ireland to the
verge of Civil War in 1914?
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 45 of 96
The Ulster Crisis
Teacher notes
In many ways the answer to this question is simple. By 1914 there were two deadlocked
political positions. The Ulster Unionists were armed, and prepared to take up arms
against the government if it tried to enact Home Rule. The Irish Nationalists were also
armed, and equally prepared to take up arms if Home Rule were not enacted.
HIGHLIGHTING THE ISSUES
The section opens with an activity based around the cartoon. The purpose of the cartoon
is for students to enjoy the joke contained in the cartoon, but then tease out some of the
critical points which emerge from the cartoon and its context. It is meant to be used in
a similar way to the introductory cartoons in section 3 of this unit.
With suitable prompting students should be able to elicit from the cartoon:
the two entrenched positions in Ireland;
the position of Britain as the mediator;
the presence and significance of weapons and paramilitary uniforms (contemporary
parallels with Bosnia and Kosovo might be drawn here); and
above all, the lack of understanding of Britain of the Irish situation.
This is presented humorously but actually raises a critical point. Few members of the
Press, the major political parties or even the government had an in-depth interest or
understanding of the situations in Ireland, and fewer still genuinely cared. The actions
of both Liberals and Conservatives need to be seen in this light.
The cartoon offers the opportunity to consider questions relating to how serious the
tensions and rivalries were in Ulster.
CONSIDERING THE ISSUES
The rest of this section is designed to get students to consider this issue. The competing
hypotheses suggested by the cartoon and the outline of events need to be balanced and
a judgement reached. This will hopefully be informed by the comments contained in the
extracts from the email conference. Clearly, the aim of the exercise is for students to
contribute to this conference.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 46 of 96
The Ulster Crisis
Student sheet
Three weeks ago Ireland was divided so much that the only point of agreement
between Ulster and the Nationalists was in their common vituperation of
England and her government. The Kaiser threatens the power of the British
empire and Hey Presto! Ulster and the Nationalists make common cause again,
but this time to help John Bull.
A cartoon from the British magazine The Bystander, 19 August 1914
Activity 1
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 47 of 96
8. The Ulster Crisis
Student sheet (continued)
What clues are contained in this cartoon to help the historian gain an insight
into (a) the situation in Ireland in 1914 and (b) British understanding of that
situation?
THE HOME RULE CRISIS OF 1912-14 - OUTLINE OF KEY EVENTS
Background - British politics and society 1900-11
Britain was becoming a deeply divided society in the early twentieth century. The
demands of women for the vote coincided with the rise of a Labour movement and trade
unions willing to take on employers to benefit their workers. Many disputes ended in
violence.
Relations between the political parties reflected these deep and bitter divisions. In 1906
the Liberals won a huge election victory, promising a programme of social reforms.
Conservative emphasis on the Empire and opposition to Home Rule seemed less relevant
to a larger electorate in a country with enormous extremes of wealth and poverty.
Funding the Liberal plans for social reforms proved controversial. It led to a new
election in January 1911. It also led to the Parliament Act, which meant that the House
of Lords could no longer reject a Bill which had been approved by the Commons
(although they could delay the bill becoming law). The Liberals and Tories had equal
numbers of MPs, but support from Labour and the Irish Parliamentary Party kept them
in power. In return the Liberals agreed to introduce another Home Rule Bill.
Resistance was swift and bitter. In Parliament the Home Rule Bill was denounced as a
corrupt bargain by the Liberals who had not campaigned on this issue. Nevertheless the
Bill was passed. Under the new Parliament Act the Lords could not throw it out, they
could only delay it becoming law for two years. Asquith chose to wait and see what
happened in those two years, hoping for a political compromise. He badly
underestimated the strength of opposition to Home Rule in Ulster.
Ulster Unionist opposition to Home Rule 1912-14
Initial resistance
Resistance was led by Edward Carson and James Craig. Carson wanted to
preserve the whole Union. A Dubliner, he was using Ulster as the strongest base
to defeat Home Rule, he was NOT aiming for Partition at this point.
Craig was the man of action. An Ulsterman through and through, he used the
Ulster Unionist Council to co-ordinate Unionist MPs. Effectively created the
structure for an alternative government for Ulster if Home Rule was passed. He
was less optimistic than Carson about the prospects of keeping all of Ireland in the
Union.
Initial protests were peaceful but impressively and threateningly large eg the Belfast
rally in Easter 1912 involved 100, 000 Ulstermen marching in military style.
Conservative leader Andrew Bonar Law and 70 Conservative MPs were present at
the rally. Law, a Scot of Ulster Presbyterian descent and intimately acquainted
with leading Ulster Unionists, indicated that he believed the men of Ulster were
entitled to go to any lengths to resist Home Rule.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 48 of 96
8. The Ulster Crisis
Student sheet (continued)
28 September 1912 saw over 250,000 men sign the Ulster Solemn League and
Covenant (and similar number of women sign a parallel declaration).
These activities were supported by effective campaigning in Britain organised by
the Unionist Associations of Ireland, a joint Southern/Ulster Unionist enterprise,
Despite the reservations of the Southern Unionists, this campaign increasingly
emphasised the religious and Ulster objections to Home Rule.
Escalation
The Home Rule was passed in 1912. The Lords rejected it, but under the
Parliament Act the Bill became law anyway. However, the terms of Parliament
Act meant that there would be a two-year delay in the implementation of the Act.
The Ulster Unionist Council organised the Volunteers into the Ulster Volunteer
Force (UVF). They had the full co-operation of most JPs, police and strong
support from upper ranks of the Army (the UVF was commanded by Lt General
Sir George Richardson).
UVF was a very dubious organisation legally. It was also very large and
disciplined.
Conservative MPs supported and even encouraged these extra-parliamentary
activities.
Such activities were justified by Unionists and Conservatives on grounds of: the
threat Home Rule posed to Protestant civil and religious liberties; the rights of
minorities; the threat to economic prosperity of Ulster under Home Rule; the threat
to the Empire. Unionists argued that they could be (and were) loyal to the Crown
but not the government.
Bonar Law gave full support to Carson. He argued that this Liberal Home Rule
measure was a corrupt bargain with no mandate (because the election had not been
fought on the issue of Home Rule). Many historians feel that for most
Conservatives Ulster was a political tool. Historian Paul Adelmann says primary
considerations were not Ulster but Imperial and Party issues. Patrick Buckland
believes Tories, for the most part but not Bonar Law, took up Ulster as the best
argument to attack Home Rule, and that this in turn might bring down a hated
opponent (the Liberal government).
On the verge of Civil War, 1913-14
Asquith and John Redmond, the Home Rule leader, thought Unionists were
bluffing. Asquith believed this on Redmond s advice (just as Gladstone had
accepted Parnell s view in 1885-86 that there was no opposition to Home Rule
beyond that of a handful of landowners). Questions remain about whether
Redmond really believed that the Unionists were bluffing, but he had little choice.
His own supporters would not allow him to draw back demands for Home Rule.
Asquith decided to wait and see, hoping that the passage of the Home Rule Bill
through Parliament would calm fears and passions. The …
Wait and See policy
accelerated the drift to extremism as the date for implementation of Home Rule
approached.
From September 1913, the idea of the exclusion of parts of Ulster from Home Rule
was mooted. It was still unacceptable to most parties, not least Irish Nationalists
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 49 of 96
8. The Ulster Crisis
Student sheet (continued)
who saw Ireland as a …
seamless garment and to Southern Unionists and their
British allies who saw it as betrayal.
November 1913 saw formation of Irish Volunteers.
In March 1914 officers at the Curragh army base indicated that they would all
resign rather than enforce Home Rule on Ulster. The so-called …
Curragh Mutiny
meant that use of the Army to coerce Ulster was now not an available option.
In April 1914 the UVF landed a huge shipment of arms at Larne, near Belfast. The
Larne gun running incident convinced Asquith that Carson was not bluffing.
The Irish Volunteers also managed to land an important arms shipment at Howth,
near Dublin in July 1914.
Frantic backroom discussions took place to avoid what looked like an inevitable
civil war. Exclusion of Ulster from the Home Rule measure was now seriously put
forward as a possible compromise - consenting areas of Ulster would be allowed
to opt out of Home Rule. This initiative failed, partly because Carson and the
Lords insisted on permanent exclusion.
Result was deadlock and imminent civil war - prevented by outbreak of the First
World War.
Activity 2
Why was Ireland on the verge of Civil War by 1914?
There are several ways in which the evidence of the cartoon and the outline of events
could be interpreted. For example, it could be said that Ireland was on the verge of Civil
War because of:
Nationalist insistence on Home Rule for all of Ireland;
Ulster Unionist opposition to Home Rule;
the actions of Bonar Law and the Conservatives;
a lack of understanding of British politicians about Ireland.
Work through the outline of events and the cartoon.
Your task is to decide which of these factors you consider to be the major factor
in explaining why Ireland was on the verge of civil war. You must support your
view with evidence.
You may feel that the combination of the factors is more important than …
ranking
factors. If so, you must explain why you think this.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 50 of 96
8. The Ulster Crisis
Student sheet (continued)
Activity 3
Was partition already inevitable in 1912?
DISCUSSION: WAS PARTITION INEVITABLE BY 1912?
Many historians have speculated as to whether the crisis of 1912-14 was a turning point
in Irish history. The historian Charles Townshend certainly believes that Partition was
effectively laid down by these events, even if it did not actually take place for almost
another ten years.
Read through the comments from the email conference on this question. They took place
several years ago, via electronic mail. Work in small groups, and discuss the question
of whether partition was inevitable. When you have reached a consensus, draft a
message which you would be prepared to publish as part of the conference.
EXTRACTS FROM THE EMAIL CONFERENCE
Participant 1
I believe that by 1912 some form of partition, or exclusion, was inevitable. By this time
elections in Ireland since 1885 had shown how determined most Irish Catholics were to
have some form of self-government. But they also made it clear how protestants,
especially in Ulster, were no less equally determined not to have Home Rule. After
1898, when local government was elected for the first time, it became clear that there
were two Irelands - one catholic and one protestant. The row over the Ne temere decree
and over the university question made this even clearer. What focused the issue was
Home Rule. By 1912, the year in which the Third Home Rule Bill was introduced, and
the Ulster covenant was signed, it was clear that some form of division or separation of
the two Irelands was inevitable. The only question was where the dividing line would
be. This was not to be decided until 1921. Neil Jordan's film about Michael Collins
inevitably but predictably ignored all this.
Participant 2
By this time elections in Ireland since 1885 had shown how determined most Irish
Catholics were to have some form of self-government. But they also made it clear how
protestants, especially in Ulster, were no less equally determined not to have Home
Rule. After 1898, when local government was elected for the first time, it became clear
that there were two Irelands.
Dr Keith Jeffery, University of Ulster (resident expert in the conference)
…
Inevitable is, of course, a very tricky word to use. We have the benefit of hindsight
which shows us that partition was, apparently, inevitable, but people in Ireland in 1912
or before didn t have the good fortune of foresight. You can certainly use …
inevitable ,
but with discretion. Think of it as really powerful seasoning, a sort of intellectual chilli
pepper: like other absolute words (first, only, greatest, etc) it should be used sparingly.
Laffan asserts the view that partition was always a possible solution but it could be
argued that in 1912 Ulster did not foresee any form of partition. After all, Ulster
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 51 of 96
8. The Ulster Crisis
Student sheet (continued)
rejected the feasibility of Home Rule on the premise that the rest of Ireland could not
survive economically without the industrialised North East, thus partition was not a viable
alternative. Nevertheless the formation of the Ulster Unionist Council signified the
gradual separation of Ulster Unionists from their southern counterparts which might infer
that Ulster was ready to accept partition by 1912.
This is substantiated by Professor JJ Lee who takes the view that Ulster Protestants saw
themselves as superior to the rest of Ireland. They had created an …
elaborate set of
images to nourish their sense of identity. These included the Ulster Solemn League and
Covenant and the U.V.F which was formed in 1912, shortly after the UlsterUnionist
threat of establishing their own provisional government if Home Rule became law.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 52 of 96
9. Partition
Why was Ireland partitioned in 1921-22?
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 53 of 96
Partition
Teacher notes
If one subscribes to the view that Partition effectively took place in 1912-14 then to some
extent this section appears to be purely of academic interest. However, there are some
immensely important developments in this period which cannot be ignored.
The rationale of this section is to look at the events of 1914-22 primarily from the
Nationalist perspective. Thus the Easter Rising forms the initial focus point. From
there, students examine the rise of Sinn Fein, and from then the sequence of events which
leads to the Anglo-Irish War, the 1920 Government of Ireland Act, Partition and the
Treaty.
The activities are primarily designed to engage students with the material in preparation
for the assignments in the final section. With this in mind, they are primarily about
highlighting key points, teasing out evidence which supports key points and discussing
important issues.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 54 of 96
Partition
Student sheet
TIMELINE: THE STEPS TO PARTITION 1886-1922
1886
Home Rule for Ireland put before Parliament.
Furious opposition, especially in Ulster ’ Bill is rejected.
1890
Home Rule Party splits over Parnell‘s involvement with Kitty O‘Shea (wife of
one of his MPs).
1891
Death of Parnell.
1890s onwards
Increasing political, social, economic and cultural activity in Ireland through
various societies ’ often known as the Gaelic Revival.
1893
Second Home Rule Bill passed by House of Commons, rejected by Lords.
1900
John Redmond rebuilds the Home Rule Party to become the Irish Parliamentary
Party (IPP).
1900s
Further land reforms effectively transfer land ownership from landlords to
tenants.
Continuing Gaelic Revival.
1910
Edward Carson becomes leader of Irish Unionists.
1911
General Election in England. Liberals need support of IPP to govern. Redmond
agrees in return for Home Rule.
1912
Third Home Rule put before Parliament. Furious opposition in Ulster.
1914
Formation of UVF and Irish Volunteers. Ireland seemingly headed for Civil
War. IRB infiltrates Volunteers.
Home Rule becomes law but suspended due to outbreak of Great War.
1914-18 Thousands of Irish troops, Nationalist and Unionist, join British army and see
distinguished action.
1916
Easter Monday Rising in Dublin. Defeated after one week and tremendous
damage to city.
Rebel leaders executed, which creates opposition to British.
Battle of the Somme. Nationalist and Ulster troops fight but 36th Ulster Division
suffers especially heavy losses.
Lloyd George attempts settlement - 1914 Home Rule Act and Partition (six
counties)
1918
Election at end of Great War. Overwhelming victory for Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein
MP‘s refuse to sit in Westminster Parliament.
Sinn Fein MPs declare their own Parliament, Da il Eireann, declared illegal by
British.
1919-20 Campaign of violence by armed republicans (now the IRA).
British rule in South undermined by Sinn Fein.
Troops and police attacked ’ vicious tactics on both sides.
Ulster remains firmly under British control.
1920
Government of Ireland Act, partitioning Ireland.
1921
War continues.
Northern Ireland parliament opened by King George V (June).
Truce (July).
Anglo-Irish Treaty signed (December), confirms Partition and sets up Irish Free
State.
1922
Da il approves Treaty but Sinn Fein splits, anti-Treaty faction led by Eamon de
Valera.
1922-23 Civil war between new Irish Free State government led by Collins and Griffith
and Sinn Fein/IRA supporters who opposed the Treaty (led by de Valera).
Michael Collins killed in this war.
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Big question 1
Why was the Easter Rising such a critical event?
Background
After the fall of Parnell and the failure of the Home Rule movement in the 1880s and
1890s, some Nationalists began to feel that freedom from British rule could only be
achieved by force. Some of the leading members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood
began to plan a revolution. They included Tomas Clarke, Padraig Pearse, Tomas
MacDonagh, Joe Plunkett, Sean MacDiarmada and Eamonn Ceannt.
By 1916 they were concerned that Ireland was losing interest in the Nationalist cause.
The years 1900-1914 had seen increasing support for Irish Gaelic culture and politics.
A new radical Nationalist party, Sinn Fein, was making some progress. Home Rule had
been passed by the British Parliament, despite the threat of Ulster Unionists to oppose it
by force. There was even a Nationalist militia called the Irish Volunteers, and the IRB
had infiltrated its men into key positions in the Volunteers. Unfortunately for the
Republicans, Irish politics had been put on hold by the outbreak of the Great War. Some
200,000 Irishmen joined the British forces in the war and Irish farmers were doing well
out of the war. By 1916, the IRB were determined to put Irish politics right back on the
map and to take advantage of the fact that Britain was absorbed in the war effort.
England‘s difficulty was to be Ireland‘s opportunity.
They were assisted in their aims by the idealism of men such as Patrick Pearse.
Formerly a Home Ruler, he was increasingly drawn to the idea of a …
blood sacrifice‘ to
re-awaken Irish people to a sense of their nationality.
The Rising
The Irish Volunteers were due to carry out military exercises all over Ireland on the
Easter weekend in 1916. The IRB plan was to take both the British and the commanders
of the Volunteers by surprise and turn the military exercises into a real revolution. The
IRB were joined by the Irish Citizen Army, a force led by the trade unionist and Socialist
James Connolly. The Citizen Army had been formed to protect striking workers from
police and employers. However, in the days before the planned rising the Volunteers
commander Eoin MacNeill got wind of the plan and he cancelled the manoeuvres. The
result was total confusion, and only about 2,000 rebels were ready for action on Easter
Monday 1916. Worse still, Sir Roger Casement was captured and the ship carrying the
rifles was sunk.
In fact, the whole story of Easter Week 1916 is one of confusion and chaos. The British
were taken completely by surprise and the rebels captured a number of key buildings,
setting up their headquarters in the General Post Office. They could have simply walked
into Dublin Castle, centre of British Rule in Ireland, but they could not believe it was
undefended and so retreated! In the following week, increasing numbers of British troops
and artillery poured into Dublin. A British gunboat sailed up the Liffey and shelled the
GPO. Parts of the city centre were reduced to smoking rubble and around 300 civilians
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were killed. After a week of fighting Pearse surrendered, primarily because of his
concerns about the large number of civilian casualties.
Source 1
Extracts from the diary of Alfred Fannin, a wealthy businessman
who lived in Dublin and observed the events going on around him
April 1916.*
Tuesday, April 25th
Yesterday, Easter Monday, the Sinn Feiners** tried to occupy all the railway
stations - some successfully, others not, the GPO, Jacob–s factory and St
Stephen–s Green. They barricaded all the doors, and fired on anyone in
uniform who approached. They have blocked the roads to St Stephen–s Green,
and while they allow civilians to walk about they are shooting at anyone they
see in khaki.
A great deal of the shooting is aimless. There is now a barricade of motor
cars across the road opposite Russell–s Hotel The college of Surgeons is
held by the rebels with a republican flag over it.
Wednesday April 26th
After breakfast we heard that St Stephens– Green was now in the hands of the
military. Later the rumours in the road were first that the GPO had been
taken by the military, second that it had not been taken.
It was too dangerous to go out at this time We used to think we were
clear of the war here in Ireland but we have certainly got it close enough
now.
Thursday April 27th
I went down to the Morehampton Road shop. All there was normal but
supplies somewhat limited
all meat was commandeered by the military.
Carried home 2 stone of potatoes and meat, everybody was out carrying their
own stores.
Friday April 28th
Plenty of talk and rumours but no definite news
Grafton Street was
absolutely deserted except for soldiers at regular intervals.
Saturday April 29th
The GPO has been taken. The day wore slowly away and towards evening the
news came that the Sinn Feiners had made an unconditional surrender. This
is, of course, provisionally speaking. The revolt it too widespread to be
stopped in a minute but it gave some hope for a peaceful Sunday.
May 10th
We are still under martial law. There have been a good many executions and
we must all be in at 8.30 at night but the city by day is resuming its normal
appearance.
*
Fannin was not involved in the Rising. His account of the Rising was written
for his brother, who lived outside the city.
** The rising was generally thought to be organised by Sinn Fein, but in fact this
was wrong. It was organised by the IRB.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 57 of 96
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DISCUSSION QUESTIONS ON SOURCE 1
1.
What does Fannin‘s account of the Rising tell historians about
a.
b.
c.
2.
Fannin himself;
life in Dublin during the Rising; and
people‘s knowledge of the events going on around them.
Fannin was an eye witness, and we usually think that an account from an eye
witness is a valuable source. How valuable is Fannin‘s account of the events of
April 1916?
WHAT WAS THE AIM OF THE RISING?
Padraig Pearse was a writer and a poet. Some accounts of the Rising suggested that
Pearse was something of a dreamer. He saw the rebellion as a …
blood sacrifice‘. In other
words, he knew the Rising was hopeless, but he was prepared to make this sacrifice
because he feared that without some action the flame of Nationalism would go out in
Ireland and the British would go back on their promise to grant Home Rule after the
Great War ended.
This is controversial for several reasons. First, the original plan was not to have such
a small force for the rebellion. Secondly, even if Pearse felt this way he was allied with
much more practical men like James Connolly who would not have supported the idea
of a sacrifice. So the aims of the Rising are unclear, and it may be that they were unclear
at the time.
Source 2
Michael Collins* on Pearse and Connolly.
Of Pearse and Connolly, I admire the latter most. Connolly was a realist,
Pearse the direct opposite. There was an air of earthy directness about
Connolly. It impressed me. I would have followed him through Hell had
such an action been necessary. But I honestly doubt very much if I would
have followed Pearse ‘ not without some thought, anyway.
*
Collins was imprisoned for his role in the Easter Rising. On his release he
became a Sinn Fein activist and led the IRA in its war against the British
1919-21.
DID PUBLIC OPINION CHANGE AFTER THE RISING?
The traditional view of the events of 1916 is that most people were thoroughly opposed
to the rebellion as it took place. Accounts appeared in newspapers of captured rebels
being jeered at and spat on. The traditional view then suggests that once the British
started executing the rebel leaders opinion in Ireland changed. Pearse, Connolly and
thirteen others were killed by firing squad, and Roger Casement was hanged for treason
in England. Opinion in Dublin was that the number of executions was excessive. They
also questioned the right of Britain to execute men for treason to Britain, when many
Nationalists regarded Britain as a foreign power.
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This has raised another controversy over the traditional view. The distinguished Irish
historian J.J. Lee has pointed out that British public opinion was outraged at the Rising,
but opinion in Ireland was much less clear. The only newspaper which managed to
continue publishing was the Unionist Irish Times. Lee argues that there may have been
more support than at first thought for the Rising. Most historians do agree that the
executions played into the hands of the Nationalist movement and increased opposition
to Britain.
Source 3
Cartoon from the British magazine John
Bull, 13 May 1916.
The central figure is the German ruler Kaiser
Wilhelm.
At the time of the Rising rumours ran riot.
One common rumour was that a German fleet
was planning to invade Ireland through
Dublin harbour.
At the time the German fleet was blockaded
in the Baltic Sea by the Royal Navy.
This cartoon gives some indication of the
feeling in Britain towards the rebels, and to
any supporters of Irish Home Rule.
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS ON SOURCE 3
1.
2.
How does the cartoonist suggest that the Rising was connected with the Kaiser?
How would a cartoon like this affect public opinion in Britain?
DID THE RISING MAKE PARTITION INEVITABLE?
Irish Nationalism
In terms of Irish politics the Rising had a tremendous impact. On the first day of the
rising, Padraig Pearse read out a proclamation declaring that the Irish Republic was now
established. It was a momentous event in Ireland‘s history and the Republic still regards
the Proclamation of Easter Week as something sacred, similar to the American
declaration of Independence on the Fourth of July 1776.
John Redmond, the leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party (the constitutional
Nationalists) condemned the actions of the rebels in the House of Commons. He later
changed his position when the executions began, and bitterly criticised the actions of the
British government. He was extremely worried because the Rising showed that another
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 59 of 96
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generation was ready to take over. Redmond‘s position might have been saved had an
attempt by Lloyd George to set up an Irish Parliament on the basis of Partition succeeded
- the implementation of the 1914 Home Rule Act and the exclusion of Ulster. It failed
owing to the opposition of Southern Unionists and misunderstandings about the nature
of the proposed Partition.
Ulster Unionists and partition
Nevertheless, the attempted settlement after the Rising was a milestone on the road to
Partition. Unionists in Ulster and the rest of Ireland condemned the rebels, but they were
also alarmed. Among many Unionists in the southern provinces, the Rising provided an
incentive to come to terms with Redmond and work with him to establish an all-Ireland
Parliament. The Irish Parliamentary Party may have been bad but Sinn Fein was
unspeakably worse, especially since Redmond supported the war effort.
However, to many Unionists in Ulster the Rising provided final proof that they had
nothing in common with Irish Nationalist who were not to be trusted. Such feelings led
the Ulster Unionist Council in 1916 to accept for the first time the principle of partition.
They were willing as a matter to patriotic sacrifice to abandon their opposition to Home
Rule in return for the exclusion of six (Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh,
Londonderry and Tyrone) of Ulster‘s nine counties from the jurisdiction of the proposed
Dublin Parliament. …
Men not prone to emotion shed tears‘ on this occasion which meant,
in effect, abandoning fellow Covenanters of Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan as well as
the Southern Unionists.
Ulster Unionists - or rather those in the six counties - did not retreat from this position
in subsequent attempts at an …
all-Ireland‘ settlement - in the Irish Convention of 1917-18
and in the discussions leading up to the 1920 Government of Ireland Act, and the
negotiations leading up to the Anglo-Irish Treaty.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 60 of 96
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Student sheet (continued)
Big question 2
Why did Sinn Fein do so well in the 1918 General Election?
Ireland remained tense throughout the rest of the war years, although there were no more
risings like the one of 1916. When the Great War ended in 1918 there was a General
Election. The Irish Parliamentary Party, which had dominated Nationalist politics since
the 1880s, was swept away. The new force, which did this, was a relatively young
party, Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein is Gaelic and can be translated as …
Ourselves‘.
General election in Ireland, 1918
6
26
73
Sinn Fein
Unionist
Irish Parliamentary Party
The party was founded in 1905 by Arthur Griffith as a rival, more radical Nationalist
Party than the IPP (led by John Redmond since 1900). A believer in passive resistance,
Griffith believed that all Irish MP‘s should withdraw from Westminster. He thought that
they should set up their own Parliament in Dublin but that Ireland should remain subject
to the British Crown.
In by-elections and General Elections up to 1910 the party achieved little. So what
explains Sinn Fein‘s dramatic rise?
KEY DEVELOPMENTS IN THE RISE OF SINN FEIN
Key development 1
From the 1880s onwards many Irish people began to take a great interest in Irish history,
language and culture. They felt that British rule was trying to wipe out all traces of Irish
culture. This led to a Gaelic Revival. The Gaelic League published English and Irish
works, old and new. The Gaelic Athletic Association re-established traditional sports like
Gaelic football and hurling.
Key development 2
In 1912, thanks to divisions in British politics, Redmond‘s IPP had managed to get Home
Rule high on the political agenda and by 1914 a Home Rule Act was actually on the
Statute Book. However, opposition from Ulster and England led Redmond to agree to
Partition of Ireland and a freeze on Home Rule. Worse still, when war broke out in
1914 Redmond encouraged Irishmen to join up in the British Army!
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 61 of 96
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Student sheet (continued)
Key development 3
Many radical Nationalists, people like Padraig Pearse, Eamon de Valera and Michael
Collins, had studied their Irish history. However, it was often a one-sided view. The
older generation of Nationalists, and the top ranks of the Catholic Church, came to be
seen as betrayers of Parnell. In this history, of course, everything about the British
connection was bad for Ireland. These men revitalised the IRB. They infiltrated the
cultural organisations and especially the Volunteers, creating a force within a force.
Key development 4
As you have seen, Home Rule was defeated in 1886. It was defeated again in 1893.
When it looked like becoming law in 1912 Ulster again erupted in protest, and it seemed
much of Great Britain supported the Ulster Unionists. Under Sir Edward Carson,
Loyalists signed the Ulster Solemn League and Covenant (1912), vowing to resist the reestablishment of an Irish parliament. They imported weapons from Germany (the most
famous incident was at Larne, near Belfast in 1914) and formed the large and disciplined
Ulster Volunteer Force. Nationalists in the South formed the Irish Volunteers. They
smuggled in arms. By 1914 Ireland was on the verge of civil war, and only the outbreak
of a greater war prevented it.
Key development 5
Poverty, hardship and injustice did not just suddenly appear during the early twentieth
century. However, across Britain and Ireland working class movements (like trade
unions and the Labour Party) were growing. There were bitter disputes in all parts of
Britain, including a vicious Dock Strike in Dublin in 1913. The socialist leader James
Connolly created an Irish Citizen Army to protect strikers and demonstrators in the
regular street battles with police. Connolly began to co-operate with the Nationalist
Volunteers, and especially the IRB.
Key development 6
By the spring of 1916 leading IRB figures were concerned. The Nationalist movement
had lost its momentum and all Ireland was focused on the Great War. These extremists
decided on a rising to force the issue. It is thought by some historians that their leader,
Padraig Pearse, wanted a blood sacrifice to revive the Republican cause. It is likely that
many IRB leaders were hoping for more. On Easter Monday 1916 IRB Volunteers and
Connolly‘s Citizen Army occupied parts of central Dublin. They declared an Irish
Republic at their headquarters, the Dublin GPO. A week later the rebels surrendered and
much of central Dublin was wrecked. For radical Nationalists the Irish Republic had
been declared and the British were an occupying invader. There is an investigation of
the Rising on pp 66-9.
Key development 7
Soon after the Rising the leaders were executed by the British. Many Irish people were
appalled. How could they execute Irishmen for treason to a foreign power (as they saw
it)? It was a bad error and in 1918 a worse one followed. The Government announced
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 62 of 96
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plans to introduce conscription into Ireland. Sinn Fein led a storm of protest and the
Government dropped the idea.
All of these developments increased support for Sinn Fein who worked hard to take
advantage of the opportunities offered to them. Members of Sinn Fein, often young
teetotallers, went about their work with such quiet efficiency and determination that they
seemed to their opponents very much like the men who carried out the French
Revolution. They reaped some reward in 1917 when they won four by-elections, one
of them won by future President of Ireland Eamon de Valera. However, the real
Source 5
Sinn Fein postcard from 1918, issued
soon after the party–s General Election
successes.
successes came in the 1918 elections. The 73 Sinn Fein MPs refused to take up their
seats in the Westminster Parliament. Instead, they would form their own Government.
Activity 1
The rise of Sinn Fein
TASK 1
Key developments 1-7 really ought to have captions or headings to go with them. Either
come up with your own short heading for each development or use the list below (they
are all in the wrong order!)
A feeling of betrayal
Actions of the British Government
Socialism
The actions of the Unionists
The Easter Rising
The Gaelic Revival
The revival of the IRB
TASK 2
For each of the key developments, explain:
why it increased Sinn Fein support;
whether it was connected with any of the other 6;
whether it was connected with any other events or developments in this chapter.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 63 of 96
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Student sheet (continued)
Big question 3
What were the consequences of Sinn Fein–s victory in 1919?
THE ANGLO-IRISH WAR/THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
The victorious Sinn Fein MPs declared themselves to be Da il Eireann, the government
of Ireland. They set off on a policy of ignoring British rule. The Da il set up
administration, police and courts, ignoring British institutions and officials. In many
areas (apart from Ulster) these institutions were recognised by the Irish people as the
official government.
Conflict with the British soon followed. The IRA began a bitter guerrilla war against the
police force, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC). To support the police the British
government sent in troops and new forces called Black and Tans and Auxiliaries to defeat
them, but the IRA leader Michael Collins organised his small forces well.
Collins used the support of people, especially in the countryside, to tie down much larger
British forces. Local IRA commanders organised their men in flying columns which
carried out hit and run raids and then hid their weapons and blended back among the
ordinary people. Probably the most famous was Tom Barry, whose West Cork Flying
Column tied down over 10,000 British troops and police. In areas such as Barry‘s, the
IRA had a great deal of popular support, so it was very difficult to counter their tactics.
However, it is important not to over estimate the extent of support for Sinn Fein and the
IRA at this time. The historian Professor Roy Foster described the period of the AngloIrish War not as a revolution but as …
The Take-over‘ by a dedicated core of
revolutionaries within the Nationalist movement. He made these points to support his
view:
In 1919 even many Sinn Fein members did not want an armed struggle.
The IRA‘s attacks on the RIC (whose members were mainly Irish and Catholic)
were unpopular with ordinary Irish people.
The IRA‘s campaign, and even Sinn Fein, had only partial support in the wider
population ’ the Da il TD‘s were mainly young, Catholic, lower middle class.
In the Irish local elections of January 1920, Sinn Fein won only 40 per cent of the
seats.
IRA tactics provoked British retaliation, and it was the civilians who suffered.
Whatever the exact extent of support for the IRA campaign, it was plain that the British
would need enormous forces to defeat the rebellion. The British Prime Minister David
Lloyd George had neither the will nor the resources to commit the extra 100,000 men
and á 100 million necessary to subdue Ireland.
Moreover, a very adept propaganda campain in Britain and the United States skillfully
exploited incidents in the British counter-measures to put Britain morally in the wrong.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 64 of 96
9. Partition
Student sheet (continued)
ULSTER AND THE GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND ACT 1920
The fighting went alongside increasingly urgent efforts to arrange a settlement, efforts
made all the more urgent by the fact that the 1914 Act was due to come into operation
at the end of the First World War.
The device used was the 1920 Government of Ireland Act, often known as the Partition
Act. This was effectively two Home Rule Bills. In the North, six of Ulster‘s nine
counties became a self-governing Northern Ireland with its own Parliament in Belfast.
The remaining 26 counties, to be called Southern Ireland, was also given a government
and parliamment of its own. Britain would keep control of such matters as all major
financial powers, the military, naval facilities etc.
The 1920 Act is often seen a a triumph for Ulster Unionists. It was not. Acceptance of
the Act involved at least three compromises if not outright failures.
They had originally wanted to maintain the Union intact, but now had to accept that
the whole island of Ireland would not remain part of the United Kingdom.
They had assumed that their exclusion from the jurisidiction of the Dublin
Parliament would leave their status under the Union unchanged. Instead they had
to accept a form of home rule themselves. They were also concerned that a future
London government might betray them. If they had their own Parliament then their
future was in their hands, rather than politicians in London.
Ulster Unionists propaganda and organisations had encompassed the nine counties
of the historic province of Ulster. Yet Northern Ireland consisted of only the six
counties of Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh , Londonderry and Tyrone. This
was despite the fact that Ulster Unionists had been consulted closely as the Act was
being drawn up, especially on the issue of the border between the new state of
Northern Ireland and the rest of Ireland. However, a six-counties border was more
acceptable to the majority of Ulster Unionists than a nine-counties border covering
the historic provice because it gave the largest possible area with a safe, two-thirds,
Unionist and Protestant majority.
The Government of Ireland Act came into effect in May 1921 and James Craig became
Northern Ireland‘s first Prime Minister. The establishment of Northern Ireland was
resented by the large Catholic and Nationalist minority who made up one-third of the
population - and in some areas actually constituted a majority. Thus the new state almost
dissolved in anarchy in the early months in face of IRA attacks and Protestant retaliation,
Nevertheless, it survived and maintained its status under the 1920 Act until 1972.
SINN FEIN AND THE ANGLO IRISH TREATY
In the rest of Ireland, Sinn Fein who were loyal to the Republic declared in 1916 refused
to accept such limited powers and the war continued. By the summer of 1921 Lloyd
George was desperate to find an end to the Irish conflict. The choice was between an allout campaign against a weakening IRA or negotiations - and he could not attempt the
former without making a real attempt at a negotiated settlement.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 65 of 96
9. Partition
Student sheet (continued)
The British and Irish sides called a truce in July 1921. After months of wrangling about
details, the proper negotiations began in October. The Republicans were deeply divided,
which hampered them in the talks. They were also up against some of the most able and
tough politicians in the world at that time. To ease the way considerable pressure was
put on Ulster Unionists to compromise their newly-won status and to recognise the
sovereignty of a Dublin Parliament. Ulster Unionists remained firm and the British
government was determined not to compromise on the Crown and Empire.
