476793
13
TRN30210.1177/0265378813476793TransformationChesworth
Article
Holy Scriptures and their
Use by Christians and Muslims
in East Africa
Transformation
30(2) 82­–95
© The Author(s) 2013
Reprints and permissions:
sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0265378813476793
trn.sagepub.com
John Chesworth
Lecturer at the Centre for Muslim-Christian Studies, