Cover Page
The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/19770 holds various files of this Leiden University
dissertation.
Author: Adamek, Piotr
Title: A good son is sad if he hears the name of his father : the tabooing of names in
China as a way of implementing social values
Date: 2012-09-11
203
CHAPTER SEVEN: LAST CENTURIES OF NAME TABOOING
7.1. Yuan
Our knowledge about the tabooing of personal names during the Yuan dynasty (1279–1368)
period is very limited. In the research done by Chinese scholars, it is frequently remarked
that this period did “not have taboos.”1 We do know that there is a large and abrupt change
in sources from the abundant and numerous examples of taboo practice of the preceding
Song dynasty to the virtual absence of them in the Mongolian dynasty. We also know that
the Mongols had their own taboo customs, including perhaps the custom of tabooing
Mongolian names. This last practice has not yet been studied and will not be discussed
here.2
Gradually the Mongols, especially emperors and their families, started to use
Chinese phonetic transliteration of their names for communication with their Chinese
subjects. The reason why maintaining a name taboo for Mongolian emperors would have
been difficult, is that their names were transcribed into Chinese with many characters, while
each individual character would not carry the full name’s meaning. Since individual
characters would not remind anyone of the full Mongolian name, there was no need for
(Chinese) name taboos as far as the names of emperors and their close relatives were
concerned. 3
But even if the Mongol rulers did not practice the avoidance of Chinese characters, it
is hard to accept that the custom of tabooing names in the family and office was simply
abolished in the beginning of Yuan, to reappear again in the beginning of the Ming dynasty.
We have to remember that what happened at the state level (and thus can be found in
official sources) in the Yuan period does not reflect all levels of political power. It is hard to
believe that ordinary Chinese people did not continue practising the taboo custom.
1
2
3
Fan Zhixin 2006, p. 455.
Wang Jian 2002, p. 230 writes that Mongolians had no taboo names, but this claim seems unfounded or
only true with regard to their Chinese names. About Mongolian taboo see Sárközi 1995, pp. 446-447
(women have to taboo the names of their husbands’ mother and father and of their brothers in law, and to
avoid identical words, too. Names of relatives are taboo for children). About Mongolian emperors in
China see Franke 1994.
Similar to the double or full names of the Chinese in the early period (for example, the name Sikong 司空
was tabooed, si 司 or kong 空 were not, cf. 4.3.1.2).
204
7.1.1. Sources
The “modern historian’s essential resource for the study of Yuan period” 4 is the History of
the Yuan (Yuanshi 元史) composed in 1369–1370 by Song Lian 宋濂 et al. 5 One other
important work is the Compendium of Statutes and Substatutes of the Yuan (Yuan dianzhang
元典章) collected in 13226 and the Legislative Articles from the Comprehensive Regulations
(Tongzhi tiaoge 通制條格).7 Other sources are Caomuzi 草木子 composed by Ye Ziqi 葉子
奇 (1327–1390), and later Draft Arranged in Seven Categories (Qixiu leigao 七修類稿) of
Lang Ying 郎瑛 (1487–1566).8
7.1.2. Name Taboo
There is only one example of name tabooing in the Yuan period quoted in Chinese sources
and research of today. In the History of the Yuan (Biography of Cheng Jufu 程鉅夫), the
following has been recorded: “Cheng Jufu’s name was Wenhai 文海. He avoided the taboo
(miaohui 廟諱) of the Emperor Wuzong 武宗 and used his courtesy name”. 9 The original
name of Cheng Jufu (1239–1318, an official from Jinshan county 京山縣 in Hubei province)
was changed in order to taboo the given name of the Emperor Wuzong (Bo’erzhijin Haishan
孛兒只斤海山, r. 1308–1311).10
Since Chen Yuan, this has been explained as an extension of taboo practice of the
Southern Song dynasty,11 although the change (if it really happened) was made a long time
after its fall. Many counter-examples using of the character hai 海 can be found in the
History of the Yuan (Annals of Wuzong), and even in the decrees of the Emperor Wuzong
himself. 12 Therefore, Chinese scholars have since concluded that there was no real
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
Mote 1994, p. 689.
Wilkinson 2000, p. 871.
Wilkinson writes about an expanded 1303 edition. This is probably a mistake. Wilkinson 2000, p. 873.
Legislative Articles from the Comprehensive Regulations (Tongzhi tiaoge 通制條格) are a collection of
jurisdictional edicts and laws from the Yuan period.
Further material for more precise research can be the New Talk From a Mountain Dwelling (Shanju xinhua
山居新话), compiled by Yang Yu 杨瑀 (1285–1361), trsl. by Herbert Franke – see Franke 1956, cf.
especially the story criticizing the Mongol general Bayan of the Baarin (Baiyan 伯顏, 1236–1295) for the
adoption of the same honorary title (in Mongolian) Xiechan 薛禅 – the Wise (pp. 107–109).
Yuanshi, j. 172, p. 1a; Jingshi biming huikao, j. 22, p. 359.
Note that collected works of Cheng Jufu are extant in the SKQS.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 162.
Cf. Yuanshi, j. 22-23 passim. For the decree announcing the accession of Wuzong containing the character
hai 海 see Yuanshi, j. 22, p. 2a.
205
avoidance of single characters from the names of emperors at that time and that the custom
of tabooing of names was very lax.13
There are still a few records and facts that need to be clarified. In the Compendium
of Statutes and Substatutes of the Yuan (Yuan dianzhang 元典章) a note has been found
about a request for name tabooing sent to the Board of Rites in AD 1314, and a proposal
made by the Board of Rites and scholars of the Hanlin Academy. It was suggested that there
are too many taboo characters that have to be observed in petitions to the throne, and
proposed that only the full name of deceased emperors and “evil” characters should be
avoided. Characters such as xiu 休, xiang 祥, ji 極 and hua 化 would not have to be
avoided.14 Tabooing the full name of emperors is characterized as something done out of
consideration, and this would mean that tabooing the names (at least a full name) of
emperors was the usual custom.
According to the Caomuzi 草木子 by Ye Ziqi 葉子奇 (1327–1390), composed
shortly after the fall of the Yuan dynasty, the tabooing of names during that time was much
looser than before, and subjects (probably only other Mongols) often had similar names to
those of their rulers.15 The Qixiu leigao 七修類稿 of Lang Ying 郎瑛 (1487–1566) records
that there was a practice of omitting strokes in writing at the time: “The rulers of Yuan
were simple and illiterate. Many taboos were not observed. Therefore, there are many
examples of the same names of rulers and subjects. Later, even if the taboo law was
prescribed, the omission of strokes can be seen in written works”.16
The total absence of name tabooing in the time of the Mongols is unlikely, as we
know how important this custom was for similar states at the time – e.g., the Western Xia
and Jin (see 6.4.7). The Mongols entered North China and defeated these two empires
already in 1227 and 1234. In this way, the contact of Mongols with “Chinese” name taboo
has lasted much longer than merely since the fall of the Southern Song dynasty, as is usually
assumed by Chinese scholars on the basis of Chinese sources.
Certainly Mongolian rulers also gradually learned the Chinese custom of tabooing.
They were sensitive to the tabooing of names, because, as we know, they hated the direct
use of their names. It was perceived as an insult, and because of that people were
13
14
15
16
Wang Jian 2002, p. 234. Cf. also the article in Nian’ershi zhaji “None of the personal names of the Yuan
(emperors and) empresses was eschewed” (Nian’ershi zhaji, j. 29, p. 28ab).
Cf. Yuan dianzhang, j. 28, pp. 4b-5a.
Caomuzi, j. 3, p. 22b.
Qixiu leigao, j. 26, p. 399.
206
executed. 17 Chinese researchers, as Wang Jian, have pointed out that taboo names were
often violated, because in the decree of 1335 recorded in the History of the Yuan there was
once again an explicit reminder that “the violation of the imperial name is prohibited” (jin
fan yuming 禁犯御名). 18 But the issue of such a decree also implies that taboo practice
existed and the very fact of the reiteration of this prohibition stresses its importance for
Yuan emperors.
It can be supposed that all emperors of Yuan, in contrast to those of the Western Xia
or Jin, had only Mongolian given names. The Mongolian name was also written in Chinese
characters as a phonetic equivalent. There was not, however, one unified way of
transcription, and sometimes many variants of writing were possible. It can be plausible that
such a name written in Chinese was not necessarily perceived as the real name. On the other
hand, all these names in the biographies of every emperor (except for the last one) in the
Yuanshi are designated as hui 諱 (taboo name).19
7.1.3. Inauspicious Characters
The strangest peculiarity in the tabooing of names in the Yuan period is the existence of lists
of numerous inauspicious characters, apparently avoided as taboo. The following list of 159
characters prepared in 126620 by the Board of Rites was recorded as “Biaozhang huibiziyang”
表章廻避字樣 in the Compendium of Statutes and Substatutes of the Yuan.21 The original
text includes the following characters (small characters included as commentary in the
original edition are put in brackets):
表章廻避字樣
Characters avoided in the report to the emperor
極22盡歸化忘(亡妄望同)
ji, jin, gui, hua, wang (the same for wang, wang,
wang)
17
18
19
20
21
22
Wang Jian 2002, p. 230.
Yuanshi, j. 38, p. 7b. Wang Jian 2002, p. 230.
The last emperor of Yuan – Huizong (r. 1333–1370) – the character ming 名 (given name) is used. Cf.
Yuanshi, j. 38, p. 1a. The designations of emperor’s names as hui 諱 could also come from the authors of
the Yuanshi who are Ming-Chinese.
Or perhaps a bit later. The list has no concrete dating. 1266 is the date of the document placed immediately
before it. The commentary was probably made 1322, as the final edition of this book was prepared and all
the texts were compiled.
Yuan dianzhang, j. 28, p. 4ab; Yuandianzhang (b), j. 28, p. 3ab. See also the quotation in Jingzhiju shihua,
j. 2, p. 15ab of the Qing time with 167 taboo characters.
In the text with the component 扌.
207
播晏征(祚同)靄(哀愛同)23
bo, yan, zheng (the same for zuo), ai (the same for ai and
ai)
奄昧駕遐仙斯(司四死同)
yan, mei, jia, xia, xian, si (the same for si, si, si)
病苦没泯滅
bing, ku, mei/mo, min, mie
凶禍傾頽毀(偃仆同)
xiong, huo, qing, tui, hui (the same for yan, pu).24
壞破晦刑傷
huai, po, hui, xing, shang
孤墜墮服布
gu, zhui, duo, fu, bu
孝短夭折災(要同)
xiao, duan, yao, zhe, zai (the same for yao)25
困危亂暴虐
kun, wei, luan, bao, nüe
昏迷遇耄過
hun, mi, yu, mao, guo
改替敗廢寢
gai, ti, bai, fei, qin
殺絕忌憂切(激切辱營係舊式)
sha, jue, ji, you, qie (‘to excite’ qie with insult is the old
style)
患衰囚往棄
huan, shuai, qiu, wang, qi
喪戾空
sang, li, kong, xian/xuan, e
厄
艱忽除掃擯(奸同)26
jian, hu, chu, sao, bin (the same for jian).27
缺落典憲法(典字近用不駁)
que, luo, dian, xian, fa (the character dian is recently
used again, this is no longer disproved of)
奔崩推殄隕
稿出祭奠(饗享同)
ben, beng, tui, tian, yun
?, gao, chu, ji, dian (the same with xiang and xiang)28
鬼狂藏怪漸
gui, kuang, cang/zang, guai, jian
愁夢幻弊疾
chou, meng, huan, bi, ji
遷塵亢蒙隔
qian, chen, kang, meng, ge
離去辭追考
li, qu, ci, zhui, kao
板蕩荒右逆
ban, dang, huang, you, ni
23
24
25
26
27
28
This is the only line with 4 characters, supposedly one got lost.
毀(偃仆同): hui 毀 also has the pronunciation fui, pu 仆 also has a similar pronunciation fu. The author of
this dissertation could not explain the presence of the character yan 偃 (or perhaps other, because it is not
clear) in this group. An explanation could be possibly shared meanings of characters hui 毀 and yan 偃.
Because it is a homonym with yao 夭.
Similarity not explained.
Because it is a homonym with jian 艱.
No explanation for the presence of the character xiang 享 could be found.