Thus the Irish negotiators were unable to achieve their ideal of a completely independent
Republic governing the whole of Ireland. Nevertheless, considering what they were up
against, the Sinn Fein delegation ended up with an impressive range of gains.
The 26 counties of Ireland would become the Irish Free State with its own
Parliament and government, Dominion status.
All British forces were to leave the 26 counties.
The Free State would have its own army and police; coinage and stamps; flag and
passports.
To make the continuation of Partition and Northern Ireland palatable, a Boundary
Commission was proposed to look again at the border between north and south,
transferring territory between the two areas in accordance with a formula taking
into account not only religious and political wishes but also economic and
geographic realities. Irish Nationalists were left with the impression that the
Commission would somehow lead to the dismantling of Northern Ireland.
Republicans had to accept Partition and the existence of Northern Ireland. If it did
not do this, the Commission might solve the problem of the Nationalist minority in
Northern Ireland.
Republicans were deeply disappointed with the terms:
Free State still technically part of the British Empire.
Politicians in the Free State Parliament, the Dail, had to swear an oath of allegiance
to the British monarch.
Royal Navy could still use some Irish ports of Cobh, Brerehaven and Lough
Swilly.
Interestingly, little attention was paid to Partition in the Da il debates on the Treaty.
IRISH CIVIL WAR
However, for the great majority it was good enough because it brought the hope of
peace. In June 1922 the people of the Free State voted decisively in favour of the Treaty.
Hardline Republicans led by Eamon de Valera refused to accept it. Anti-Treaty members
of the IRA went even further and within a short time the Free State was involved in a
bitter civil war which lasted until May 1923.
BOUNDARY COMMISSION
The Boundary Commission reported in 1924 at a time when the Free State was in no
position to take a strong stand on its findings. Despite, the high hopes of Nationalists,
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 66 of 96
9. Partition
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the Commission made virtually no changes to the border between Northern Ireland and
the Free State. Ireland remained divided. The question now was whether the two states
could exist as neighbours and cope with their internal divisions.
Activity 3
Discussion: Unionists and Nationalists
1.
Work in pairs, or small groups with an even number.
2.
One half of your pair or group should read through these events, underlining or
noting down any events or developments which can be seen as achievements or
failures of the Nationalist movement.
The other half should do the same from a Unionist point of view.
3.
When you have finished, discuss whether you think one side or the other should be
considered more successful in the period 1914-23.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 67 of 96
10. Assignments
Why and when did Partition become the only
practicable solution to the Irish Question?
Was Irish Unionism a more successful movement
than Irish Nationalism in the period 1865-1923?
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 68 of 96
Assignments
Teacher notes
The essence of this section is to bring together all of the students work in the preceding
units. The assignments are highly structured with a lot of guidance material. It is
obviously left to the discretion of the teacher as to whether all or none of this guidance
is used with all or some of the students.
The thinking is that the students will only tackle one assignment. Teachers may allocate
one assignment to particular students or may allow a free choice. The two assignments
operate in slightly different ways.
The first is essentially a framework for a given essay on the issue of the point at which
Partition became inevitable. It is very highly structured, and teachers may well want to
alter or remove some of the help given.
The second assignment is in some respects not an assignment at all. It is another highly
structured revision activity, focusing on the issue of a comparative assessment of the
Unionist and Nationalist movement in this period. The thinking in this section is that,
once they have completed the activities, students could select from the list of past
questions on this theme:
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
How valid is the judgement that …
Ulster Unionism was more successful than
Irish Nationalism in the period 1885-1921‘?
Why and when did Partition become the only practicable solution to the Irish
Question?
…
Ulster will Fight and Ulster will be Right.‘ Account for the strength of
Unionist opposition to Irish Home Rule in the period 1886-1914.
Consider the view that, in the period 1885-1914, Irish nationalism achieved
little.
How responsible were the Ulster Protestants for Ireland‘s failure to achieve
Home Rule in the period 1886-1918?
To what extent, and why, in the period 1885-1921, did Ulster Unionists succeed
in achieving their objectives?
…
Home Rule means Rome rule.‘ How far does this slogan explain the intensity
of Unionist opposition to Home Rule for Ireland in the period 1886-1914?
Why, in the period 1886-1914, did the campaigners for Home Rule for Ireland
fail to achieve their objectives?
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 69 of 96
Assignments
Student sheets
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 70 of 96
10. Assignments - Irish nationalism/unionism
Student sheet (continued)
Assignment 1
Why and when did Partition become the only practicable solution to the Irish
Question?
This question is not as hard as it looks. It requires some structured thinking and
organising. Here is one suggested approach to it.
Introduction
There are two issues in this question: the reasons why Partition became the only solution and the
point at which that happened. These two issues are inextricably linked, so I will deal with them
together. There are a number of possible points in Ireland‘s history from 1865-1923 which could
be seen as the point of no return. They are the Home Rule Bills of 1886 and 1893, the 1912-14
Home Rule Crisis, the period 1916-18 and of course 1920-21, when Partition took place.
Paragraph 1
The first possible point at which Partition may be considered inevitable is the period
1886-93.
Arguments for this as key date:
Deep divisions revealed over HR
(religious, cultural, Empire) ’ could be
seen as Partition in people‘s minds.
Explanation and supporting evidence for this point
Also highlighted different nature of
economic development when North
compared with rest of Ireland, which
went back to c1800.
Arguments against this as key date:
UU opposition fierce but not violent and
still part of the broader Irish Unionist
movement ’ Ulster could have been
forced if the will had existed in England.
Explanation and supporting evidence for this point
Debate on both sides, Nationalist and
Unionist, was always about the whole of
Ireland ’ Partition was never discussed.
Offer of a type of Partition (Devolution)
rejected by Unionists in 1905.
Mini-conclusion: Partition not inevitable
at this point, but foundations were laid.
Other options were open, but divisions
within Ireland were made clear and
became stronger as time went on.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 71 of 96
10. Assignments - Irish nationalism/unionism
Student sheet (continued)
Paragraph 2
The next point at which it may be said that Partition became inevitable was the Home
Rule Crisis of 1912-14.
Arguments for this as key point:
Nationalist had overwhelming claim on
Liberals for Home Rule ’ some form of Home
Rule measure would be carried out.
Explanation and supporting evidence for this point
Ulster Unionists were equally determined that
they would not be coerced into a united Home
Rule Ireland. However, at this point they began
to accept the possibility of Partition.
Both sides were armed by 1914.
Curragh Mutiny and actions of Conservatives
showed that Ulster could not realistically now
be forced into accepting Home Rule, equally
Nationalists would not accept a continuation of
the Union.
Arguments against this as the key point
Significant opposition among Southern
Unionists and their well-placed British
supporters
Explanation and supporting evidence for this point
Partition did not actually happen and the
quarrel was dropped as WWI began ’ possibly
meant that Nationalists and Unionists would not
fight each other (but doubtful).
Mini-conclusion: The case for this as the
turning point towards Partition rather than a
solution which involved the whole of Ireland
seems very strong.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 72 of 96
10. Assignments - Irish nationalism/unionism
Student sheet (continued)
Paragraph 3
The period 1916-21 could be seen as the point at which Partition became inevitable.
Arguments for this as key point:
During this period the Nationalist movement
became radicalised ’ aspirations moved from
Home Rule to an independent 32 county
republic.
Explanation and supporting evidence for this point
By 1921-22 the Nationalist leaders with
majority support in Ireland believed that they
could not avoid Partition.
The transformation of the Nationalist
movement with and after the Easter Rising
strengthened Ulster Unionists determination not
to be part of an Irish republic.
It also made them willing to accept Partition.
The breakthrough came after the 1916 Rising.
Later events meant that Ulster Unionists were
also prepared to accept a form of Home Rule
for themselves because they no longer trusted
the British government. Partition plus their
own government would put their destiny in
their own hands.
By 1920 Britain was anxious to get rid of its
responsibility for Ireland.
Arguments against this as the key point:
This was the point at which Partition happened,
but it was really just resolving the problems
which had emerged in 1912-14 and been put on
hold by the Great War.
Explanation and supporting evidence for this point
Mini conclusion: This period also has strong
claims to be the point when Partition became
inevitable.
Conclusion
On balance, I believe £
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 73 of 96
10. Assignments - Irish nationalism/unionism
Student sheet (continued)
Assignment 2
Comparing the achievements of Nationalism and Unionism in the period
1886-1923
If you take a simplistic outlook on Ireland‘s history in this period it is all too easy to
reach the conclusion that the Ulster Unionists were the winners in a continuous struggle
with the Nationalists. After all, they defeated three Home Rule bills and they ended up
with their own state. Similarly, the Nationalists wanted an independent republic of
Ireland but they did not get it. However, as always, it is not quite that simple!
STAGE 1: THE AIMS AND ASPIRATIONS OF EACH SIDE
In order to compare realistically the relative achievements of the Nationalists and
Unionists we need to consider what their aims and aspirations were. When we do this a
few complications appear in our nice simple picture.
The Nationalists
Nationalist aspirations actually changed during this period. From Parnell in the
1880s to Redmond 1912-14 Nationalists were prepared to settle for Home Rule, ie
some form of self-government within the British Empire, though with fewer powers
than Dominions such as Canada or New Zealand. Radical Republicans certainly
existed but they were a minority without the support of the mass of the people.
This changed in the years 1918-1920 as the radical republicans (like de Valera and
Collins) gained the upper hand. They had support from the Irish people, but there
is evidence that many moderate Nationalists had reservations that the radicals were
too radical (and violent). However, by 1919 there was no real alternative except
British rule. Republicans like de Valera, Austin Stack and Cathal Brugha were no
longer prepared to accept Home Rule. They refused to accept the 1920
Government of Ireland Act. They wanted a 32 county Republic of Ireland, to make
a reality of the Republic declared during the 1916 Rising.
Another change was forced on the Nationalists in 1921-22. The Anglo-Irish War
or War of Independence brought the British to the negotiating table, but Republic
status and a 32 county Ireland were not on offer. Collins and Arthur Griffith
agreed the Anglo Irish Treaty of 1921. They accepted the compromise of an Irish
Free State (part of the Empire) and also accepted Partition. De Valera would not
accept it. The great majority of the Irish people backed the Anglo Irish Treaty but
a vicious Civil War followed anyway.
Conclusion
By 1922, 26 counties of Ireland were free of direct British rule, although remaining part
of the British Empire. By 1949 the country was practically fully independent. Northern
Ireland remained a bitter issue, especially the treatment of Nationalists there.
The Unionists
Unionist aims in the 1880s and 1890s were simple ’ no Home Rule. It is often
assumed that this meant no Home Rule for Ulster but that is not the case. It meant
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 74 of 96
10. Assignments - Irish nationalism/unionism
Student sheet (continued)
no Home Rule for Ireland at all. In other words, the key aim of Unionism was to
preserve the Union between Ireland and Britain and keep Ireland part of the United
Kingdom.
This changed between 1912-16. This is often seen as a period of triumph for
Unionism, with the defeat of the Home Rule Bill. However, by 1914 Edward
Carson was taking part in talks about temporary exclusion of six of Ulster‘s nine
counties from Home Rule and in 1916 the Ulster Unionist Council formally
endorsed the principle of six-counties partition. In other words, Carson had
accepted that the rest of Ireland would gain Home Rule at some point. This in turn
meant that he had had to give up on the key aim ’ Ireland as part of the United
Kingdom.
The acceptance of six-counties partition was a further compromise, since it left
three of Ulster‘s counties and their fellow Covenanters subject to Nationalist rule.
The acceptance of a form of Home Rule for Northern Ireland represented yet
another compromise, since it altered the status of the six counties as part of the
United Kingdom.
Conclusion
Ulster Unionist aims shifted from opposing Home Rule altogether to opposing the
imposition of Home Rule (from Dublin) on part of Ulster and accepting a form of Home
Rule for themselves as the best protection from Dublin rule.
Overall conclusion on aims and aspirations
As you would expect, neither side could be regarded as entirely successful or entirely
unsuccessful.
The radical Nationalists gained a Free State of 26 counties, ruling themselves and free
from direct British Rule. However, they had wanted a 32 county Ireland and a Republic,
not Dominion status.
The majority of Ulster Unionists did not have to submit to rule by a Parliament in Dublin
and they remained a part of the United Kingdom. However, they had to accept that the
rest of Ireland was no longer part of the United Kingdom, that their fellow Covenanters
in three of Ulster‘s nine counties became subject to Dublin rule, and that Northern
Ireland‘s status in the United Kingdom was changed - Northern Ireland was not governed
on the same basis as the rest of the United Kingdom.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 75 of 96
10. Assignments - Irish nationalism/unionism
Student sheet (continued)
STAGE 2A : THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT IN THE
PERIOD 1865-1923
Use your work in this unit to complete the following table. Some suggested pieces of
evidence can be found below ’ but add your own as well.
Achievements of
Nationalism
1880s- c1900
Religion ’ major complaints of
Catholics removed
Unity ’ brought wings of
Nationalism together
Land ’ Land Question
eventually resolved
Politics ’ political education for
Irish Nationalists; creation of
one of the first true democratic
mass movements in UK;
Well funded
Home Rule campaigns
c1900-1922
Creation of an Irish identity
(sense of Irishness)
Creation of strong grass roots
Nationalist political
organisation
Home Rule
Uniting Irish people behind
Nationalist politics c1900-1922
(IPP, then Sinn Fein)
Effective military and
propaganda machine
Dominion status 1922
Judgement on this
achievement
Examples and/or evidence
Potentially useful bits of evidence
Achievement to get Home Rule before Parliament at all in 1886, passed 1893 (but stopped by
Lords).
Ancient Order of Hibernians; United Irish League.
Anglo-Irish Treaty.
Collins, IRA and the Anglo Irish War.
Creation of the National League 1882 (marginalised Fenians).
Efficient local party machine collecting subscription money.
Gaelic Revival.
Gladstone‘s Disestablishment of Church of Ireland 1869.
Land Acts 1871, 1881, 1903.
New Departure ’ alliance with Davitt (Irish Fenians) and Devoy (US Fenians).
New Departure gave access to money from US supporters of Irish Nationalism.
Organisation at local level meant meetings held, leaflets delivered, voters knew Land League and
Home Rule policies and turned out to vote for them.
Passed as law in 1914, then suspended through war.
Phenomenal election results 1885 and 1886.
Reunited IPP under Redmond c1900 onwards - constant electoral support for IPP (80 plus MPs).
Sinn Fein election victory 1918.
The Land League 1879-1882.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 76 of 96
10. Assignments - Irish nationalism/unionism
Student sheet (continued)
STAGE 2B: THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE UNIONIST MOVEMENT IN THE
PERIOD 1865-1923
Use your work in this unit to complete the following table. Some suggested pieces of
evidence can be found below ’ but add your own as well.
Achievements of
Unionism
1880s- c1900
Effective organisations put
across a strong case against
Home rule
Successful in gaining
support from Unionists in
England
Defeated Home Rule
Defeated Devolution
proposals 1905
c1900-1922
Quality leadership
Effective organisations
Genuine mass support
among Ulster Unionists
Stalled Home Rule 1912-14
Partition 1916-22
Judgement on
achievement
Examples and/or evidence
Potentially useful bits of evidence
Belfast Rally Easter 1912.
Ulster‘s Solemn League and Covenant.
Carson and Craig were a formidable unit as Unionist leaders.
Formation of Ulster Unionist Council (1904-5); Ulster Volunteer Force (1912).
Home Rule Bill rejected by House of Commons 1886.
Home Rule Bill passed by Commons but rejected by Lords 1893.
Home Rule passed 1912 but suspended until 1914 by Lords‘ rejection, led to escalation eg Larne
incident, Curragh Mutiny.
Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union 1886; Belfast Chamber of Commerce ’ both set out economic
arguments against Home Rule.
Ulster Convention League formed 1892, Ulster Defence Union formed 1893; Unionist Clubs of
Ireland.
Reorganisation of Orange Order.
Setting up of local Conservative and Unionist Associations.
Irish Secretary George Wyndham‘s proposals for Irish Devolution scrapped 1905.
Randolph Churchill.
Joseph Chamberlain and the Liberal split.
Succeeded in putting 1920 Government of Ireland Act into operation in North.
Anglo Irish Treaty 1922.
Boundary Commission left Northern Ireland‘s border unchanged.
Southern Unionist opposition to Home Rule and links with British political elite.
Unionists in Cavan, Donegal and Monaghan.
Unionists Association of Ireland campaigning in Britain.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 77 of 96
Appendix
Examples of student work
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 78 of 96
A. Note on students and assessment
The students
The nature of a College of Further Education is such that the range of students is always very
broad. The groups which took part in these trials contained a mix of 16-19 year olds and mature
students. Many had not taken GCSE History. Only 2 saw history as their …
main‘ A Level
subject. A good number of the students had left home and were supporting themselves through
part time work.
In these circumstances the priority of the work programme was to try to support students in
developing analytical skills, and above all to help them develop their powers of written
communication. Most of the exercises in this scheme were geared towards improving analytical
writing.
Having said this, students did relatively little writing, but spent much more time on exercises
geared to thinking and planning their work. It is hoped that the sample answers reproduced here
show how the structural devices used in this pack helped students to construct analytical writing.
Assessment
The AEB course focuses its assessment for essays on a generic mark scheme divided into bands
(see below). For actual examinations, examiners are required to select the band into which the
students' essay most closely fits. They are given additional question specific guidance from the
Chief Examiner as well. The marks allocated to the student work must be seen in this context.
The marks given are allocated in relation to this scale. However, in many of the exercises they
were given these marks in order to give them an idea of the level at which they were operating
rather than to provide them with a formal assessment.
Thus, as teachers look at these marks they need to see them in this context because some of them
are in a sense unrealistic. To begin with, most of the questions set in these tasks are much
narrower in scope than those set in the examination. This is because they were designed to build
sound factual knowledge and good practice of historical process in one package. Here, the marks
indicate the level at which the student was writing rather then indicating that this student is an A,
B or E grade student. There is also the fact that some of the answers are shorter than would
normally be expected for an A Level answer. Another distorting factor is that many of the tasks
are very structured and the writing frameworks inevitably affect performance. Again, the marks
are allocated strictly according to the banding scheme despite the likely boost that the frameworks
gave to the quality of the final piece of work. It is a question of teacher judgement. My own
feeling has always been that the most effective method of improving students writing through
tasks like this is to credit the marks for the piece of writing as it appears. Suitably boosted, the
student can then engage in a discussion about how he or she could reach those heights in the final
examination, but needs to be aware that the frameworks will not be available. As well as getting
to grips with the information and ideas which need to go into the framework, the student needs
to realise that he or she needs to get to grips with the thinking processes which created those
frameworks.
Banding definitions for essay answers
The following banding definitions apply to all essay answers in History and in Economic and
Social History. Where separate paragraphs occur within a band they indicate alternative types
of answer which are acceptable for the specified range of marks.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 79 of 96
Description of performance
Mark
The argument is well-developed and integrated with a broad use of evidence and a wide
perspective on the question. This need not be the …
perfect answer‘ but ask yourself, …
could
an A-level candidate be expected to achieve more in 45 minutes?‘.
25
The answer is a direct and controlled response to the specific question set. It has a highlydeveloped argument sustained throughout the answer, supported by relevant and wellselected evidence, skilfully deployed.
22-24
The answer is focused clearly on the specific question set and integrates a direct, relevant
argument with secure and well-selected supporting evidence.
19-21
The question has been clearly understood and most of the answer is focused on the question
set. Secure knowledge is applied through a chronological framework with a sustained:
relevant commentary on the material to produce a sensible, competent answer.
Alternatively, the answer takes a direct approach to the question and a relevant argument
is sustained through most of the answer. supported by evidence which is secure and
sufficient.
The answer reveals a lot of information highly relevant to the question but the commentary
on this information is limited in scope and extent.
16-18
13-15
Alternatively, the essay sustains a relevant argument through most of the answer and is
supported by adequate. if not extensive evidence.
Although mainly descriptive in approach the answer includes some relevant links to the
question. perhaps implicit: or it is made relevant by its conclusion.
10-12
Alternatively, the answer presents a relevant case. showing understanding of the question
but is supported by barely adequate material.
The answer offers a reasonably accurate narrative description falling within the subjectmatter of the question but shows no attempt to relate this material to the specific question
asked.
7-9
Alternatively, the answer presents a relevant case, showing some general understanding of
the question but is based on inadequate information.
The answer is seriously flawed. Perhaps it may be no more than a convincing introduction
to an answer: or it may be an otherwise adequate response wholly in note-form: or a
narrative description which contains significant deficiencies in the factual information
offered.
4-6
Alternatively, the answer attempts a response based on a series of assertions which are only
loosely related to the question.
The answer is seriously incoherent and fragmentary.
No relevant point is made
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 80 of 96
1-3
0
B. Marks awarded
1. Gladstone and Ireland
Why did Gladstone make Ireland his priority from 1868-74?
Example 1
Example 2
Example 3
Well organised and structured but some important points left
unexplained and not supported by evidence.
15 marks
Well organised piece of work, clearly working to a structure.
Also contains plenty of supporting evidence.
16 marks
Powerful piece of work with a real drive - good structure and
precise use of supporting evidence. Some errors and slack
statements.
20 marks
2. Gladstone and Ireland
How successful were Gladstone‘s Irish policies 1868-74?
Example 4
Example 5
A focused answer, with a clear attempt to stick to the question
and address it in a balanced way.
17 marks
This answer is very focused on the question, balanced and well
supported with evidence. Important and technical terms are
explained and there is an attempt at a conclusion.
19 marks
3. Home Rule
–Home Rule means Rome Rule.‘ How far does this slogan explain the intensity
of Unionist opposition to Home Rule for Ireland in the period 1868 1914?
Example 6
This student voluntarily undertook to tackle this question in 45
minutes to simulate examination conditions. The structure is
basically sound with many important themes being raised.
Despite this they are not really developed and need to be more
fully related to the question.
13 marks
4. Home Rule
Between 1886 and 1914 there were three attempts to introduce Home Rule for
Ireland and all three were defeated. How far was this the result of the actions
of Ulster Protestants?
Example 7
Example 8
This is a good example of an undeveloped framework type of
answer. The broad principles of the answer are set out, but too
much is left unexplained and unrelated to the question.
12 marks
A thorough answer to the question, but giving the overall
appearance of being unsure whether to adopt a narrative or an
analytical approach. Generally, a narrative approach is adopted
and this essay is s good example of how sound factual knowledge
related to the question can result in good work.
17 marks
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 81 of 96
5. Partition
Was partition an acceptable solution to the Irish Question?
Example 9
Example 10
Example 11
This answer contains most of the salient points which the student
hoped to put across. It raises a common problem of extending
the explanation of a number of points, primarily for the benefit
of the examiner!
12 marks
This is an example of a student finally …
getting it together‘ under
timed conditions. The salient points are all made, although the
pressure of time shows in the occasionally erratic expression and
in the lack of supporting evidence for some points.
14 marks
A highly competent timed essay question, showing remarkable
recall, organisation and powers of written expression.
21 marks
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 82 of 96
C. Essays
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 83 of 96
1. Gladstone and Ireland
Why did Gladstone make Ireland his priority from 1868-74?
Example 1: Why did Gladstone make Ireland his priority from 1868-74?
There were three main reasons why Gladstone was concerned about Ireland. He was worried about the
levels of violence he saw there. He was also motivated by a sense of moral justice. Finally he also saw
Ireland as a way to reunite his divided party.
When Gladstone became PM in 1868 violence in Ireland was headline news with the Fenian rising. The
USA had active and well financed Fenian organisations which could cause trouble in both Ireland and
Britain. An example of this is the violence in Manchester 1867 by the Fenians. There were also other
organisations who caused violence such as the Ribbonmen against local landlords and agents.
Gladstone also felt there was a moral case for reform of land, the Church of Ireland and University
education. 78% of Ireland were of the Catholic religion although the Church of Ireland had vast wealth
and power. Protestants only made up 11% of the population and many Catholics and Presbyterians suffered
from the Church of Ireland‘s official status. Gladstone felt that the power and wealth should be shared
considering that the Protestants were in the minority.