208
師剝革聧違(尸同)
shi, bo/bao, ge/ji, kui, wei (the same for shi)29
叛散慘恐尅(反逆同)30
pan, san, can, kong, ke/kei (the same for the two words
for rebel)31
害戕殘偏枯
hai, qiang, can, pian, ku
眇靈幽沉埋
miao, ling, you, chen, mai/man
挽升退換移(非字近用不駁)
wan, sheng, tui, huan, yi (the character fei is recently
used again, this is no longer disproved of)
暗了休罷覆
an, le/liao, xiu, ba, fu
弔斷收誅厭
diao, duan, shou, zhu, yan
諱恤罪辜愆
hui, xu, zui, xin, gu, qian
土別逝(誓同)眾陵(土字近用不駁) tu, bie, shi (the same for shi) zhong, ling (the character
tu is recently used again, this is no longer disproved of)
After the list a commentary was added:
“The more than 160 characters in this list had to be either avoided, if it was the character
itself, or partly avoided according to its specific pronunciation. Besides, the names of
former emperors are not to be used. Characters of days also should not be used too often.
All imperial names and temple taboos have to be avoided.”
The original text was composed in 32 lines with 5 characters (one has only four
characters as one character has been apparently lost). It seems very probable that the list
was made for memorization through recitation. The editor’s note about more than 160
characters is not precise. There are 159 characters (and one missing) in the list and about
twenty in the comments. Later, the list of Yuan taboos reappeared during the Qing dynasty
(sometimes incorrectly copied), first probably in Zaiyuan zazhi 在園雜志,32 and later in
many other works, for example in Jiahe zhengxianlu 嘉禾徵獻録,33 Dengchuan conglu 鐙
窗叢録,34 Siyi tangrizha 思益堂日札,35 Siyi tangji 思益堂集,36 Jingzhiju shihua 靜志居詩
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
Because it is a homonym with shi 師.
This and following two lines are only preserved in the “Yuankeben 元刻本” Edition. Cf. Yuandianzhang
(b), j. 28, p. 3ab.
Because they both mean the same as pan 叛.
Zaiyuan zazhi, j. 2, p. 47ab.
Jiahe zhengxianlu, j. 39, p. 4b. It is interesting that the problem of tabooing names is placed in the chapter
about ruxue (Confucianism).
Dengchuan conglu, j. 1, p. 3ab.
Siyi tangrizha, j. 5, p. 16a.
209
話 , 37 Jingshi biming huikao, 38 and Xin Yuanshi 新 元 史 . 39 All these works listed 167
characters. For the most part, these copied lists are identical with the original list, including
a few characters from the commentary and some different characters. One text named
Guochao wenlu jibian 國朝文録續編 writes about 166 taboo characters, listing only the first
four of them.40 According to the note in the Siyi tangrizha, the list of 167 taboo characters
was made in 1314 AD, but sources closer to Yuan apparently give no clear record about the
date of the list.41
The characters of the list are important, insofar as there are almost no other taboo
instances in that period. The tabooing of ominous characters was known in China long
before the Yuan dynasty, but their number here is especially large. This custom is usually
offered by Chinese scholars as the main evidence of taboo avoidance of the Yuan period,
perhaps because of the shortage of other evidence from that time. On the other hand, as
observed by Chen Yuan, 42 this taboo list could have been continued from the Jin, and might
not even have been composed by Yuan. The comments certainly indicate that the list was
older and then amended or partly expanded. We simply cannot be sure about its exact date.
The topic of tabooing inauspicious characters still needs more research. It is very
possible that the number of such taboo instances in the Yuan period was not bigger than in
other dynasties. The practice of avoiding inauspicious characters existed probably before,
and was mixed during the Yuan period with other “imperial” or “family” taboo characters
in the list. At least afore-mentioned commentary of the Yuandianzhang introduces the
characters as taboos of former emperors, although most of them cannot be found among
taboos of former dynasties. Such a mix of different groups of taboo characters would
probably explain the problem of why there are not only inauspicious characters on the list,
but also “good” characters, such as fu 服, bu 布, xiao 孝, xian 憲, fa 法, shi 師, for
example. No proposal has been found as yet for this phenomenon.43
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
Siyi tangji, j. 5, p. 16a.
Jingzhiju shihua, j. 2, p. 25ab.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 46, p. 643.
Xin Yuanshi, j. 88, p. 938.
Guochao wenlu jibian, “Meizhuang wenlu” 梅莊文錄, j. 1, p. 2b.
The first known quotation is very late (19th c.): Siyi tangrizha, j. 5, p. 16a. The author of this dissertation
could not find the original list in Yuan sources.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 163.
Perhaps some of these characters were used for names and became ominous as taboo names.
210
7.1.4. Law and Exams
Several legal compilations were composed in the Yuan period, such as the Zhiyuan xinge 至
元新格, Fengxian honggang 風憲宏綱, and the Comprehensive Regulations and Statutes of
Yuan (Dayuan tongzhi 大元通制). In the law of Yuan, name tabooing was also one of the
topics.44 This fact is recorded in the History of the Yuan, where the violation of taboo names
(miaohui 廟諱) and of imperial names is prohibited.45 No concrete penalty is designated, but
we can read in the Tongzhi tiaoge and Yuandianzhang that: “the mouth of people violating
names of superiors… should be pasted with soil.”46
The importance of tabooing names and the practice of observance can be seen even
more during the imperial exams. There were always strong rules about avoiding imperial
taboo, and according to the History of the Yuan, candidates who violate such taboos were
rejected and failed automatically.47
7.1.5. Perspectives of Research on Yuan Dynasty Taboos
Research on Yuan taboo has largely concentrated on taboos of the names of emperors and
on inauspicious characters. There is no known reference to taboos of religious or
philosophical figures, or to taboo practices in families (family taboo) and offices, which was
in all likelihood continued after the conquest of the Mongols. There is also not much
information about tabooing the names of an emperor’s relatives, but we know that, for
example, the Board of Rites at the time of Emperor Renzong (1311–1320) suggested
proclaiming the name of the empress as taboo, on the grounds that she was “the mother of
the All-under-heaven.”48 It all shows that taboo practice in the Yuan period may have been
much more colorful than we know now.
7.2. Ming
According to folk customs in the beginning of the Ming dynasty, recorded by Lu Rong 陸容
in his Shuyuan zaji 菽園雜記, the word zhu 豬 (pig) was considered a taboo. The reason for
this prohibition was the similarity of the pronunciation of this character to the family name
of the Ming imperial family name Zhu 朱 – they were homonyms. The Chinese Alligator
44
45
46
47
48
Wang Jian 2002, pp. 230-231.
Yuanshi, j. 102, p. 8b.
Tongzhitiaoge, j. 8, p. 2b; Yuandianzhang, j. 53, p. 28a.
Yuanshi, j. 81, p. 4b.
Yuanshi, j. 116, pp. 1b-2a.
211
living on the riverbank of Yangtze River was called zhupolong 豬婆龍 (sow dragon) 49
before the Ming. But as the Zhu family started to rule, this word could not be used any
more. Instead, people spoke about yuan 黿 (soft-shelled turtle) if they talked about the
alligator.50 They wanted perhaps also to express their contempt for the Yuan 元 dynasty.
According to the Yang Wenzhong sanlu 楊文忠三録 written by one of the highest
ministers Yang Tinghe 楊 廷 和 (1459–1529), it was claimed at the time that Emperor
Zhengde 正德 (r. 1505–1521) in his edict prohibited the raising of pigs. “In the winter of
the fourteenth year (late 1519–early 1520), the emperor in Yangzhou issued an edict which
prohibited ordinary people from raising pigs. It said that when you ate pork, you would
suffer from infestations. It also said that zhu 豬 (pig) sounded the same as Zhu 朱, the
family name of the imperial house.” As a result, people in the whole country slaughtered or
drowned their pigs.51
7.2.1. Taboo Words
The avoidance of inauspicious words and those that were unpleasant for the emperor seem
to have been very popular in the Ming period, especially during the reign of the first
emperor of Ming. Many examples of taboo words and stories about such words can be
found in the history of Ming dynasty.52 Some of them are connected with the emperor, but
49
50
51
52
The word zhupolong 豬婆龍 can have two meanings: “Chinese alligator” and “giant tortoise.” Cf. Hanyu
dacidian, Vol. 10, p. 37.
Shuyuan zaji, j. 3, p. 28. Cf. also Wang Jian 2002, p. 240.
Yang Wenzhong sanlu, j. 3, p. 36b. For the translation and a discussion about the authenticity of the edict
and the context of rumors about pigs, see ter Haar 2006, pp. 3-7. It is interesting that a pun with
homophones of the word for “pig” was used later in the 19th century in the criticism about Catholics in
China. The Chinese name for Catholic Christianity “the Teachings of the Lord of Heaven” (tianzhujiao 天
主教) was mocked at as “the Teachings of the Pig of Heaven” (tianzhujiao 天豬教) with explicit pictures.
Cf. ter Haar 2006, p. 6; Cohen 1963, illustrations after p. 140.
There are numerous sources useful for doing research on the tabooing of names in the Ming period. The
first is, as in former dynasties, the History of the Ming (Mingshi 明史) composed in 1739 by Zhang Tingyu
張廷玉 (1672–1755). Some important sources for institutional history of that time are Collected Statutes of
the Great Ming (Da Ming huidian 大名會典) with two extant editions: Zhengde huidian 正德會典 –
completed in 1503 (printed in 1511), and Wanli huidian 萬歷會典 – printed in 1587. For this dissertation,
a few additional records were used, such as Idle Talk With Guests (Kezuo zhuiyu 客座贅語) composed in
1617 by Gu Qiyuan 顧起元 (1565–1628), Draft Arranged in Seven Categories (Qixiu leigao 七修類稿)
written by Lang Ying 郎瑛 (1487–1566), and the Harvested in the Wilds During the Wanli Period (Wanli
Yehuobian 萬歷野獲編) composed by Shen Defu 沈德符 (1578–1642). Other works are the Small History
of the Ming Dynasty (Mingchao xiaoshi 明朝小史) composed by Lü Bi 呂毖 in the time of Emperor
Chongzhen, Miscellaneous Records from the Shu Garden (Shuyuan zaji 菽園雜記) written by Lu Rong 陸
容 (1436–1494), Historical Materials from Yanzhou (Yanzhou shiliao 弇 州 史 料 ) prepared by Wang
Shizhen 王 世貞 (1526–1590), Right Sounds from the Hongwu Period (Hongwu zhengyun 洪 武正 韻 )
compiled inter alia by Yue Shaofeng 樂韶鳳 in the beginning of Ming. In addition, works of the Qing
212
there are also reports of the customs of common people. The increased number of them
correlates probably with the general increase in sources for this period, as the custom was
also known before.
Strictly speaking, taboo words/characters are of course not necessarily taboo names.
But on the other hand the taboo of many words, as for example in the afore-mentioned case
of pig (zhu 豬), was strengthened by the widespread nature of the name taboo and vice
versa. Moreover, in Chinese historiography taboo names and other taboo characters are
always treated together. Therefore, we describe here also the practice of tabooing other
words than names, since this was a very popular custom during the Ming period.
The first emperor of Ming – Zhu Yuanzhang 朱元璋53 – seems to have been very
superstitious. There were many characters, as it will be described below, he did not use and
did not want to see or hear. Born in a poor family in 1328 AD, he lost his whole family in
the plague after the flood of the Yellow River in 1344. After that, he was a monk in a
Buddhist monastery and later joined the Red Turban Movement against the Mongolian
dynasty. Apparently, after becoming an emperor, he hated to be reminded of his poor past
and was also suspicious about the intentions of others. One story about him, described in
several sources, should be enough to illustrate this character trait of his. A monk came to
the first emperor of Ming giving thanks for his favors. He used a poem to express his
gratitude, saying inter alia such words as shuyu 殊 域 (strange lands) and wude song
Taotang 無德頌陶唐 (no virtue is enough to praise the Taotang – the clan name of Yao).
But the emperor was irritated and suspected that the word shu 殊 express the combination
dai Zhu 歹朱 (evil Zhu – the family name of the emperor). The second quotation meant,
according to the emperor, that he had no virtue and it was not possible to praise him as the
Yao emperor. The monk was beheaded.54
The custom like the one described above was called “splitting characters” (chaizi)
and was used for fortune-telling. Stories like the one above are no exception. The early
Ming period is rife with stories about political fortune-telling. It is not always clear whether
53
54
period describing the tabooing of names during the Ming time were used: Yingnan suibi 柳南隨筆 by
Wang Yinggui 王應奎 (born in 1732), Siyitang rizha 思益堂日札 of Zhou Shouchang 周壽昌 (1814–
1884), Nian’ershi zhaji 廿 二 史 札 記 of Zhao Yi 趙 翼 (1727–1814), and the encyclopedia Complete
Collection of Pictures and Books of Old and New Times (Gujin tushu jicheng 古今圖書集成) finished in
1725.
For more about him see Teng Ssu-yü 1976, pp. 381-392.
Qixiu leigao, j. 47, p. 688; Mingchao xiaoshi, j. 1, p. 55b-56a.