University education was severely restricted by the non-Protestants. There was only one University in
Ireland which was the Trinity in Dublin, which was Protestants only. Many Catholics had to travel abroad
just to continue their education. That meant that many of the professional jobs went to Protestants.
The reform of land concerned Gladstone with the landlord decline and the land laws. All tenants wanted
was the …
3Fs‘ of fair rent, fixity of tenure and free sale. Tenants rarely got this and the land laws were
considered to be unfair.
Finally, Gladstone felt these measures might help him to unite his divided party. After the 1867 Reform
Act the government was forced to respond to the people rather than just tell them what to do. Also the
Liberals were split over plans for Parliamentary Reform in 1866 and he hoped Ireland may unite his party.
Gladstone also wanted to increase the efficiency of his government. This is due to many being resented
from being ruled from London. He wanted to increase primary education and urbanisation in Ireland.
Gladstone had many reasons for concentrating on Ireland. Some factors influenced each other for example
reducing the Fenian violence in Ireland could have the same effect in England thus making him more
popular.
Example 2: Why did Gladstone make Ireland his priority from 1868-74?
Gladstone focused on Ireland during his 1868 election campaign, this helped to re-unite his divided party
and he was elected as Prime Minister that November. However the political aspects were not the only
reasons why Gladstone targeted Ireland, he genuinely wanted Ireland to become a more just country, with
a better standard of living for the majority of its population. Gladstone was also worried about the
increasing levels of violence in Ireland, some of which was spreading over to mainland Britain.
By the time Gladstone came to power the Fenian movement had been established for ten years in both
Ireland and the USA. During this time the amount of violent attacks they had carried out had grown and
Gladstone wanted to put an end to it. This was a view echoed by the British public who Gladstone relied
on to keep him in power. In 1867 the Fenians killed a policeman in Manchester and two months later they
killed another dozen innocent people in London. These incidents brought concern to the British public and
they looked to Gladstone to find a solution.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 84 of 96
There was also violence in Ireland by other organisations such as the Ribbonmen. They targeted local
landlords. To put a stop to the violence which was causing unrest in Ireland, Gladstone would have to
address to land laws as well as trying to find a solution to keeping Fenian violence down.
One of the moral issues that Gladstone felt was wrong was Religion. At that time, 78% of Ireland‘s
population were Catholics, 9% of the population were Presbyterian Protests and 11% belonged to the
Church of Ireland. Despite it small numbers the Church of Ireland was extremely wealthy and powerful
it was a dominant force in Ireland. It was funded by taxes on local landowners who would most likely be
Catholics. The Catholics felt these tithes were unfair. There was also no where in Ireland for the Catholics
to get a university education as both the universities in Ireland were Protestant. Gladstone felt that these
facts were unfair and wanted to give all the Irish people more equal lives.
The land laws in Ireland were also of concern to Gladstone as he felt these were also unjust. In the 1870‘s
half of Ireland was owned by 750 people. Gladstone felt that more people should be given the opportunity
of an education and decided to make it easier for people to get an education especially the Catholics, who
were at the time unable to get a university education in Ireland.
People in Ireland were becoming more politically aware and better educated. They became more aware
of how they were ruled. At the time many Irish people were discontent with the way the country was ruled
as the Irish government was ruled from London which meant the government was remote. Gladstone
focusing on Ireland was attempting to put the Irish peoples concerns about how they were governed to rest.
In 1867 the second reform act was past, which gave many working men the chance to vote. Many of the
increased electorate were opposed to the privileges of their own Anglican churches and Gladstone‘s plans
for the Irish Church reform would appeal to them and therefore keep Gladstone in power.
In 1866 Gladstone‘s party the liberals had split over plans for parliamentary reform, Gladstone tried to
reunite his party over Ireland and so projected a strong image of his party to the public. The greater
literacy rate amongst the public meant that more people could read political leaflets and so it became
increasingly important for Gladstone to project a unified picture of the liberals. The liberals had split as
they did not agree on who should be given the vote and this led them to losing power to the conservatives.
Gladstone knew that all liberals would unite in their opposition to religious privilege and so become a strong
party once more.
All the reasons I have referred to make it seem a good choice for Gladstone to focus on Ireland. All the
reasons are linked as they all intend to increase Gladstone and his party‘s popularity especially within the
increased electorate and so the liberals had more chance of staying in power. Ireland was an issue many
people had strong feelings about and by addressing it Gladstone was meeting with the public‘s wishes.
Example 3: Why did Gladstone make Ireland his priority from 1868-74?
When W E Gladstone came to power in 1868 he declared that his main priority was to …
pacify Ireland‘.
Reasons surrounding this major interest with Ireland are numerous and range from Gladstone‘s wishes to
bestow upon Ireland the …
moral justice which it was deserving of, to a more political desire to unite his
Liberal party.
In 1867 the Conservative Party issued a reform bill and subsequently pushed it through parliament. This
bill was more democratic than any liberal proposals before it and succeeded in adding around 100,000 new
voters to the electorate. Many of these new voters were working men and so this bill was set to alter the
attitude which politicians had towards their public. Many of the new Irish working class of voters were
unhappy towards the state of the church in Ireland at that time. The Anglican Church had the minority of
support in 1861, 4.5 million out of 5.75 were Catholics whilst only 0.75 million adhered to the Church of
Ireland. This led to much resentment amongst the Irish, especially the working class, the new voters who
were bitter towards the many privileges which this establishment was able to claim. Therefore when
Gladstone announced his resolution concerning …
disestablishment and disendowment‘ of the Church of
Ireland it was bound to have won him many more of these new voters.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 85 of 96
This construction of a new breed of voter may also have contributed to his policies concerning land. Many
of the new voters were tenants renting land off more prosperous landowners. Gladstone appeared to be
trying to appease these tenants by land acts, the first of which was in 1870. These land acts tended to focus
around the tenant landlord relationship and aimed to make life more pleasant for the tenants by granting
them certain concessions such as the right of free sale and compensation for unfair eviction.
This policy can also be seen as an attempt by Gladstone to improve his political standing in Ireland and to
win favour with his voters, especially the working class section. It is also apparent that this policy paid off
as the number of seats held by the Liberals in Ireland rose from 50 in 1859 to 66 in 1868.
Gladstone was a proud, patriotic Englishman and therefore appeared to have a very moral sense of justice
when it came to Ireland. Gladstone appeared to live along the assumption that if he resolved the land,
religious and education problems within Ireland then all would be well and Ireland would adhere to rule
from London.
Education in Ireland was restricted especially university education. Gladstone attempted to resolve this
limited learning access by proposing the universities bill in 1873. This bill proposed to create a national
nondenominational university of Dublin, which would incorporate into it the Anglican Trinity College.
This does show that Gladstone had some real moral interest within Ireland and was trying to improve what
he saw as problems. Primary school teaching was improved within Ireland and subsequently led to a much
greater level of literacy and political awareness, perhaps giving the Irish people more confidence to speak
out about suppression by landlords or inequality of religions, it may also have led Gladstone to realise if
he did not act soon this new level of awareness could become more polemic and possibly even violent.
Gladstone‘s plans concerning the Irish Church may also have had moral connections. Roman Catholics and
Presbyterians had suffered for years due to the status of the Church of Ireland especially due to the
compulsory paying of tithes. Most Irish were Roman Catholic and there had been a recent reinvigoration
of the Irish Church. The Church of Ireland was also hoarding a vast wealth and Gladstone knew that the
disestablishment would also involve a disendowment, leaving 6 million pounds which could be used to fund
education or help the poor. No more grants were paid to the Church either and it became reliant upon
donations. This shows how Gladstone was eager to distribute funds evenly within Ireland and bestow moral
justice upon it, it could also however have been a play to win over the masses whilst only slightly exiling
the minority.
Violence was another factor which would have encouraged Gladstone to pay attention to Ireland. The main
centre of this violence spring from groups such as the Fenians. Establishment in Ireland as …
The Republican
Brotherhood‘ the Fenians wanted a complete overthrow of British power and the establishment of an
independent Irish republic, believing that the Irish were being harshly treated and suppressed by inefficient
rule from London. Violence by the Fenians appeared to be on the increase as the movement spread over
to mainland Britain. Armed risings such as the attempt by Fenians to break fellow Fenians from prison in
1867 would have worried Gladstone and shown him that if he did not act to pacify Ireland then these risings
would escalate and possibly get out of control if some compromise or solution was not found.
Violence was also on the rise in the Irish localities against the landlords by secret organisations such as the
Ribbonmen. This could also explain some of Gladstone‘s land measures.
In the election of 1866 Gladstone‘s Liberal party had been defeated by the Conservative Party headed by
Disraeli. This defeat was attributed to divisions within the liberal party over the reform bill following this
lesson Gladstone would have been very wary of any future discrepancies within his party. Events such as
the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland can also been seen as an attempt to sustain party unity and the
majority of British were Catholic and it would have strengthened this between the Irish and the Liberals.
This is shown in the increase in Liberal seats held in Ireland from 1859 to 1868. Policies such as the
disestablishment of the Church of Ireland would also have helped Gladstone to gain the initiative from
Disraeli and the conservatives.
There are many reasons as to why Gladstone decided to focus on Ireland from 1868 to 74. An inextricable
link of political and moral reasons are the presiding factors whilst other factors such as increased violence
from groups such as the Fenians were also contributing factors.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 86 of 96
2. Gladstone and Ireland
How successful were Gladstone‘s Irish policies 1868-74?
Example: How successful were Gladstone–s Irish policies 1868-74?
Gladstone passed a series of measures to pacify Ireland in the period 1868-74 these were helpful but not
very far reaching. They certainly did not pacify Ireland because Ireland continued to be a source of trouble
throughout the 1870‘s and 1880‘s. He failed to understand that a large section of the Catholic majority in
Ireland wanted his reforms and a lot more reforms and they also wanted their own Parliament. They felt
that the Union with Britain did not represent them.
The first measure was …
The Irish Church Act 1869‘. This meant that the Church of Ireland‘s link with the
state was to be broken and it was to become a separate organisation. A compromise was met to share the
assets of the Church of Ireland. Ten million was to go to the Church of Ireland for pension to the clergy
and as compensation. Six million was given to the Church fund which mainly went to education, the poor
and to create jobs for the people. The church estates were sold to the tenants and the government helped
to fund this through loans.
This Act was one of the more successful passed by Gladstone since it solved the major religious grievances
of the Irish Catholics. Although it made little difference to the majority of the Irish people.
The second measure was …
The First Irish Land Act 1870‘. The people got what they wanted with …
the
Ulster custom‘. This allowed them fair rent, fixity of tenure and free sale. The problem with this was that
it was not made law and was just …
custom‘. The bill also dealt with the problem of eviction. If evicted
unfairly the tenant could take the landlord to court and claim compensation. The third part of the bill was
known as the …
Bright Clause‘. It enabled tenants to purchase his holding from a landlord with the
government loaning 2/3 of the money.
There were many problems with this Act and it was not very successful. Firstly many disputes would go
to court with the magistrates favouring the landlord. Also tenants wanted a level of rent but this never
happened due to the Liberals reluctance to interfere with peoples right to property. A big problem with the
Bright Act was that many could not afford the 1/3 to pay for the land. This resulted in only a handful of
people buying the land.
The third measure was …
The Irish Universities Bill 1873‘. This aimed to unite Trinity College and the
present and future Catholic College. The Act never took off due to practical problems like teaching and
that Trinity had no wish to be involved. The biggest problem proved to be that Catholic colleges would
get no financial help from the state. The Bill was eventually defeated in the Commons in 1873.
Gladstone‘s policies proved to be of limited success. Many of the Bills never went far enough in solving
the problem. Although it was hard for the policies to be successful because it was impossible to please
everyone and the Liberals insistence on individual rights.
Example 5: How successful were Gladstone–s Irish policies 1868-74?
In his attempt to …
pacify Ireland‘ W E Gladstone saw it necessary to pass a series of reform bills concerning
areas such as religion and education. Gladstone hoped that these changes would once and for all bring
Ireland finally under his control. These changes did indeed gain Gladstone a slightly greater majority in
Ireland but as to whether they had any real success or long term benefits is open to debate.