213
we are facing somewhat later stories or contemporary rumours and events. This might also
be a problem in this particular story.55
There are, for example, lists of many people who were beheaded because they used
characters hated by the emperor in his presence, such as zei 賊 (perpetrator – the emperor
was called this by officials of Yuan), dao 盜 (robber, also its homonym dao 道), seng 僧
(monk), ze 則 (rule, similar to zei 賊), fa 法 (law, similar to fa 髮 hair), sheng 生 (student,
similar to seng 僧). The aversion to the last three characters is explained by scholars as a
shame because of the emperor’s poor education. But since we know that some characters,
such as e.g. fa 法, can also be found in the taboo list of Yuan mentioned earlier (see 7.1.3),
a more general custom can be presumed. A list of “Confucian Study Officials who
submitted memorials and were executed for mistakes” (jin biaojian ruxueguan yi guawu zhu
進表箋儒學官以詿誤誅) was published in Yanzhou shiliao 弇州史料 of the Ming period,
which we quote partially below:56
Name
Unfortunate sentence
Inauspicious association
Lin Yuanliang 林元亮
zuoze chuixian 作則垂憲
zei 賊 (perpetrator)
make it and then hang down the
law
Zhao Boning 趙伯寧
chuizisun erzuoze 垂子孫而作則
zei 賊 (perpetrator)
let fall your descendants and make
a rule
Lin Bojing 林伯璟
yize tianxia 儀則天下
zei 賊 (perpetrator)
to practice rites and rules over the
world
Jiang Zhi 蔣質
jianzhong zuoze 建中作則
zei 賊 (perpetrator)
establish the center and make a
rule
Jiang Zhen 蔣鎮
ruixing shengzhi 睿性生知
seng 僧 (monk)
farsighted nature gives birth to
understanding/knowledge
55
56
For later stories see also Chan Hok-lam 1995, ter Haar 1992. Later stories which reflect negatively on the
emperor are not necessary true. Nonetheless, even when not true, they show something of how people
thought that reality might have been.
Cf. Yanzhou shiliao, j. 31, pp. 14b-15b.
214
Men Qing 孟清
shengde zaiqiu 聖徳在秋
qiu 囚?
holy virtue at fall
Zhou Mian 周冕
shouyu qianqiu 壽域千秋
qiu 囚?
long life of thousand years
Lü Rui 吕睿
yaozhan difei 遙瞻帝扉
difei 帝 非
(emperor is
from the distance see the door/ wrong)
way of emperor
Jia Zhu 賈翥
Lin Yun 林雲
qufa xiangwei 取法象魏
qufa 去 髮 (shave off the
adopt the law like the state of Wei
hair)
shijunfu yiban juelu
shijunfu 失君父
式君父以班爵祿
(lost the father of ruler)
to model oneself on the ruler in
order to have the salary for
nobility (?)
Xu Xuan 許玄
leizhen tianxia 雷震天下
?
thunder shakes the world
Ji Deng 汲豋
yongshao yinian 永紹億年
?
perpetual continuation for hundred
million years (?)
Lin Bojing 林伯璟57
tiqian fakun 體乾法坤
fakun 髮 髡 (shave off the
to model oneself on heaven, to hair)
take earth as one’s model
Lin Bojing 林伯璟
zaoshi taiping 藻飾太平
zaoshi 早失 (early lost)
to “adorn” splendidly the great
peace
Wu Xian 吳憲
tianxia youdao 天下有道
dao 盜 (robber)
there is a way In the all-underheaven under heaven
57
Note that two scholars are listed two and three times for “mistakes” in various compositions. According to
the list the sentence was each time: “executed (zhu 誅).” The inauspicious associations between some
characters are probably more pronounced in southern dialects. Apparently, for the administration the most
important thing was the sound, rather than the way of writing. Alternatively, these were originally oral stories
or gossip, which made the oral dimension more relevant than the actual Chinese characters.
215
Yanzhou shiliao comments that all of these beheaded scholars used characters which
sounded the same as or similar to words with possibly rebellious or insulting connotations.58
A related story is written a few pages below the list in the Mingchao xiaoshi 明朝小
史59, and copied later together with the list by authors of the Qing period:60 A scholar from
Hangzhou prefecture, Xu Yikui 徐一夔, included in his composition Hebiao (贺表) the
following two sentences: “under the bright heaven” (guangtian zhixia 光 天 之 下 ) and
“heaven gives birth for the holy man as a model/norm for society” (tiansheng shengren
weishi zuoze 天生聖人為世作則). The emperor was irritated, and pointed out the similarity
of the pronunciation of the characters sheng 生 to seng 僧 (monk), guang 光 to guangtou 光
頭 (shaven head), and ze 則 to zei 賊 (perpetrator). The unlucky scholar was beheaded.
There are still many stories related to words tabooed by Zhu Yuanzhang. 61 One of
them was recorded in the Liunan suibi 柳南隨筆. According to it, Zhu Yuanzhang wanted
to forget his past and avoided all characters connected with Buddhism and monkhood, as for
example shi 釋 (Budda Sakyamuni), he 和 and shang 尚 (heshang means monk). One day,
the emperor commanded his officials to write a poem. One composed by Shi Mengwei 施孟
微 included among others the sentence: “When the sun arises, splendor shines everywhere”
(richu guanghua zhao sifang 日出光華照四方). As only the emperor heard the character
guang, he condemned it and ordered to dismiss Shi Mengwei. The character guang, which
means not only “light, splendor,” but also “bare,” reminded him of the shaven heads of
monks.62
Most examples of taboo words are connected with the reign of the first emperor of
Ming. But there are also cases from later times. For example, the Emperor Jiajing 嘉靖 (r.
1521–1566) was afraid of death and avoided the character si 死 (death).63 However, here we
have to remember that the Jiajing Emperor, similarly to Zhu Yuanzhang, had a very bad
58
59
60
61
62
63
Yanzhou shiliao, j. 31, p. 15b. It is interesting that in the Qing text Nian’ershi zhaji, one of the unclear
cases from the table mentioned above (shengde zaiqiu 聖徳在秋) is written as shengde zuoze 聖徳作則
(Nian’ershi zhaji, j. 32, p. 4b). This shows that these were maybe not necessarily historical accounts, but
literati gossip. They may not tell too much about what really happened, but they reflect on popular views
of the first emperor of the Ming dynasty and on the larger custom of name taboos.
Mingchao xiaoshi, j. 1, p. 25
Siyi tangrizha, j. 5, p. 18b; Nian’ershi zhaji, j. 32, pp. 4b-5a.
Cf. Wang Jian 2002, pp. 241-242.
Liunan suibi, j. 6, p. 105. Note that it is a late source.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 46, p. 645.
216
press among literati, i.e. also the authors of our sources. Thus it is possible that they made
up some of the stories.
7.2.2. Taboo of the First Emperor of Ming
Generally, the tabooing of imperial names in the Ming period is considered very loose.
There were examples of avoiding taboo names, but also many instances where a taboo
character was used openly.64 Probably the most avoided character of the founding emperor’s
name was yuan 元. We know, for example, that the poet Wang Yuancai 王元采 (1363–
1402) always used only his courtesy name Shuying 叔 英 during the reign of Zhu
Yuanzhang 朱元璋, because of this taboo. It was the same in the case of Song Yuanxi 宋元
禧. He deleted, because of taboo, the middle character of his name and used only the form
Song Xi 宋禧.65
Apparently, due to the taboo of Zhu Yuanzhang, during his reign the “first year”
yuannian 元年 was written as yuannian 原年, and the “first scholar” yuanshi 元士, as
yuanshi 原士.66 Furthermore, in contrast to the former dynasties Tang, Song and Yuan,67
which distributed both bronze coins (tongbao 通寶) and sycee (yuanbao 元寶 – silver ingot
used as money) as currency – in the beginning of Ming, both kinds of metal currency were
called Hongwu tongbao 洪武通寶, in order not to violate the taboo of the emperor. 68
Admittedly, it could also be that the avoidance of the character yuan 元 was based on the
Chinese people’s hatred of the Mongolian Yuan dynasty, which would be a very traditional
nationalist interpretation.69
If we accept all of the material presented above as historical evidence, than the
practice of tabooing names was much more pervasive than is commonly presumed among
scholars.70 It would also imply that name tabooing had been continued among the Chinese in
the supposedly “taboo-free” Yuan period (cf. 7.1), or this custom could not have been
reinstituted so fast. It is interesting that we have not only examples of tabooing the given
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
Chen Yuan 1958, pp. 164-165.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 23, p. 364.
Zaolin zazu, „Zhiji“ 智集, p. 2a.
For the currency in the Yuan period see Franke 1949, pp. 34-119 (mainly about paper money).
Cf. Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 300.
The Ming coins had apparently in fact no yuan 元 characters (Cf. Hartill 2005, pp. 237-262). However the
name tongbao (universal currency) was commonly used already for the currency of Tang, Song and Yuan
(Cf. Hartill 2005, pp. 103-236).
Cf. Chen Yuan 1958, p. 164.
217
name of the first emperor, but also instances of tabooing his courtesy name, Guorui 國瑞.
The general Hu Tingrui 胡廷瑞 (d. 1384)71 changed his name to Hu Tingmei 廷美 (and
later once more to Hu Mei 胡美), because of this taboo. Ding Guozhen 丁國珍 changed his
name to Ding Yu 丁玉, Wu Guoxing 吳國興 to Wu Liang 吳良, Wu Guobao 吳國寶 to Wu
Zhen 吳禎.72 As we know, the avoidance of courtesy names was quite rare in the practice of
tabooing names, and usually was an indication of a very strict taboo custom (see 5.2.4).
This strict observance was connected with the powerful founder of the dynasty.
7.2.3. Imperial Name taboos in the Ming Dynasty
The name of the third (and again very strong) emperor of Ming – Emperor Yongle (given
name Di 棣, r. 1402–1424) – was also tabooed. In 1402, the names of two counties were
changed because of his taboo: Wudi county 無棣縣 to Qingyun 慶云 (located in Cangzhou
prefecture 滄州, today Qingyun in Shandong), and Wudi county 無棣縣 (different from the
former one, located in Le’an prefecture 樂 安 州 ) to Haifeng 海 豐 (today Wudi in
Shandong).73 Le’an prefecture 樂安州 was called Dizhou 棣州 before the reign of Yongle,
and its name was also changed because of the taboo on Yongle’s name.74 Similarly, in the
work of Yang Dong 楊東 the word tangdi 堂枤 was written instead of tangdi 堂棣 (bush
cherry).75
During the reign of the Emperor Zhengtong 正統 (given name Qizhen 祁鎮, r.
1435–1449, and with the era name Tianshun 天順 1457–1464), one Sun Zhen 孫鎮 had to
change his name to Ming 銘, because of the taboo of the Emperor.76 Sometimes the taboo
character zhen 鎮 was exchanged to zhen 真 (different tone) or tian 填. For example, such
words as zhenfusi 鎮撫司 (prison) 77 or zhenshouguan 鎮守官 (Grand Defender) 78 were
written as tianfusi 填撫司 or tianshouguan 填守官.79 Moreover, during the imperial exams
in 1460, the best student of the year – Qi Shun 祁順 – was degraded to the end of the list of
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
For more about him, see Dreyer– Hok-lam Chan 1976, p. 1278.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 23, p. 364. Cf. Mingshi, j. 134, p. 7a; j. 130, p. 1a; j. 131, p. 1b.
Shijia zhaiyang xinlu, j. 11, p. 13b; Lidai huiming kao, j. 1, p. 35a. Two counties with the same name
seem to be strange. Between Qingyun and Wudi of today there are only about 20 km.
(Jiajing) Shandong tongzhi, j. 2, p. 19b.
Shuyuan zaji, j. 4, p. 44.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 23, p. 369.
Hucker 1985, p. 121.
Hucker 1985, p. 122.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 23, p. 369.
218
examinees, only because it was noticed that his family name was identical with the imperial
taboo.80
Later, during the reign of Jiajing 嘉靖 (1521–1566, given name Houcong 厚熜), we
have a case of a scholar of the Hanlin Academy, Zhang Cong 張璁, 81 who was highly
favored by the emperor and was promoted to grand secretary in repayment for the latter’s
support of the emperor during the Great Ritual Controversy.82 According to the History of
the Ming (Mingshi), Zhang Cong asked the emperor for a change of name in 1531 because
of its similarity to the imperial name, and received a new name from the emperor – Fujing
孚 敬. 83 The fact that the change was made only ten years after the enthronement was
commented on by scholars as neglect of tabooing.84 It may be suggested, however, that it
also shows the very opposite, i.e. that the taboo custom was still present. It is also a good
example of post-facto value judgments by historians (i.e., not always relevant for the
original custom of tabooing), since later historians since the later sixteenth century hated
Zhang Cong for his support of the Emperor Jiajing in the Great Ritual Controversy.85
The severity of name tabooing can be seen during the reign of the next Emperor
Longqing 隆慶 (1566–1572). The imperial censor Zhan Yangbi 詹仰庇 wrote a petition to
the throne, in which he used words: “repeated illumination of sovereign” (zaizhao renzhu
再照人主). The character zhao 照 that he used was the taboo name of the former Emperor
Zhengde (Zhu Houzhao 朱厚照, r. 1505–1521). His mistake would perhaps have gone
unnoticed, if he had not had enemies among the ministers, who wanted to avenge
themselves for a conflict from the past. They accused Zhan of a big transgression. The
emperor was irritated, condemned him in a decree, and penalized him by flogging with 100
sticks and banishment. Zhan could not avoid the punishment despite petitions of some
ministers. 86 The episode might be connected to the above mentioned Great Ritual
Controversy. The Longqing period was a time in which animosities from the preceding
reign of Longqing’s father Jiajing (whom he hated) were settled.
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 23, p. 368.
For more about him, see Chou Tao-chi 1976, pp. 67-70.
The Great Ritual Controversy (Daliyi 大禮議) was a power controversy between the Emperor Jiajing, who
demanded the title of emperor for his father, and his court. Jiajing wanted to legitimize in such a way his
claim to the throne. For more about the Great Ritual Controversy see Taylor 1998, pp. 861-872.
Mingshi, j. 196, p. 4a.
Cf. Wang Jian 2002, p. 245.
See more about the reign of the Emperor Jiajing in Fisher 1990.
Mingshi, j. 215, p. 4b.
219
7.2.4. Intensification of Tabooing at the End of the Dynasty
There are more examples of tabooing the emperor’s name at the end of the Ming period,
during the reign of emperors Tianqi 天啓 (r. 1620–1627, with the given name Youjiao 由校)
and Chongzhen 崇禎 (r. 1627–1644, with the given name Youjian 由檢). Many of them
concern the taboo of the father of the Tianqi Emperor—Emperor Taichang 泰昌 (with the
given name Changluo 常洛, r. 1620). He only reigned for a month and then died, but his
taboo continued to be observed in the ruling time of his son.
For example, according to the History of the Ming, the Board of Rites wrote in a
petition to the throne that everybody having “drops of water (氵) with the character ge 各
(every),” i.e., the taboo character luo 洛, in his name should change it to luo 雒. Those
having “wood (木) and the character jiao 交 (meet),” i.e., the taboo character jiao/xiao 校,
in their names should change it to jiao 較 . 87 In contrast, it was not suitable for an
educational inspector to be called jiao 較 (in place of the usual jiao 校). He should be
named xuezheng 學政.88
All officials of the prince’s residence, both civil and military, also had to change
their names if they offended the imperial name (yuming 御名) or temple taboo (miaohui 廟
諱).89 At the same time, many geographical names were changed because of the taboo name
(Changluo 常 洛 ) of the deceased Emperor Taichang. For example, Luonan 洛 南 was
changed to Luonan 雒南, Luoyang 洛陽 to Luoyang 雒陽. In the same way (i.e., by the
exchange of the character luo 洛 for luo 雒) the names of Luorong 洛容, Luochuan 洛川,
Luoshui 洛水, Yiluo 宜洛 were changed. The ancient Book of Luo (Luoshu 洛書) also had
to be written as Luoshu 雒書.90
The first character in the name of Emperor – chang 常 – was tabooed, too, and
usually changed to chang 嘗. For example, names of people such as Chang Daoli 常道立 –
a circuit inspector in Henan, and general Chang Guoan 常國安 were written with the
character chang 嘗. In the same way, geographical names such as Changzhou 常州 and
Changshu 常熟 were changed. Words such as taichangsi 太常寺 (Ministry of Worship),
lunchang 倫常 (human relationship), gangchang 鋼常 (The Three Cardinal Guides and Five
87
88
89
90
Note that this description is also a way for tabooing, as taboo characters are not called directly, but only
through their parts.
Mingshi, j. 51, p. 9b.
Mingshi, j. 51, p. 9b.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 23, pp. 372-373.
220
Constant Virtues), xunchang 尋常 (common) were also written with the character chang
嘗.91
In order to taboo the name of the Emperor Tianqi (Youjiao 由校), the character
jiao/xiao 校 was usually changed to jiao 較. The change was made, for example, in words
such as jiangxiao 將校 (general officers) and xiaowei 校尉 (field officer).92 Please note that
the change was made apparently because of the visual appearance of the characters, as the
pronunciation was different. There were also other methods for tabooing the character
jiao/xiao 校, for instance by exchanging it with the character jiao 教 (e.g., Education
Official xiaoguan 校官93 to jiaoguan 教官),94 or changing a radical in the character, i.e., to
shou 扌, and writing it as jiao 挍.95
There are further examples for tabooing the name of the last emperor of the Ming –
Chongzhen 崇禎 (with the given name Youjian 由檢). The character jian 檢 was often
changed to jian 簡.96 According to the Zhengzitong 正字通, words such as jiantao 檢討
(self-criticism) were written as jiantao 簡討, and jianjiao 檢校 (evaluate) as jianjiao 簡校97
(in these cases it was again the taboo of a character and not of pronunciation).
The character indicating a generation (paihang 排行) in the emperor’s name was
usually less tabooed than the other characters. But there are examples in the Ming dynasty,
especially in its last period where these characters were avoided, too. The character you 由,
as a part of the names of the last two emperors, who were brothers, was replaced in printed
books of that time with the character you 繇. For example, in the sentence of the Zhou
Changes (Zhouyi 周易),98 the character you 由 is written in the Maojin Jiguge edition (毛晉
汲古閣刻本, the first half of the 17th c.) of Thirteen Classics as you 繇.99 Sometimes the
character you 由 could also change its form and be written as
(i.e., the appearance of the
character was important, rather than its pronunciation), as in the work Xiaojing of the same
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 23, pp. 372-373. Wang Yankun 1997, p. 46.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 23, p. 375.
Hucker 1985, p. 236.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 23, p. 375.
Zhengzitong, „Shoubu 手部“, p. 36b.
Wang Jian 2002, p. 246.
Zhengzitong, „Mubu 木部“, p. 119b.
Zhouyi, j. 10, p. 79.
According to Wang Jian 2002, p. 246.
221
edition, in the sentence: “why not to wait for Zengzi to ask” (he you budai zengzi wen 何
不待曾子問)? 100
The impact of tabooing on everyday practice is interesting. The character you 油
(oil), having the taboo character as a part, was apparently taboo, too – at least in the
imperial palace. No words with this character could be used there, and they were replaced
with other expressions. For example, sesame oil (zhimayou 芝麻油) was called zhimashui
芝麻水, and oil or lacquer based paint (youqi 油漆) was called qizuo 漆作.101
Numerous examples from the last period of Ming are interpreted by researchers as
an intensification of the observance of name taboos.102 The reason for it could be the attempt
to strengthen the emperor’s image in a time of his weakness. Support for such statement is
also the order issued in 1630 by Board of Rites, with instructions to observe taboos of the
first emperor, Emperor Yongle and the last seven emperors.103 We do not know if this order
and similar ones were really practiced, though it is very possible, because there is more
information extant on this period than on earlier periods.
7.2.5. Other Taboo Examples
Similar to other periods, we do not have much information about taboo names of persons
other than the emperor. Anyway, most examples of this kind that we have are about name
taboos of imperial relatives. The only instance of a taboo on the crown prince’s name from
the Ming dynasty is from the year 1630. In that year, the last emperor of Ming –
Chongzhen – appointed his one-year-old son, Cilang 慈烺, to be his successor, and because
of this taboo an official, He Lang 賀烺, changed his name to Shishou 世壽.104
Yet the tabooing of names of other princes of the blood is recorded. Already during
the reign of the first emperor, we read in the History of the Ming that “Xu Huizu’s 徐輝祖
(1368–1407) original name was Yungong 允恭 … and his current name was granted to him
in order to taboo the name of the emperor’s grandson (with the given name Yunwen 允炆
).”105 Yunwen of course later succeeded as the Emperor Jianwen (r. 1398–1402) and was
100
101
102
103
104
105
According to Wang Jian 2002, p. 246. Cf. Xiaojing zhushu, p. 1 (here written as you 由).
Zhuozhongzhi, j. 22, p. 4a.
Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 301; Wang Jian 2002, p. 245.
Rizhilu, j. 23, p. 22b.
Zhuozhongzhi, j. 11, p. 3b.
Mingshi, j. 125, p. 5b.
222
then deposed by the Emperor Yongle (r. 1402–1424), after a bloody civil war.106 In fact, it
should be noted that already in 1392, Yunwen was appointed crown prince, and the change
of name could have been related to it.107
In 1447, an incident happened during the imperial exams in the province of Shanxi
when the sentence wei zhou zhi zhen 維周之楨 from the Classic of Poetry (Shijing)108 was
chosen as the theme for the official essay. It was realized later that the last character of the
sentence occurred also in the name of King Zhao of Chu 楚昭王 (1364–1424, Zhu Zhen 朱
楨 ) – the brother of the great grandfather of Emperor Zhengtong of that time. The
examiners were punished by loss of one month’s salary.109 The incident is strange, because
there are many years and generations between both relatives, the name was only a private
and not a state taboo, and other examples of taboos of relatives are not known from that
time. Some modern scholars think it is a sign of increase of taboo practice.110 But we can
also presume that the connection of the taboo character zhen 楨 with the second character of
Emperor Zhengtong’s name (Qizhen 祁鎮) could have played a role in the event, if it did
really happen. The sources about this event all date from the Qing dynasty.
One case of avoiding the names of high officials is known. In the Yujing xintan 玉鏡
新譚, written in the Ming dynasty, a note is recorded about a eunuch, Wei Zhongxian 魏忠
賢 (1568–1627),111 who was so powerful that ministers did not dare to pronounce his name
in the petition to the throne. They said Changchen 厰 臣 (Minister of the Workshop,
indirectly referring to the offices of the eunuchs) instead of that.112 However, we have to
distinguish the tabooing of someone’s name as a whole, and the tabooing of a character
from this name. The case mentioned above is the common practice of avoiding the names of
respected persons by using their courtesy name or their title.
Unfortunately, not much can be found about family taboos in the period of the Ming
dynasty. We can only presume that they were important for the people of that time. Taboo
names were recorded in the family genealogies (jiapu 家譜), and were avoided in the
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
More about the usurpation of 1402 see Ditmanson 2007, pp. 110-158.
It is possible that name taboos of his name did not become lèse-majesté after his deposal by the Emperor
Yongle.
Shijing, j. 16, p. 1b.
Rizhilu, j. 23, p. 24a.
Wang Jian 2002, p. 244.
For more about him see Fang Chaoying – Lee Hwa-chou 1976, p. 130.
Yujing xintan, j. 3, p. 22b. Cf. also Mingshi, j. 305, p. 14b.
223
naming of children. 113 Among the principles of genealogy, we found one that discusses
directly the avoidance of names:
If a living lineage member’s name is offensive because it contains the same word as an
elder member’s name, he should change it. If he is dead, then when his name is
recorded in the genealogy, another word with similar pronunciation is substituted.114
We know from the History of the Ming that one official, Zhu Xizhou 朱希周 (1473–1557),
shortly before his death, considered it important to request not to be given a posthumous
name with the character wen 文, as it was the taboo name of his father. 115 According to
Zhou Guangye, the Assistant Minister of the Board of Rites, Cui Xian 崔銑 (1478–1541)116
did not use the word sheng 陞 (ascend) in his work Words From Huan (Huanci 洹詞), since
this was the given name of his father. He replaced it with the words zhi 陟 or sheng 升,
both with the same meaning “to ascend”.117
7.2.6. Decrees and Examples of non-tabooing
Generally, name tabooing during the Ming period is commented on by scholars as rather
weak and loose.118 There are statements about the neglectful attitude of dafu 大夫 and shi 士,
inter alia in literary works. 119 Even the first emperor of Ming, who was said to be
extremely sensitive in this matter, restored in his decree the old principles of non-tabooing
of homonyms and single characters of composite names. Besides, strokes did not need to be
omitted in taboo characters of literary works.120 Later, the Great Ming Code (Da Ming lü 大
明律, completed in 1397) determined, too, that people using single characters of composite
taboo names should not be punished.121
In a few works of his time, such as the Hongwu zhengyun 洪武正韻 (compiled by,
among others, Yue Shaofeng 樂 韶 鳳 122 in 1375) or the History of the Yuan (Yuanshi,
113
About genealogical rules in the Ming and Qing periods, see Buckley Ebrey 1981, pp. 237-239.