The Church of Ireland was the major religious institution in Ireland yet it only represented a minority of
the population, 4.5 out of 5.75 million Irish adhered to Catholicism whilst only 0.75 million were Anglican.
In 1869 Gladstone brought in the Irish Church Act which involved the disestablishment of the Anglican
Church and a redistribution of its vast land and wealth. The link between the Church and the state would
also be broken thus making the church reliant on donations for funding. On the whole it would appear that
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 87 of 96
this reform was largely successful. Ten mill8on pounds of the church‘s wealth was used to pay off the
clergy so pensions in compensation whilst 13 million went to secular causes such as relief of poverty and
education. On the surface at least it appeared that the major religious problems within Ireland had been
appeased.
The second act to be passed was the first Irish Land Act of 1870. Gladstone perceived the main hurdle as
the landlord ’ tenant relationship believing that the tenants deserved more economic security.
The first stage of the Act dealt with the lands in the north which were rented in accordance with the …
Ulster
custom‘. This stated that there should be no unfair evictions and that tenants had the right of free sale.
These conditions were based on custom, the proposed bill suggested that they be made law. The major
problem with this was that it was almost impossible to define legally where the Ulster custom existed so
little success was enjoyed.
The second part of the bill land purchase (John Bright Clause). This clause stated that a tenant who wished
to purchase land off his landowner could obtain a grant from the government of up to 2/3 the cost of the
land. Problems were also evident here though as the landlord had little incentive to want to sell his land,
it was also improbable that a tenant would be able to raise the further 1/3 of the cost that he needed. On
the whole therefore the land policies of Gladstone had very little or no effect whatsoever. It had been stated
that in 1870 Gladstone was looking for …
a remedy for a disease that was not seriously affecting Ireland‘.
The third and final reform bill concerning universities was proposed by Gladstone in 1873 was defeated in
the commons in March 1873 by 3 votes so was even more of a failure than the land acts and led Gladstone
to temporarily resign. The bill had proposed the establishment of a national nondenominational University
of Dublin which would incorporate in it the Trinity College Dublin which was an Anglican institute and
unwilling to co-operate in such a scheme anyway.
The Irish policies of Gladstone were on the whole not very successful. The religious issue was temporarily
solved but the Irish Catholics would not have been content for long before they wanted more reforms. The
Land Act was generally symbolic in nature, whilst the university policy was a complete disaster and did not
even pass through the House of Commons.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 88 of 96
3. Home Rule
–Home Rule means Rome Rule.‘ How far does this slogan explain the intensity
of Unionist opposition to Home Rule for Ireland in the period 1868 1914?
Example 6: ’Home Rule means Rome Rule– How far does this slogan explain the intensity of
Unionist opposition to Home Rule for Ireland in the period 1868 1914?
The main issue in the question is why Unionists were so opposed to Home Rule. The main reasons for this
opposition were economical, political and religious reasons. This answer will look at why the reasons
meant so much to the Unionists and explain why that then prevented Home Rule.
The majority of the Unionists support came from the north of Ireland in Ulster. Most of the Unionists were
also Protestant and they wanted to retain their links with Britain largely due to religious differences. The
Protestants basically didn‘t want to be run by Catholics who would almost certainly have been voted in if
Ireland had achieved Home Rule. There was a lot of religious tension between the two religions and the
Protestants felt that if the Catholics were voted in they would be discriminated against and treated as second
class citizens. This was because during the past century Protestant landlords had treated Catholic tenants
poorly and this opportunity could be a chance for revenge.
There was also economical reasons to why the Unionists were opposed to Home Rule. Ulster had built up
links with various places in Britain such as Liverpool, Manchester and Glasgow. They were prospering
with the trading of linen and the ship building business. The Unionists felt that if Ireland did achieve Home
Rule these ties would be affected. Britain would then be dealing with a foreign country and tariffs could
be put in force which would affect trade greatly.
Political reasons also played a part in why Unionists were against Home Rule. The Unionists were satisfied
with being part of Britain and the empire. They felt that if they did achieve Home Rule this could then lead
to the end of the British Empire, with Ireland been given Home Rule how can Britain deny other countries
such as India Home Rule.
The Unionists also didn‘t want to be ruled from the South. They felt that the government would be more
sympathetic to the needs of the South because the more rural industries were more prominent there. The
Unionists thought that then would affect the growth of the industries in the North because they would
receive less government funding in favour of the Catholics farms in the South.
The Unionists were most intense during the period 1886-1914 because this was then Home Rule threatened
mostly. Two Home Rule bills were passed during this period only for them to be stopped by the House
of Lords. The Unionists needed to show their feelings, by propaganda in England and the formation of
Unionists groups, otherwise there was a risk of Home Rule being passed without their feelings being
known.
…
Home Rule means Rome Rule‘. This was probably the biggest factor for the Unionists oppositions to
Home Rule. They didn‘t want to be run by Roman Catholics in the South, who they had been feuding with
in the past. Also the Unionists feared for the prosperity of the industries in the North and the ties with
Britain if Home Rule was passed.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 89 of 96
4. Home Rule
Between 1886 and 1914 there were three attempts to introduce Home Rule for
Ireland and all three were defeated. How far was this the result of the actions
of Ulster Protestants?
Example 7: Between 1886 and 1914 there were three attempts to introduce Home Rule for
Ireland and all three were defeated. How far was this the result of the actions of
Ulster Protestants?
The issue in this question is whether the action of Ulster Protestants was the sole factor in defeating Home
Rule measures or whether other factors also played a role. I believe that the Ulster Protestants played a key
role in the defeat of the Home Rule measures, and that their role was more important in 1912 than it was
in 1886 and 1893. However, they would have found it very difficult to beat the Home Rule Bills without
a range of other factors as well. In this essay I will examine the importance of the Unionists actions. I will
also examine other factors which helped to defeat Home Rule, such as British party politics, the threat
which Home Rule posed to the Empire, anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the international situation in
1914.
In 1886 there were many reasons why Home Rule for Ireland was not passed. One of the main reasons was
the safety of the Empire. Other countries such as India would be asking for Home Rule and Britain would
have no reason not to give it to them because they had already given it to Ireland. This could then have
led to the split up of the British Empire. Another big factor was the anti-Irish and Catholic prejudice. The
people of England wanted to keep Ireland part of Britain and they also showed much prejudice against them.
This is shown in magazines such as …
Punch‘ but is best illustrated in a book called …
Apes and Angels‘ by
Lewis P Curtis.
Ireland was used a great deal in British Party Politics. Politicians made speeches, attended rallies and used
the Home Rule situation to embarrass each others parties. They generally used Ireland to make themselves
a name within their own party. The best example of this is a speech made by Randolph Churchill attacking
Home Rule in a speech in Belfast 1886. The Ulster Unionists also played a part with a well organised and
a strong argument to their case. They argued about the economical situation with Belfast having strong
links with Liverpool and Glasgow, bringing in much trade and capital to the country. Also there would be
the situation of what would happen to the religion and culture in the country if Home Rule was to stand.
Even with these arguments the other reasons still played the major part into why Ireland never got Home
Rule.
In 1893 many of the same reasons as in 1886 played the part into why Ireland never got Home Rule. There
was still anti-Irish prejudice, concern over the Empire and economical reasons why Home Rule was denied.
From 1886 onwards to 1911 Ireland didn‘t play a very big part in British Politics. Up to 1905 the
Conservatives …
tried to kill Home Rule with kindness‘. Then when the Liberals get into power in 1906 with
a huge majority they no longer had to rely on the Irish vote to swing a decision their way. That left the
Liberals to concentrate on matters such as old age pensions, International situations and building up its naval
fleet.
While this is all happening in England it gives the Ulster Protestants time to build a strong case for antiHome Rule. They introduce the Ulster Unionists Council in 1905 which is organised and very radical.
Also they have their own army in the UVF.
In 1911 the Liberals and Conservatives are split and the Liberals in return for Irish support give Ireland
Home Rule. This is also put through the House of Lords because the Parliament Act is passed. Ireland
now have their own Parliament but it is under the one at Westminster. This never gave Ireland
independence but limited Home Rule.
This is the Home Rule in which the Ulster Protestants played the biggest part in denying. The UVF were
armed with guns and when the British army were told to go into Ulster many of the senior officers who
were Protestants said they would resign if given this order. The British army didn‘t need a rebellion at this
time because the prospect of a world war was getting closer. The British army were not sent in to Ulster
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 90 of 96
and the Unionists in 1912 set up an alternative government. A Civil war was on the cards but this was all
stopped by the start of the Great War where all of Ireland united to fight together.
In conclusion the Ulster Protestants played a little part in Home Rule not being given in 1886 and 1893,
but played a major part in 1912. The UVF and Ulster Unionists were well organised and very radical
which helped the Home Rule Bill not being passed.
Example 8: Between 1886 and 1914 there were three attempts to introduce home rule for
Ireland and all three were defeated. How far was this the result of the actions of
the Ulster Protestants?
The Ulster Protestants were a key factor in the failure of the home rule bill. However there were other
reasons that helped secure the bills failure, such as anti-Irish prejudice in mainland Britain, the threat home
rule passed to the Empire as well as other more political reasons. Links exist between some of these
factors, I am going to look at these and determine the reason for home rules defeat.
The first home rule bill was raised in 1886, this did not make it through the House of Commons due to
strong opposition from the conservatives and the liberal unionists. The second home rule bill was more
successful, but after passing through the commons, it was rejected by the Lords. After this defeat a law
was passed taking away the Lords right to block a bill, however under the new law, the bill had to wait two
years before becoming law. It was in this time that the third home rule bill introduced by Asquith in 1912
was defeated.
There were many reasons why the Ulster Protestants were opposed to home rule, some were religious,
some political and some economic. Between them they made home rule a bad option for the Ulster
Protestants.
On September 28th 1912 over 250,000 men and a similar number of women signed the solemn League and
Covenant which made a pledge that if home rule was passed the would …
refuse to recognise its authority‘.
Military type demonstrations were held in which Ulstermen marched in defiance, an example of this was
on Easter Tuesday 1912 when 100,000 Ulstermen marched.
Volunteer soldiers were trained up and organised under the Ulster Unionist Council into the Ulster
Volunteer Force. They were armed although this was not meant to be the case. The UVF was illegal, but
had support from judges, MPs such as Carson and Craig and other respected professionals. They were
trained by Field-Marshal Lord Roberts with Lieutenant General Sir George Richardson as the commanding
officer. They were ready to fight in order to resist home rule. The Orange Order which had become more
underground was re-established and joined by many respected middle class people, where as before it had
been mainly the working class. They were determined to resist home rule.
The Ulster Unionists were not so involved in the defeat of home rule the first two times it was raised. The
previous attempts had been quashed earlier on in the law making process and Home Rule had not seemed
such a threat to the unionists.
One reason the bill did not make it through Parliament was the strong anti-Irish prejudice in mainland
Britain. The Irish were, …
despised and sometimes feared‘ (Ireland since the famine by F S L Lyons 1973).
It was widely thought by many people on the mainland that if Ireland were given home rule it would be,
…
disastrous and ruinous to Ireland herself‘. (extract from a speech by Joseph Chamberlain 1885). In
cartoons of the time the Irish were portrayed as apes and not thought capable of ruling themselves
successfully.
Politicians took advantage of the situation in Ireland to further their own careers and to try and bring down
the opposition. The Conservatives sided against home rule on all occasions it was introduced in order to
gain unionist voter Randolph Churchill, a Conservative MP, made an anti-home rule speech in Belfast 1886.
He had no previous ties with Ulster, but used it to make a name for himself in politics. His and other
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 91 of 96
speeches brought the issue to more peoples attention and stirred up more anti-home rule feelings. The MP‘s
were often not fully committed one way or the other and this could be why when it came down to it, not
enough MP‘s voted to carry the bill through.
Another reason why MP‘s did not vote for home rule is that they felt it was a threat to the Empire. Many
felt that if Ireland was given Home Rule, other countries in the Empire would call for home rule. If this
happened the mighty British Empire could collapse.