Buckley Ebrey 1981, p. 238. These rules were published in the Qing times (in 1870), but they used the
standard model of genealogy of Ouyang Xiu and Su Shi from the Song period, used during the later
dynasties.
115
Mingshi, j. 191, p. 7b; Wang Jian 2002, p. 247.
116
He is mentioned in Fang Chaoying 1976, p. 1431.
117
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 39, p. 582.
118
Cf., e.g., Chen Yuan 1958, p. 164.
119
Shuyuan zaji, j. 4, p. 44.
120
Hongwu lizhi, pp. 2b-3a. This could also suggest that stories about the taboo of the First Emperor, quoted
in 7.2.1 and 7.2.2, were just gossip.
121
The Great Ming Code 2005, p. 61.
122
For more about him see Chan Hok-lam 1976, pp. 1641-1642.
114
224
compiled in 1369), the taboo characters of the name of the first emperor – yuan 元 and
zhang 璋 – were written openly.123 Many other examples of non-observance of taboo are
known. For example, the Era name Jianwen 建文 (Establishment of civil virtue, 1398–1402)
chosen by Emperor Yunwen 允炆, offended his own name, and he also had no problem
giving his sons the names Wenkui 文奎 (born in 1396) and Wengui 文圭 (1401–1457) with
almost the same character.124 Admittedly, we should note that the character wen 文 formally
was only a homonym of the taboo character wen 炆 , and did not need to be avoided
according to the decree of the first emperor. Thus, this is perhaps better understood as an
example of tabooing becoming a written practice (i.e., pronunciation no longer mattered).
Chen Yuan also gives further examples of not avoiding taboo during the reign of
Emperor Wanli (r. 1572–1620), quoted predominantly from Shen Defu’s Wanli yehuobian
萬歷野獲編. For example, the palace of the imperial concubine Zheng 鄭 was called
yikungong 翊坤宮 at that time, although it violated the taboo name of the current emperor
(Yijun 翊鈞).125
The tabooing of the Ming period had its own characteristics. The first character of a
name was often common for brothers of the emperor (as a paihang character) and was not
avoided after his enthronement.126 It would explain the limited number of taboo examples,
because most of the Ming emperors had double names. The tabooing custom does not
always seem to be consistent in this period. For example, the omission of a stroke in the
imperial name was prescribed in state exams of the year 1477,127 but twenty years later, in
the state exams of the year 1494, the non-omission of strokes in taboo characters was
valid.128
If we take both the principles and the disorder in the taboo practices of that time, the
custom of name tabooing cannot be called lax. This is all the more apparent, if we read the
edict of the first emperor in 1370, in which he ordered the avoidance of the names of
former sages, emperors and virtuous persons, as e.g., characters guo 國, bao 寶, tian 天,
jun 君, chen 臣, sheng 聖, shen 神, yao 堯, shun 舜, yu 禹, tang 湯, wen 文, wu 武, zhou
123
124
125
126
127
128
See, for example, Hongwu zhengyun, j. 2, p. 11b; Yuanshi, j. 5, p. 12a.
Wanli yehuobian, j. 1, p. 7.
Wanli yehuobian, “Buyi 補遺”, j. 3, p. 901; Chen Yuan 1958, p. 165.
Rizhilu, j. 23, pp. 34b-35a. Cf. also names of brothers of Ming emperors.
Da Ming huidian, j. 77, p. 14b.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 23, p. 370.
225
周, han 漢, jin 晉, tang 唐. Existing names had to be changed and new names avoided.129
In 1397, it was prohibited to use titles as “taizu 太祖, shengsun 聖孫, longsun 龍孫,
huangsun 黃孫, wangsun 王孫, taishu 太叔, taixiong 太兄, taidi 太弟, taishi 太師, taifu
太 傅 , taibao 太 保 , dafu 大 夫 , daizhao boshi 待 詔 博 士 , taiyi 太 醫 , taijian 太 監 ,
daguanlang 大官郎 .” 130 Penalties for violation of taboo, as one might remember from
examples at the beginning of this chapter, could be cruel and immoderate, depending on the
emperor. This could be seen especially during the reign of the first emperor of Ming (cf.
7.2.1). Therefore, the Ming period cannot be called “a spent force” period in the history of
name tabooing in China.131 The custom changed and became less regular than it had been in
the Tang and Song periods, but it was continued.
7.3. Qing
There was a provincial Education Commissioner from Hunan province named Hu Zhongzao
胡中藻.132 In 1755, he composed a poem – a simple, non-political poem. Unfortunately, he
included the sentence “to distinguish with the heart what is misty and what is clear” (一把
心腸論濁清). It was not prudent to put the character zhuo 濁 (misty, dirty) before the
character used as the name (guohao 國 號 ) of the dynasty Qing. When the Qianlong
Emperor read the poem, he interpreted it as a political declaration. After the court trial, Hu
Zhongzao and the members of his family were beheaded. Later, even the soul tablet with
Hu’s name was removed from his ancestral temple.133
In the Qing period, the tabooing of imperial names reached a last high point. It
became a part of a “literary inquisition,” called wenziyu 文字獄 (imprisonment due to
writings). 134 Although this censorship was present also in former dynasties, it expanded
considerably especially in the time of the Qianlong emperor. As a result, not only the
violation of a taboo name, but even suspicion of it could lead to a very severe punishment.
129
130
131
132
133
134
Ming Taizu shilu, j. 52, p. 1ab.
Kezuo zhuiyu, j.10, p. 40a.
Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 307.
For more about him, see Hummel 1943, p. 602.
Guitian suoji, j. 5, p. 59. Cf. also Guy 1987, pp. 32-33.
For more about the “literary inquisition” see Guy 1987. The “literary inquisition” was supported not only by
the emperor, but also by scholars who wanted to climb up the social ladder. We should note an increased
availability of sources in the Qing period, and an increasing importance of written culture. They made for a
predisposition towards this “literary inquisition,” and in certain ways also towards a more restrictive tabooing
of imperial names.
226
When the poet Cai Xian 蔡顯 (1697–1767)135 wrote his poem “Purple Peony” (Zi
mudan shi 紫牡丹詩), he will not have expected that it would be a big political mistake. He
wanted to express his preference for red peonies and wrote the sentence “(the color of
peony) competing with the red one is not the real color, different kinds are all called princes
(of flowers)” (duozhu fei zhengse, yizhong jin cheng wang 奪朱非正色, 異種盡稱王). The
choice of the word zhu 朱 for “red color,” however, was unfortunate, as it was the family
name of the emperors of the preceding Ming dynasty. Apparently, the main problem was
the expression duozhu 奪朱 – which could be read as “robbing Zhu”. The poem was
interpreted by the Qianlong Emperor as praise for the Ming dynasty, and a refusal of
acknowledging the legitimacy of the Qing dynasty. The poet was accused and beheaded.136
In the case like that, however, it is sometimes very difficult to say whether the “violation”
of a taboo was accidental and or intentional.
On the other hand, Chinese historians of that time used to look for taboo words
themselves. For example, in 1725, the Advanced Scholar ( jinshi) Wang Jingqi 王景祺137
attacked the character zheng 正 as an ominous one. He realized the bad fortune of emperors
with such a name, seriously analyzed it in his work Discourse about Reign Titles of
Successive Dynasties (Lidai nianhao lun 歷代年號論) and argued that the cause is due to
the structure of the character zheng itself, which is the combination of the characters yi 一
(one) and zhi 止 (to stop). 138 This belief is interesting, since it tells us about common
superstitions and about the way in which (even high cultural) scholars (Wang Jingqi was an
Advanced Scholar no less) still shared basic ideas of fortune-telling through character
splitting.139
135
136
137
138
139
For him see Zhongguo lidai renming da cidian 1999, p. 2443.
Qingshi jishi benmo, j. 20, p. 3b; Zhongguo lidai renming da cidian 1999, p. 2443.
For more about him see Fang Chao-ying 1943, pp. 812-813. Later, he became a victim of the “literary
inquisition” and was executed.
Yongzheng shangyu neige, j. 48, p. 23ab. Explicitly mentioned was the fate of such emperors as:
Hailingwang of Jin (Era name Zhenglong 正隆 1156–1161), who was killed by one of his officers; Aizong
of Jin (Era name Zhengda 正大 1224–1232), who later, in 1234, committed suicide; Huizong of Yuan (Era
name Zhizheng 至正 1341–1368), who lost control over China; Zhengde 正德 of Ming (1505–1521), who
died after an accident and illness at the age of 30; and Zhengtong 正統 (his first Era name 1436–1449),
who was imprisoned and only years later was reinstalled as emperor with the new Era name Tianshun 天順
(1457–1464).
See also Smith 1994.
227
7.3.1. Taboo of Emperor’s Name
We would expect similarities between the tabooing of the names of emperors from the Qing
and Yuan dynasties. The Manchurian and Mongolian people, both with their own culture,
invaded China and gradually assimilated with the local population. But while we have only
very limited information about taboos of the Yuan dynasty, there was a strong taboo custom
during the Qing dynasty. It started at the latest from the period of Kangxi. Of course, as
recent scholarship has demonstrated, 140 these Manchus were already at least partially
sinicized.
141
Thus, to see the Qing only as a Manchurian dynasty would be an
oversimplification.
The Manchurian language 142 differs greatly from Chinese in structure and script.
Therefore, in the beginning, when no fixed Chinese characters were used yet for the
transcription of Manchurian names, the tabooing of characters of names was very limited.
Some scholars think there was no such custom until the Kangxi times.143 It is possible that
the Manchurian people had their own Manchurian system of tabooing, but this has not yet
been studied. The use of Chinese characters was of course well-known, since already since
the time of Nurhaci (1559–1626) in the late sixteenth century these Jürchen leaders had been
earning money in the ginseng trade with Ming-China.144 It is noticeable in the change of the
dynasty’s name in 1636 from Jin 金 to Qing 清 by Emperor Huang Taiji (r. 1636–1643).
Even before the Manchus invaded China, they apparently wanted to avoid the animosity of
Chinese people towards the former Jin dynasty (1115–1234), or show their independency.
Moreover, according to the modern scholar Wang Xinhua, they even understood the
symbolism of the Chinese expression “the red color (and the imperial family name Zhu) of
the Ming dynasty has fire” (ming zhu you huo 明朱有火) and used the water element – shui
氵– in the new character (qing 清) in order to overwhelm fire.145
Not much is known about tabooing the emperor’s name before the time of Kangxi.
Scholars have observed no taboo examples prior to his reign (not even during the rule of the
first Qing emperor in China itself, the Shunzhi emperor, r. 1644–1661).146 For some time it
was prohibited for Manchus to have Chinese names. But very soon, Chinese customs were
140
See Elliott 2001; Crossley 1990; Crossley 2006.
Note that the concept of “sinicization” is a problematic one. For debate about Manchu sinicization see
Crossley 1990, pp. 223-224.
142
Manchurian is a Tungusic language spoken in Northeast China.
143
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 168.
144
Crossley 1990, p. 5; Elliott 2001, p. 50.
145
Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 307.
146
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 168.
141
228
adopted more and more, and people – especially those from the upper echelons of the
Manchurian army – gradually changed their names to the Chinese manner. 147 However,
members of the imperial family changed their family name from Manchurian Aisin Gioro to
the Chinese Jin 金 only after the end of the dynasty.148
Many examples of name tabooing during the period of the Emperor Kangxi (1661–
1722, with the given name 玄燁 Xuanye) are probably best considered as an element of his
policy of combining Chinese and Manchu customs. In order to avoid his taboo character
xuan 玄, the names of prominent figures from the past were also changed, as for example
Liu Zixuan 劉子玄 (661–721), whose name had already been changed once in the past
because of the taboo of Tang, who now called again by his original name Liu Zhiji 劉知幾
.149 Furthermore, the name of a city gate in Peking was changed from Xuanwumen 玄武門
to Shenwumen 神武門 because of taboo.150
The character xuan was often tabooed by using its equivalents yuan 元, yuan 圓 or xi
系, or by dropping one line from the character. For example, according to the Compilation
of State Regulations (Huidian 會典), recorded in Wuxuelu chubian 吾學録初編, all taboo
characters xuan 玄 were changed to yuan 元.151 The Quan Tangwen 全唐文, edited in 1815,
wrote them as yuan 圓.152 Liu Zongyuan 劉宗元, the author of the Zhixiao qiuxi xiaoshi
tanji 至小丘西小石潭記 from the Tang period,153 had a younger brother, Zongxuan 宗玄.
His name could not be replaced with the character yuan 元, as their names would become
indistinguishable. Therefore, the character yuan 圓 was written instead (again, only the
character was changed, and not the pronunciation).154
Yet another taboo equivalent can be seen in the Hanliu nianpu 韓柳年譜. The name
Zongxuan 宗玄 was written as Zongxi 宗系. The taboo character xuan 玄 was probably
written in a different way (as
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
) and was later mistakenly copied as xi.155 In addition, the
Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 308.
Qigong 2004, p. 6.
Wang Yankun 1997, p. 514.
Wang Yankun 1997, p. 514. It was also the name of the deity Xuanwu who had given his name to the gate
(Cf. Chen Xuelin 1997, pp. 89-94).
Wuxuelu chubian, j. 4, p. 5b.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 65.
See Tangwen cui, j. 71, p. 7ab.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 65.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 65.
229
practice of tabooing with new characters as equivalents, and tabooing of characters having
xuan 玄 as a constituent part was known in that time.156
The character ye 燁 was also taboo as a part of the imperial name. The character yu 煜
was usually used as an equivalent, as for example in the Compilation of State Regulations
(Huidian).157 Its homonym ye 曄 was tabooed, too, and changed to yu 煜. Therefore, the
name of the Tang emperor Zhaozong (r. 888–904) – Ye 曄 – was adapted to Yu 煜.158 The
name of Fan Ye 范曄 (398–445), the author of the History of the Later Han, was changed to
his courtesy name Fan Weizong.159
7.3.2 Apogee of Tabooing in Qing
The apogee of the tabooing of imperial names in the last dynasty of China (according to the
number of known cases) can be placed in the reign periods of Emperors Yongzheng (1722–
1735) and Qianlong (1735–1796). 160 The custom became very restrictive and was a
mandatory evidence of loyalty. We can see here a certain similarity to the reign periods of
the emperors Zhu Yuanzhang and Yongle in the Ming dynasty (see 7.2.2 and 7.2.3), who
were strong autocratic rulers, too. The observance of name tabooing was especially
monitored in the composition of essays for the civil service examinations. New rules for
naming the imperial family in the Chinese way had already been drawn up in the time of
Emperor Yongzheng: fourteen “generation” characters were fixed which had to be used for
the names of the next emperors. In fact, only seven of them were required until the end of
the dynasty. 161 Of course, this supported primarily the imperial succession and was not
inspired by any need for characters without taboos implications, but rather the fact that
there had been many rumors concerning his ascent to the throne.
The given name of the Emperor Yongzheng – Yinzhen 胤禛 – was tabooed. According
to the the Da Qing huidian shili 大清會典事例, the Emperor Qianlong determined in 1760
that “the first character of the holy taboo name of the Emperor Shizong (i.e., Yongzheng)
should be written as yun 允, and the second character as zheng 正.”162 The Wuxuelu chubian
吾學録初編 also quotes a record from the Huidian 會典, which ordered the change of the
156
157
158
159
160
161
162
Wang Yankun 1997, pp. 514-515. Note three strange equivalent characters in Wang Yankun 1997, p. 514.
Wuxuelu chubian, j. 4, p. 5b.
Lidai diwang miaoshi nianhui pu, p. 12a.
Wang Yankun 1997, p. 535.
About the period of the Emperor Qianlong see Guy 1987; Spence 2001.
Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 308.
Qinding Da Qing huidian shili, j. 344, p. 4a.
230
first taboo character to yun 允, but the second one to a different character – zhen 禎.163 As
observed by Chen Yuan, the names Zhang Jiayun 張佳允, Shen Jiayun 申佳允, Du Yunxi
堵允錫 from the History of Ming (Mingshi) on the Stone Tablets With Names of Successful
Candidates in the Highest Imperial Examinations (jinshi timing bei 進士題名碑) were in
fact the names of Zhang Jiayin 張佳胤, Shen Jiayin 申佳胤 and Du Yinxi 堵胤錫, modified
because of taboo.164 Also the name of a famous poet, Wang Shizhen 王士禛 (1634–1711),
was changed ten years after his death to Shizheng 士正, and later to Shizhen 士禎 (this last
name was determined by the Emperor Qianlong).165
The names of former rulers were similarly treated: the name of the last emperor of the
Ming dynasty – Chongzhen 崇禎 – was changed to Chongzheng 崇正,166 and the name of
the first emperor of Song – Zhao Kuangyin 趙匡胤 (r.
960–976)
–
became
Zhao
Kuangyun 趙匡允.167 In 1723, the name of Zhending 真定府 (near Shijiazhuang in Hebei)
was renamed as Zhengding 正定, because of the taboo of Yongzheng. Furthermore, other
geographical names such as Zhenyang 真陽 and Zhenning 真寧 were changed in that
way.168
The long period of the Qianlong Emperor’s reign (reigned officially 1735–1796)
brought many cases of taboo, and even stronger persecution. Qing emperors wanted to
become “more Chinese” and supported the Chinese custom of tabooing names. An
important role in the amplification of taboo observance was played by the “literary
inquisition”.169 However, we should be careful not to blame the emperor too much, as there
might well be an underlying indigenous current of tabooing as well. Recent scholarship has
argued that many of the cases of “literary inquisition” were generally shared and used by
Chinese scholars for their own aims.170
The first taboo character of the name of the Emperor Qianlong – Hongli 弘曆 – was
usually changed to hong 宏. This fact is recorded in the Huidian (quoted by the Nansheng
gongyulu), with the additional comment that, if the character hong 弘 was part of another
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
Wuxuelu chubian, j. 4, p. 5b.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 169.
Qingwen xiantongkao, j. 221, p. 31ab.
Lidai huizipu, j. 1, p. 15b.
Jingshi biming huikao, j. 19, p. 291. Zhou Guangye wrote here his name as “Zhao Kuangyun” and
commented: “I have changed the original character because of taboo”.
Lidai huizipu, j. 2, p. 44a.
Cf. Guy 1987, pp. 166-200. See also 7.3, Fn. 134.
Guy 1987, p. 179.
231
character (so called pianpang 偏旁), it should be written unchanged but without the last
stroke. The same source said that the second character of the taboo name (li 曆) should be
written with the parts lin 林 and xin 心 inside.171 Therefore, the Era name of the Emperor
Hongzhi 弘治 (1487–1505) was changed to Hongzhi 宏治, and the astronomical Calendar
of the Conformity of Time (Shixianli 時憲曆, composed in 1645 by the Jesuit Adam Schall)
to Shixianshu 時憲書.172
Not only the given name of the Emperor Qianlong had to be tabooed, but also the
names of his ancestors. Moreover, when his eldest son, Yonglian 永璉 (1730–1738), died
young, it was decided to taboo his name. When later his eighth son Yongxuan 永璇 (1746–
1832) in 1752 mistakenly wrote the taboo character lian 璉, his princely salary was stopped
for three years as a penalty. 173 Besides, the sentence with the word hulian 瑚璉 (coral
vessel) from the Analects (Lunyu)174 was not approved for the state examination, because it
conflicted with the taboo name of Yonglian.175
Sometimes even taboos of former dynasties were avoided. One interesting case
involved tabooing the name of the Han dynasty Emperor Wu (with the given name Liu Che
劉徹, 140–87 BC), who had lived almost two thousand years earlier. Proofreaders of the
Imperial Collection of Four (Siku quanshu) got a strong reprimand as they tolerated the
sentence “Che of Han imitated the Qin rule” (Han Che fang Qinzheng 漢徹方秦政) in the
Ji’nanji 濟南集176 of Li Jian 李薦 and the sentence “Che of Han fluttering up and down”
(xiehang Han Che 頡 頏漢徹 ) in the Beishi 北史 (Wen Yuan zhuan 文苑傳 ). 177 Both
quotations were ordered to be changed to Han Wu 漢 武 , as a sign of respect for an
emperor.178 It should be mentioned that this tabooing was done out of respect for a great
ruler who (supposedly) conquered a great territory, like the Emperor Qianlong, and not just
for any emperor.
171
Wuxuelu chubian, j. 4, pp. 5b-6a.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 170.
173
Qinshi, j. 222, p. 3568.
174
Lunyu, j. 5, p. 1b.
175
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 170.
176
Jinanji, j. 1, p. 7a.
177
Beishi, j. 83, p. 2a.
178
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 169.
172
232
7.3.3. The Last Century of Qing
In the 19th century, the number of taboo cases seems to have gone down (at least according
to the materials we have) and the observance of taboos was apparently relaxed. Since the
number of extant sources for the recent past only increases, this is probably not the result of
changes in the survival of historical evidence. Some scholars presume it was an effect of the
weakness of the imperial state in that time.179 Judged from the past, the opposite was often
the case: weak emperors often used taboos precisely to emphasize their deficient authority.
A more likely cause for this relaxation must have been the fact that at the time of the
Emperor Daoguang 道 光 (1820-1850), the principles of tabooing changed. The first
“generation” character of the imperial name, common for all princes, was no longer taboo,
as before. Since then only the last character of a name was taboo.180 Besides, persecution
due to violation of taboo seems to have calmed down.
Even so, there are still examples of taboo during the last century of Qing. The name
of the Jiaqing Emperor 嘉慶 (r. 1796–1820) – Yongyan 顒琰 – was tabooed, and therefore
the character yan 琰 was changed to jian 儉. This change was made, for example, in the
Yunmu 韻目. Furthermore, the name of a scholar of Daoism – Yu Yan 俞琰 (ca. 1253–
1314) – was changed to Yu Wan 俞琬 in the Jianming mulu 簡明目錄.181
Similarly, the second character of the name Minning 旻寧 of the Emperor Daoguang
(r. 1820–1850) was tabooed and changed to ning 甯 or ning 寕 (all apparently old forms of
寧). In the Da Qing huidian shili, we can read about it in an edict of 1853 which said that
the taboo name of Emperor Xuanzong (i.e., Daoguang) should be written “with omitted
strokes” as ning 寕, or “totally changed” to ning 甯.182 On the other hand, it is known that,
for example, palaces and gates inside the Forbidden City (as e.g. the Palace of Tranquil
Longevity Ningshougong 寧壽宮 or Palace of Earthly Tranquility Kunninggong 坤寧宮)
were not changed, though the names of a few of them included the character ning 寧 which
should have been considered as taboo.183
179
180
181
182
183
Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 308.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 169.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 170. Cf. also the taboo prescription of Huidian: “In the first (taboo) character two last
strokes should be omitted. In the second one the right part of character should be replaced by you 又
(Wuxuelu chubian, j. 4, p. 6a).
Qinding Da Qing huidian shili, j. 344, p. 15a.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 169.
233
No instance of taboo during the reign of Emperor Xianfeng 咸豐 (r. 1850–1861,
original given name Yizhu 奕詝) is known at the moment. Nonetheless, there are examples
of tabooing the name of the Xianfeng Emperor’s successor – the Emperor Tongzhi 同治 (r.
1861–1875, original given name Zaichun 載淳). According to the Da Qing huidian shili, an
edict in 1861 prescribed that officials who would find the second character of the imperial
name in petitions to the emperor should change it to chun 湻, and that normally there is no
need for omitting strokes.184
Not much is known about tabooing the name of the Emperor Guangxu 光緒 (r.
1875–1908, original given name Zaitian 載 湉 ). 185 But from the time of the last Qing
emperor – Puyi 溥儀 (r. 1908–1911) – numerous examples of the observance of his taboo
are known. Names of people were changed, as that of the politician and scholar Tang
Shaoyi 唐紹儀 (1862–1938), who changed his name in 1908 to Shaoyi 紹怡 (after the
revolution of 1911 he returned to his original name).186 Furthermore, titles of offices were
changed as, for example, that of the Office of Palace Ceremonial (zhangyisi 掌儀司)187 into
zhangli 掌 禮. 188 Besides, names of counties and buildings were changed for five years
between 1908 and 1912, e.g. Yizheng county 儀征縣 to Yangzi 揚子縣 (in the Jiangsu
province), and the door of a government office (yimen 儀門)189 to yimen 宜門.190 It seems,
however, that in all these cases, changes were reversed immediately after the fall of the
Qing dynasty, as was also common in earlier dynasties.
7.3.4. Further Examples of Naming Taboo
Incidents of the tabooing names of officials, especially those having power, are quite
common in the Qing period. An example can be the person of Wu Sangui 吳三桂 (1612–
1678), who virtually ruled Yunnan in 1659–1673. 191 Because the name of his father was
Xiang 襄, he changed many names containing this character to xiang 厢. Furthermore, his
own name was tabooed in a manner similar to the imperial taboo custom: san 三 was
184
185
186
187
188
189
190
191
Qinding Da Qing huidian shili, j. 344, p. 15a.
Cf. Wang Yankun 1997, p. 447.
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 170.
Hucker 1985, p. 109.
Qingshi, j. 119, p. 1422.