There were also economic reasons why people were reluctant to pass Home Rule. Linen, shipbuilding and
other associated industries had sprung up around Belfast. The raw materials needed for these industries
came from Britain and other further away countries. Belfast became strongly linked with cities such as
Liverpool. Home Rule threatened to sever the links and destroy the industry bringing money into both
Britain and Ireland and the mainland oppose Home Rule.
If home rule was passed the Catholics would be in power leaving the Ulster Protestants in the minority and
with very little say. The Protestants saw the Catholic religion as having a …
frightening degree of control
over parishes, schools and lay members‘ (The Northern Ireland Question 1886-1986, Patrick Buckland).
This made the Unionists even more opposed to home rule and determined not let it happen.
Home Rule had very little unwavering support from MP‘s. Many of them just wanted what was best for
themselves. Economically Home Rule could be disastrous for Ireland, this would be bad for the
government and they could be voted out because of it. The anti-Irish prejudice felt by many of the British
meant that they would not want the Irish to rule themselves. The Ulster Protestants actions were
increasingly worrying and could result in civil war, this to would reflect badly on the government. All
these reasons added up to mean voting for Home Rule was a very risky and dangerous thing to do and this
could be why the Home Rule Bill did not have enough support from the commons, the Lords or the public
to become law.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 92 of 96
5. Partition
Was partition an acceptable solution to the Irish question?
Example 9: Was partition an acceptable solution to the Irish question?
When looking at whether partition was an acceptable solution you have to consider whose viewpoint you
are looking from. There are five main groups you can answer the question from all with differing answers.
The groups are the pro-treaty Republicans, anti-treaty Republicans, the British, the Ulster Nationalists and
the Ulster Unionists.
The British were the most happy with the idea of partition. It was very popular with the public due to the
fact that it affected most of them and it should bring an end to the Irish question. The treaty was passed
through parliament quickly and they were pleased because the Irish still had to say an oath of loyalty to the
King, it still had a naval force in Ireland and Westminster still ruled over Northern Ireland.
The pro-treaty Republicans found the treaty to be acceptable but not totally to their liking. Collins believed
that there was no possibility of getting better terms from Lloyd George and acceptance was the only
alternative. Collins didn‘t like the idea of splitting Ireland into two or the oath of loyalty to the King but
he was willing to lower his standards and accept the Treaty.
De Valera, who led the anti-treaty Republicans, was opposed to the treaty so strongly because it included
the oath of loyalty to the King. Eventually De Valera resigned as President and was succeeded by Griffith.
The Ulster Nationalists also accepted the treaty after lowering their standards. They didn‘t want to be
separated from the rest of Ireland but saw it as being inevitable due to the strong actions and feelings from
the south. The Ulster Nationalists actually saw the treaty as not a bad thing because it allowed them to set
up there own Protestant majority state, they had their own government and they still stayed part of Britain.
Also the treaty included a clause saying they could join up as one nation again if the people wanted a united
Ireland.
The Ulster Unionists were the most discontent and angry with the treaty. They were now forced to live in
a Protestant majority area and were still under British rule. The Unionists saw no reason to split Ireland
and they were also very unhappy with the borders that were set due to the strong Catholic and Unionists
areas that were included in Northern Ireland.
Partition was acceptable to some people and not to others. Britain and the Ulster Nationalists seemed the
most content because they could continue with that and it would be the end of the Irish question. The treaty
was the hardest as the Ulster Unionists and you can still see their annoyance with this with the violence in
N Ireland today.
Example 10: Was partition an acceptable solution to the Irish Question?
Partition between Northern and Southern Ireland was one of the terms of the Anglo-Irish treaty signed of
December 6th 1921. To some people the treaty and all its clauses including partition was acceptable but to
others such as the Ulster nationalists and the Republicans lead by Eamon de Valera, the treaty was totally
unacceptable and they were not prepared to accept its terms.
The treaty was proposed by the British Prime Minister, Lloyd George. The first world war had just ended
and Lloyd George wanted Britain to rebuild itself and to once again take its position as a world leader. In
order to do this, he had to address the Irish question and to try and ease the civil unrest. The treaty
favoured the British point of view and in general the British public were happy with it and did not mind
partition in Ireland.
The republicans in Ireland were divided over the treaty, although neither side was completely pro-treaty,
one side was more radical in its hate for it than the other. Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith had been
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 93 of 96
sent along with three others to negotiate the terms and conditions of the treaty with the British MP‘s. The
Irish were not experienced negotiators. Unlike the British and although the tried, Lloyd George‘s threat
of war may have persuaded them to sign a document they were less than happy about. Griffith and Collins
did not see partition as a permanent thing, they saw the treaty as a stepping stone and eventually intended
to get rid of it. They saw the treaty as a temporary compromise partly in order to avoid war with the
British and partly as it gave them control of things such as the police and the civil service. It also met the
British army would withdraw from Ireland.
Eamon De Valera was totally unprepared to accept this compromise as were his followers. He broke away
from Collins and Griffith. As well as being opposed to partition, he was also opposed to the treaty as it
said that he would have to swear an oath of allegiance to the King.
In Northern Ireland the Nationalists were not happy with partition, they were prepared to accept the oath
of allegiance but not partition. As Catholics they felt that as they were the minority in Northern Ireland,
they would be persecuted. They wanted to remain with Southern Ireland.
The Ulster Unionists were however prepared to accept partition as it met they could remain part of Britain
which was very important to them. Without this they felt that Ulster‘s industry which relied heavily on
Britain would collapse bringing economic ruin.
Partition was not totally acceptable for any side, however it was seen by some such as the British and Ulster
Unionists as a suitable compromise. For others such as Eamon De Valera it was not a solution to
compromise. This lead to even more civil unrest in Ireland as the republicans divided. The British did not
get the peaceful results they had expected from the Anglo-Irish treaty and partition.
Example 11: Was partition an Acceptable Solution to the Irish Problem?
On 6 December 1921 The Anglo Irish Treaty was signed between The British Prime Minister, David Lloyd
George and a delegation of Irish Nationalists including Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith. This Treaty
was deemed by the delegates at the time to be the best possible solution to the Irish problem, unfortunately
however, to other such as Eamon de Valera the Treaty was deemed to be unacceptable.
For the British delegation, the Anglo Irish Treaty was a way for them to rid themselves of the tiresome Irish
problem and allow them to concentrate their attention towards leading Britain into recovery following the
conclusion of the first world war and to reinstate her status upon the world stage. During the war the
country had been governed by a coalition government, the majority of which consisted of conservative
MP‘s. The conservatives had for some time now professed sympathies towards the unionists within Ireland
and this therefore meant that they would have been contented with the freedom and autonomy granted to
the unionists within the treaty. Lloyd George had also come to realise by 1921 that it was becoming less
and less possible for either side, the British or the Nationalists, to win an outright victory within southern
Ireland without a deployment of around 100,000 British troops at a cost of around á 100 million, a step that
Lloyd George was not prepared to embark upon. The treaty therefore provided a cheap, bloodless
compromise (largely in Britain‘s favour) to the Irish question and even allowed Britain to retain the use of
3 naval bases within Ireland. Public opinion within Britain also proved to be in favour of the treaty.
At the start of their campaign the unionists had envisioned a complete continuation of British rule over a
united Ireland. As war in the south however developed and IRA violence on the Ulster borders increased,
the unionist stance began to slacken, especially as violent attacks on Catholics became increasingly common
and sympathy for the unionists began to fade. A settlement was becoming more and more urgently needed
and Craig set about securing for his party as much of Ulster as they could control, preferably this would
have meant 9 counties even though in the end they had to settle for just 6. For the unionists the treaty was
a pragmatic and fair solution and one which they did not on the whole object to. Northern Ireland became
recognisable as a separate country to the rest of Ireland and remained under control of Britain and the
empire, but with her own parliament under Sir James Craig and the acceptance that home rule would be
implemented within Southern Ireland and that partition was unavoidable.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 94 of 96
The major controversy surrounding the Anglo Irish treaty came from the nationalist side of the partition
when in December 1921, Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith had put their names to the treaty, Eamon de
Valera, the president of the republic had not been present. Collins and Griffith viewed the treaty as a
stepping stone from which further autonomy for Southern Ireland could henceforth be negotiated, Collins
stated that it gave them …
the freedom to achieve freedom‘. It is also however probable that even Collins
and Griffith would have preferred a more radical settlement but they were at this time exhausted after the
recent struggles and when faced with top politicians such as Lloyd George and Winston Churchill (Who
even used the threat of …
immediate and terrible war‘) that the Irish delegates were just out-debated and worn
down. For the extreme radicals such as de Valera however the treaty was unacceptable especially the
clauses which required an oath of allegiance to the King and continued membership of the Empire. Men
such as Eamon de Valera and Cathal Brugha wanted it all, a 32 independent republic of Ireland and with
the treaty as it stood viewed violence and war as their only remedy. On 7 January 1922 support in the Irish
parliament for the treaty was confirmed in z 64:57 split, whilst public support boosted Michael Collins to
victory in the general election of that same year. The withdrawal of the British army would undoubtedly
have helped to gain much public support for the treaty. Civil war could however not be avoided as the pro
treaty factions under Collins clashed with the anti treaty IRA led by de Valera. Peace would not be
concluded until 1923 when an Irish free state would finally be implemented.
The Anglo Irish peace settlement was a fairly acceptable solution to the Irish problem for the British and
the Unionists. It allowed the British to turn their attentions to regenerating the country after the war and
it gave the unionists an acceptable amount of freedom whilst still belonging to the empire. For the
nationalists however, the peace settlement proved to be unworkable and for a minority group under the
guidance of Eamon de Valera unacceptable.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 95 of 96
Bibliography
General surveys
These surveys in this first group are more geared towards the A-level students. They are generally readable
and accessible, but contain worthwhile insights and perspectives.
Adelman, A.
Bardon, J.
Boyce, D.G.
Collins, M.E.
Doherty J.E & Hickey, D.J.
Dudley Edwards, R.
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An Atlas of Irish History, London, Methuen, 1973
Home Rule and the Irish Question, London, Longman, 1980
Ireland 1905-25, Belfast, Colourpoint, 1998.
The following surveys are at the more academic level. They are well within the range of able A-level students
but require some application and time to get the most from them.
Boyce, D.G.
Fitzpatrick, D.
Foster, R.F.
Lee, J.J.
Townshend, C.
Nationalism in Ireland, London and New York, Routledge, 1982
The Two Irelands 1912-39, Oxford, OUP, 1998
Modern Ireland 1600-1972, London, Penguin, 1988
Ireland 1912-1985, Cambridge, CUP, 1999
Ireland, The Twentieth Century, London, Arnold, 1999.
Specific studies
These studies are generally more accessible to less confident students.
Buckland, P.
Curtis, L.P.
Hodge, T.
Winstanley, M.J.
The Northern Ireland Question 1886-1986, London, Historical Association, 1987
Apes and Angels. The Irishman in Victorian Caricature , Devon. David and
Charles Ltd, 1971
Parnell and the Irish Question, Longman, London, 1998
Ireland and the Land Question 1800-1922, London, Methuen, 1984.
These following studies are on the more academic side.
Boyce, D. & O‘ Day, A.
Buckland, P.
Bull, P.
Boyce, D. & O‘Day, A.
O‘Day, A.
The Making of Modern Irish History, London and New York, Routledge, 1996
Ulster Unionism and the Origins of Northern Ireland 1886-1922, London, 1973
Land, Politics and Nationalism, Dublin, Gill and Macmillan, 1996
Parnell in Perspective, London, Routledge, 1991
Irish Home Rule 1867-1921 , Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1998.
Source collections
Douglas, R., Harte, L. & O‘Hara, J.
Drawing Conclusions: A Cartoon History of Anglo Irish Relations 1798-1998,
Belfast, Blackstaff Press, 1998
Finn, J. & Lynch, M.
Ireland and England 1798-1922, London, Hodder, 1995
Hepburn, A.C.
Ireland 1905-25, Belfast, Colourpoint, 1998
O‘Day, A. & Stevenson, J. Irish Historical Documents since 1800, Dublin, Gill and Macmillan, 1992.
Walsh, Fenians to Partition, page 96 of 96