Cihai 1999, p. 2008.
Wang Yankun 1997, p. 536.
For more about him, see Fang Chao-ying 1943a, pp. 877-880.
234
exchanged to can 參, and gui 桂 to gui 貴. Many geographical names were changed in this
way during that time. For example, Guilin 桂林 was called Jianlin 建林, Guiyang 桂陽 –
Nanping 南平, Guidong 桂東 – Yichang 義昌, Xiangyang 襄陽 – Hannan 漢南.192 Name
tabooing was apparently a part of the political propaganda of Wu Sangui during the
rebellion.
During the reign of the Emperor Yongzheng, the names of Confucius and Mencius
became taboo again.193 According to the Qiaoxi zaji 橋西雜記 of Ye Mingfei 葉名澧, in
1724 an edict of the Emperor was issued about tabooing the name of Confucius (Qiu 丘).
The character qiu 丘 had to be written with the part yi 阝 (as qiu 邱).194 Similarly, in the
Shuowen jiezi 說文解字 there is a comment by Duan Yucai 段玉裁 (1735–1815) under the
heading of the character qiu 邱 that this character is used according to the present system
for tabooing the name of Confucius.195
It seems, however, that taboo customs were not always taken seriously in China, and
were also often an object of jokes. As we know, jokes often play with the sound and
appearance of characters and thus are an interesting source of information.196 There is, for
example, an anecdote of Wu Jian 吳趼 recorded in his Xin xiao shi 新笑史 about a gift
from Yunnan donated to the industrialist Sheng Xuanhuai 盛 宣 懷 (1849–1916). 197 The
content of the packet was described on the outside as “Xuan tui” 宣 腿 (ham from
Xuanwei). The servant could not pronounce the taboo character and giving over the packet
omitted it and said to the official: “Somebody has bestowed a leg (tui 腿) upon You”.198
7.3.5. Law and Punishment
There are different opinions regarding the intensity of the imperial tabooing custom during
the Qing times.199 In fact, a peak of severity can be seen during the reigns of Emperors
Yongzheng and Qianlong. At that time, punishment for the violation of taboos was often
extremely harsh, as we could see in the cases described before (see section 1): the official
192
193
194
195
196
197
198
199
Chen Yuan 1958, p. 18.
Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 317.
Qiaoxi zaji, p. 33b-34b.
Shuowen jiezizhu, j. 6 xia, p. 55a.
For more about Chinese jokes and tales see Nienhauser 1986, pp. 78-81; Schmidt-Glintzer 1990, pp. 458459.
See the note about him in Cameron 1943, p. 29.
Xin xiao shi, p. 25.
Cf. Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 309.
235
Zha Siting 查嗣庭 (1664–1727) died in prison, and the scholar Wang Xihou 王錫侯 (17131777) was executed. In both cases, their families and competent officials were also
penalized. There are, however, other examples where the imperial taboo practice was
apparently much more loosely monitored. We know, for example, that in 1767 Chen
Hongmou 陳宏某 (1696–1771) 200 had already been using a taboo name for many years
without changing it, and was not punished.201
The taboo law of the Qing dynasty was very similar to that of the Ming. In the Code
of the Qing Da Qing lüli 大清律例, it was written that every person who mistakenly
violated the imperial name (yuming 御 名 ) or temple taboo name (miaohui 廟 諱 ) in a
petition or a report to the emperor would be punished with 80 blows with the stick (zhang
杖), and if the violation happened in connection with other documents or works – 40 blows
with the bamboo stick (chi 笞). A person whose given name violated a taboo would be
punished with 100 zhang.202 The last punishment was stronger, according to the commentary
in law, because such naming is considered not as a mistake but a misdoing, and causes
violation of taboo each time that someone would use that person’s name. The Qing law also
said that homonyms and characters of composite names are not taboo and are not punished.
But in contrast to the taboo custom of the Song dynasty, the Ministry of Rites was no longer
asked and the classics (as the Records of Ritual) were no longer decisive for taboo
practice.203 It was the ruler whose opinion decided about taboo law, though his advisors, of
course, might have consulted traditional handbooks or officials from the Ministry of Rites
nonetheless.
7.3.6. Names of Barbarians
A peculiarity of taboo custom in the Qing time was the tabooing of barbarians’ names. It
can be presumed that this practice was intended to conceal the “barbarian” origin of the
Qing dynasty, or – on the contrary – to show respect to related tribes and cultures.
Especially avoided were those characters with mostly derogative meanings such as hu 胡
(north-western barbarians), lu 虜 (caitiffs), yi 夷 (eastern barbarians) and di 狄 (northern
barbarians). These characters were often exchanged for their homonyms ( yi 夷 was written
200
201
202
203
For more about him see the biographical study by Rowe 2001; Suter 1943, pp. 86-87.
Chaxiangshi xuchao, j. 8, p. 5b.
Da Qing lüli, j. 7, p. 6a; The Great Qing Code 1994, p. 91.
Wang Xinhua 2007, pp. 309-310.
236
as yi 彝, lu 虜 as lu 鹵, di 狄 as di 敵), or an empty place was left instead. 204 It seems to
have been a very common custom.
The tabooing of the names of barbarians survived even the decree of the Emperor
Yongzheng in 1733 who denounced that practice as wrong and punishable, and ordered
revisions of relevant texts. 205 The effect was that forty years later, when the Emperor
Qianlong read two works – the Collection of Ancestral Benevolence (Zongzeji 宗澤集) and
Collected Essays of Yang Jisheng (Yang Jisheng ji 楊繼盛集 ) – he found both works
puzzling and only partially corrected.206 When the compilation of the Imperial Collection of
Four Treasuries (Siku quanshu) was undertaken, the emperor issued a special order in 1777
which prescribed the revision of all books and penalties for bad revisers.207 Nevertheless,
when 150 years later, in 1933, Chen Yuan analyzed the Old History of the Five Dynasties
(Jiu wudai shi 舊五代史), which was lost and reconstructed from quotes of the Yongle
dadian 永 樂 大 典 in ca. 1775, 208 he found many “barbarian” characters exchanged or
deleted in the text.209 Therefore, it can be presumed that emperors preferred “barbarian”
names to be tabooed, though they condemned this practice officially, and officials satisfied
their wishes, or the officials were too scared not to taboo these terms, even though the
emperor claimed to be tolerant of the custom.
7.4. Taboo in Modern China
The common opinion of Chinese scholars on name taboos is that the tabooing of names or
bihui 避諱 were unique to traditional China and no longer maintained after 1911. 210 But
what has happened with the custom of name tabooing after the “old China” was gone? Did
the signing of abdication by the last Emperor of the Qing dynasty on 12 February 1912
really mean the immediate extinction of the practice? Of course not. As far the author of
this dissertation knows, however, all works about name tabooing in China stop the
description of the custom with the end of that dynasty.211 This is understandable, since it is
204
Wang Yankun 1997, pp. 85-86; Chen Yuan 1958, pp. 32-33.
Yongzheng shangyu neige, j. 130, pp. 10b-11a.
206
Guochao gongshi xubian, j. 83, p. 23b.
207
Guochao gongshi xubian, j. 83, pp. 23b-24a.
208
Wilkinson 2000, p. 285.
209
Chen Yuan 1937a, pp. 1b-2b; Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 315. About Qing editions of Song works against the
Liao and Jin see Franke 1987.
210
Lin Shimou 2008, p. 53.
211
Cf. Chen Yuan 1958; Wang Jian 2002; Fan Zhixin 2006. Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 317 mentioned shortly
taboos of Yuan Shikai.
205
237
not easy to write systematically about name tabooing or its extant forms in modern time, but
we will make an attempt here nonetheless.
7.4.1. State Taboo
The attentive reader will have noticed that most of the cases of name tabooing described in
this study are related to the name of the emperor. This is rather understandable, because it
was precisely this taboo that was mostly recorded and had to be avoided by everybody.
After the increase and tragic peak of this custom in the time of Emperor Qianlong in the
18th century, the tabooing of imperial names was gradually relaxed. But even in the last
years of the Qing dynasty, there were still concrete examples of the practice for the name of
the last emperor Puyi 溥儀 (r. 1908–1911, see 7.3.3). 212 Since there was no longer an
emperor in modern China with the abrogation of the imperial system, we can surely say that
tabooing of imperial name was as good as finished. The Xinhai Revolution, and later the
establishment of the Republic of China in 1912, was a turning point in Chinese history with
far-reaching consequences for the custom of bihui. Names altered before because of taboo
custom were changed back to the original ones. Indeed, this change back was still made
according to principles of tabooing which prescribed not avoiding taboo names after
abdication.
How fragile the new practice was, however, could be seen three years later, as the
general Yuan Shikai 袁世凱 (1859–1916)213 proclaimed a restoration of monarchy in 1915
with the Era name Hongxian (洪憲). This short living dynasty (12 December 1915 – 22
March 1916) had its own taboos. Yuan Shikai implemented name tabooing on a large
scale. 214 We could not find cases that his personal name was avoided, but two other
examples are indicative. Apparently when the Lantern Festival (yuanxiaojie 元宵節, on the
fifteenth day of the first month after the Chinese New Year) of 1916 came, merchants
shouted yuanxiao on the streets of Peking in order to sell their sweet dumplings of rice.
These dumpling had the same name as the Festival. Yuan Shikai believed that he heard
“Yuan xiao (袁消 – Yuan disappeared) and ordered to execute them all. Only after an
212
213
214
No information could be found about a possible tabooing of name in the time as Puyi was the Emperor
Kangde 康德皇帝 of the puppet state of Manchukuo (1934-1945). We have found only a notice that he
avoided the character huang 皇 (emperor) as related to the Japanese Emperor (tianhuang 天 皇 ) and
because of that the name of his Imperial Palace (usually called huanggong 皇宮) was changed to digong
帝宮 (Cf. Jia Yinghua 2004, p. 268).
For more about Yuan Shikai see “Yuan Shih-k’ai” 1971, pp. 78-89; Ch’en 1972.
Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 317.
238
explanation by his minister did he amend the order and merely commanded to replace the
name yuanxiao with tangyuan 湯圓. This name became perpetuated and is used to this
day. 215 A very similar story is told about coal. It is said that all wall inscriptions of
“yuanmei 元煤” (raw coal) – often on shops selling coal briquettes in Peking – should be
erased, because their pronunciation was similar to “Yuan mei” 袁沒 (Yuan is out).216 Both
stories can only be found in the anecdotal literature and we cannot be sure that they went
back to actual proclamations or statements by the historical Yuan Shikai. 217 They show,
however, that the custom of avoiding an inauspicious name (or on the contrary – an
intentional usage of it) was continued in modern China. This was not a “classical” example
of the tabooing of name, but a part of bihui custom, similar to, for example, taboos of Zhu
Yuanzhang (see 7.2.1).
The most important change for the custom of name tabooing was initiated by the
New Culture Movement (xin wenhua yundong 新文化運動) of the 1910s and 1920s. It was
an intellectual turning point in Chinese culture. It started a break with the traditional social
order and traditional customs, to be continued in another way after 1949 in communist
China. The subsequent transformation process was described in 1959 by Wolfgang Bauer:
“In modern times, the total paihang system (with generation names) is dissolving very fast
and obviously, together with the disintegration of the Chinese extended family. The same
can be said about magical naming – its cosmological foundations are being abolished by the
new world view.” 218 Gradually, given names were openly used, but many practices of
avoiding name and courtesy forms were present for a long time. Some of them remain until
now and some have returned again in the last decades since family has become more
important as well.
It is remarkable that many names of main actors in 20th century Chinese history that
we know are not their first names. The first great leader of modern China, Sun Yat-sen
(1866–1925), had indeed the name (ming) Wen 文. Only after his stay in Japan, in 1897,
did he take a new conspiratorial name, Zhongshanqiao 中 山 樵 , which later became
Zhongshan 中 山 – his best-known name in China. The name Yat-sen, that is known
currently in the West, is the Cantonese pronunciation of his cognomen Yixian 逸仙, and in
215
216
217
218
Lin Shimou 2008, p. 55-56.
Wang Xinhua 2007, p. 317.
Ch’en 1972, p. 159 ascribes them to Yuan Shikai’s purported superstitiousness, but this judgment seems
more due to the general historians dislike of him, than being based on historical facts.
Bauer 1959, p. 249 [translation PA].
239
addition he also had the courtesy name Zaizhi 載之. It can be also noticed that his name was
intentionally changed by Qing officials to Wen 汶 when he was about to be arrested.219
The name Chiang Kai-shek (1887–1975) of China’s second important leader was in
fact his courtesy name Jiang Jieshi 蔣介石 in Cantonese transcription. His original given
name, recorded in genealogy books, was Zhoutai 周泰, although he also had the milk name
(xiaoming) Ruiyuan 瑞元, known only to his close family. Later he used another name –
Zhiqing 志清. Only when he started a new period of his life in ca. 1917 did he change his
name to Zhongzheng 中正. In that way he designated a relation with Sun Yat-sen (through
the similarity of his name to the latter’s most common Chinese name Zhongshan) and
positioned himself as his legitimate heir (by the meaning of name – “central uprightness”).
That is why this name was never accepted in communist China.220
Even communist leaders had their own stories with names. Mao Zedong 毛澤東
(1893–1976) normally used his given name, although he also had a courtesy name, Runzhi
潤之, in the beginning. Apparently, when he left Yan’an in 1947 in order to defeat the army
of Jiang Jieshi and to become the sole ruler of China, he used Li Desheng 李德勝 as his
name. It was supposed to be a good omen, because the pronunciation was almost identical
to li desheng 離得勝 (leave and win).221
The communist reformer Deng Xiaoping 鄧小平 (1904–1997) took this name only in
1927 when he entered the Communist Party of China. His original given name was
Xiansheng 先聖. Later, his teacher thought it was inopportune, as only Confucius could be
called sheng (holy) and so gave him the name Xixian 希賢 (of rare virtue), which he used
until 1927.222
Often titles were used instead of names, when addressing or referring to leaders of
20th century China. Jiang Jieshi was called Lord Chiang (Jiang gong 蔣公), Mao Zedong –
Chairman Mao (Mao zhuxi 毛 主 席 ), Zhou Enlai 周 恩 來 (1898-1976, Premier of the
People's Republic of China) – Premier Zhou (Zhou zongli 周總理). The personal names of
leaders could not be spoken. Such violation would be considered not only as a discourtesy
and offence, but perhaps also as non-acceptance of their power as ruler.
219
220
221
222
Su Man 2000, p. 38.
Wang Shunqi 2003, p. 56; Cun You 2010, p. 41.
Wang Shuren 2010, pp. 48-50.
Xiang Rong 2007, p. 63. About the practice of avoidance by naming in the Communist time see Zhang Xiao
2006, pp. 92-93.
240
Another phenomenon that needs special discussion here is the practice of “raising the
head” (taitou 抬頭) in the 20th century, as an expression of reverence to one’s name. The
name of a person was shifted to the head of the next line (“level raising” pingtai 平抬), or
at least one character space (or more) was left before the name (“shift raising” nuotai 挪抬
). The practice existed probably since the Qin dynasty,223 and was always the expression of
special reverence for the person and his name, and also a sign of power. Thus it is strongly
related to the custom of name tabooing. The second form of nuotai was still often used in
the 20th century, especially in Taiwan, and only in the last years lost its popularity. 224
According to this custom, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek after their deaths were
addressed as “Father of the Nation (space) Mr. Sun Yat-sen” (guofu Sun Zhongshan
xiansheng 國父
孫中山先生) and “Former Reverent President (space) Lord Chiang” (xian
zongtong Jiang gong 先總統
蔣公). 225 It is also interesting that a Christian (Baptist)
translation of Bible used this method and put empty characters everywhere in the front of
the character shen 神 (God).226 But here the cause was the need for formatting the Shangdi
version of Bible (with two characters for God) into the Shen version (with one character).227
7.4.2. Private Taboo
In spite of the impact of “Western customs,” Chinese people cultivate to this day a
courteous and discreet attitude to names, especially to names of former generations. This
practice is related to the old custom of tabooing names. Even today it is still unusual to
directly address parents or older people by their given name (as often heard in America and
Europe). Especially in villages, but also in cities, titles such as “mother,” “father,” “elder
brother,” etc. are used as applicable within the family. In order to speak about somebody, a
description is used, as for example “father of (name of child)” – out of respect for one’s
own husband. The original name is normally acceptable only between people of the same
223
Lei Rongguang 2006, pp. 53-54.
Personal conversation with Jiang Ryh-Shin and Pan Feng-Chuan, Sankt Augustin, 9.10.2009.
225
For example, on the entrance gate of his Mausoleum in Qihu.
226
Cf. Xinjiuyue quanshu 1965 (passim).
227
The nuotai practice can be seen in many Chinese Christian sources. On the Nestorian stele, a two-character
space is left before the temple names of Tang emperors, and in front of the expression “Lord” (zhu 主)
“Our Triune (God)” (wo sanyi 我三一). Similarly, in works of Jesuits and Franciscans of the 17th cent.,
an empty space is left in front of the name of Jesus, and the words “Lord,” “God,” etc. Cf. the work
Shengxi guiyi 聖洗規儀 of Mu Diwo 穆迪我 (Jacques Motel SJ, 1619-1692) and the work Jinjiao lingxi
jielu 進教領洗捷錄 of Bian Fangshi 卞芳世 (Francisco Peris de la Concepción OFM, d. 1701) with the
nuotai practice on almost every page. See the reproduction in Standaert 2009, Vol. 18, pp. 33-136.
224
241
generation, if they are relatives or good friends. Names of ancestors cannot be used as long
as there is still somebody alive from the family who remembers the names. But they are
acceptable, for example, in official registries, etc.228 There is also no longer any problem in
using characters from names of the older generation in everyday life and in writing.
Names of ancestors are sometimes unfamiliar to Chinese people. Especially names of
female ancestors are affected so that it is possible for one to not know, for example, the
name of one’s own grandmother.229 As these names are not used normally, people learn it
only incidentally, for example when they have to write down an address. Some Chinese
families still have their genealogy book (jiapu 家譜), but many others have lost it and can
rely only on their memory.
Knowledge about the names of older generations is especially important for the
naming of a new child. To this day, it is not possible for Chinese to take names of the older
generation for the names of their children, contrary to what is commonly seen, for instance,
in Europe. Names of parents, grandparents and their brothers and sisters, and also
homonyms of them, are taboo. 230 The process of naming is complex, as the choice of an
appropriate name is still considered to be very important nowadays.231 Numerous popular
websites can be found offering help in choosing a name. 232 One important piece of
information required here is the “taboos of the family” ( jiazu minghui 家族名諱) explained
as “taboos (jihui) of family and prohibited characters of former generations.”
233
Grandparents of a newborn child are naturally involved in the naming process, and give
information about the taboo names of the family.
Besides, there are cases known today in which names have to be changed because of
the (taboo) name of another person in the family. The situation of similar names is normally
prevented within one’s own family, but marriage into another family can cause unexpected
problems. To this day, a daughter-in-law has to change her name if it is similar to the name
of her mother-in-law in traditional families in Taiwan. 234 In mainland China (Xianxian
County), newly-married people cannot have names analogous to relatives of their spouse.
Such names are revised and cannot be used any longer, at least within the new family. The
Personal conversation with Joseph Xue, Sankt Augustin, 20.11.2010.
Personal conversation with Johanna Zhang, Sankt Augustin, 19.3.2010.
230
Personal conversation with Joseph Gao, Sankt Augustin, 20.11.2010.
231
A top specialist takes 10000 RMB (1000 €) for devising a new name. Cf. www.babyname.cn/apply (access
21.11.2010).
232
Cf., for example, www.name104.com; www.chinammw.com; www.nameworkshop.cn; www.babyname.cn.
233
Cf. www.babyname.cn/apply (access 21.11.2010).
234
Personal conversation with Jiang Ryh-Shin and Pan Feng-Chuan, Sankt Augustin, 9.10.2009.
228
229
242
young woman interviewed by me explained that she does not know the former name of her
aunt (the sister of her father). The aunt changed her name after marriage, because of the
name of one of her husband’s relatives, and the old name was not used any more. On the
other hand, the mother of the woman uses two names until now: one in her original family
and the new one in the present family.235
Furthermore, special reverence is expected for names of deceased people. In fact, it
is usual today to write the full name on the tomb tablet or memorial tablet (also called spirit
tablet, paiwei 牌位), but it is not appropriate to speak it. It can be often seen that the
characters gong 公 (Lord) or hui 諱 (taboo) are put between the family name and the given
name on the tablet.236 There are numerous questions about “how to write a memorial tablet”
on bulletin boards on the Internet.237 Both forms mentioned above are given very often as an
adequate design, e.g. “Spirit tablet of Revered Ancestor (family name) Lord taboo name
(given name)” (xianyan [xing] gonghui [ming] laodaren zhi lingwei 先嚴 [姓] 公諱 [名] 老
大人之靈位).238 During the mourning ceremony (memorial meeting, zhuidaohui 追悼會) in
Handan County, the name of the deceased person is written with white characters on a black
cloth. After the given name in the text, an empty space is left out of reverence for the dead
person, for example “Mr. (space) (family and given name)” (姓名 [space] 先生).239
The name has preserved until today its special importance in Chinese society,
especially in traditional rural regions. Children still sometimes receive a second name
(nickname – waihao 外號 or chuohao 綽號), as a means of protection from “danger” or
ghosts. In contrast, the original given name should be used even recently in popular belief
in Xianxian County if a child is ill and crying. In that case, a slip of paper with a text
should be hung out at the crossroads. Following this text with a spell should expel ghosts
and heal the child:
“(Real name of the child)
Gods, Kings of Heaven and Earth / In my house there is a child crying in the night
You gentlemen passing by, please, read it out three times
And the child will able to sleep until morning”
Personal conversation with Anna Zhang, Sankt Augustin, 8.3.2010.
For example, in Zhejiang. Talking to Joseph Xue, Sankt Augustin, 20.11.2010.
237
Cf. for example: tieba.baidu.com/f?kz=716652709; www.wanrm.com/article/bf/3221.html; zhidao.baidu.com
/question/188772157.html?push=ql (all access 21.11.2010).
238
Cf. wenwen.soso.com/z/q179684221.htm (access 21.11.2010).
239
Personal conversation with Josef Gao, Sankt Augustin, 20.11.2010.
235
236
243
(ming 名)
tianhuanghuang dihuanghuang 天皇皇地皇皇
wojia you ge ye kulang 我家有个夜哭郎
xinglude junzi nian sanbian 行路的君子念三遍
yijiao shuidao datianliang 一覺睡到大天亮240
To directly use the names of parents of an antagonist in a quarrel between children is
regarded as a big offense241 (we can recall the tabooing of hatred in the old times, see 5.4.6).
And finally, even today, new names are received, if someone’s life is fundamentally
changed. Some Catholic sisters in Hebei province have a special ritual in which they receive
a new Chinese religious name (huiming 會名), 242 different from their Christian name (a
patron saint). After a prayer, they read a passage of the Bible (or a litany) and choose first
one character identical for the whole group of sisters (note the similarity to the paihang
system). After that, a second individual character is chosen from the Bible. In the
perception of the sisters, a kind of new life comes with this new name, which is always used
from then on as the proper one.243
In this chapter, we have looked at taboo customs in the last centuries. In conclusion,
we can observe that also in the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties various kinds of name
tabooing were still practiced. Furthermore, they were important for both emperors and
commoners.
When the reader compares the taboo practice in the Yuan or Ming periods with the
custom in the Tang and Song times, the first two seem to exert a rather casual monitoring of
taboos. There are not so many equivalents of one taboo character as in the Song, and far
fewer taboo cases. In fact, it seems that there were not always strict rules on how to avoid
taboos. However, the practice of tabooing changed later and became even stronger.
Probably no other periods saw so many executions because of violation of taboo as the Qing
period.
The tabooing of names was also connected with the practice of censorship and even
“literary inquisition.” The official tabooing of the emperor’s name stressed mainly the
legitimacy of his power. Starting from the Yuan dynasty, plenty of prohibited inauspicious
According to a conversation with Anna Zhang, Sankt Augustin, 8.3.2010.
Talking to Anna Zhang, Sankt Augustin, 8.3.2010.
242
The choice of a new religious name is an old Christian monastic custom.
243
Cf. E-mail from Elisabeth Guo 11.11.2010; E-mail from Teresa Li and Maria Guan 10.11.2010.
240
241
244
words and words of power also became tabooed. This custom was already prevailing as a
common practice, but only in the last three dynasties in Chinese history was it elevated to
official taboo (hui 諱) and extensively incorporated into literary works.
After the fall of the Qing dynasty, the tabooing of the emperor’s name was officially
ended (with the exception of Yuan Shikai). Other kinds of name tabooing have been
continued, as shown by the examples of tabooing the names of state leaders throughout the
last century. Furthermore, the tabooing of relatives’ names (increasingly out of courtesy or
respect) is present until today. Similarly, the tabooing of inauspicious words in names can
be found nowadays, too.
After chronological chapters presenting various cases, situations and customs in the
whole history of China, we shall have a look at the impact and consequences of tabooing of
names in the everyday lives of Chinese people.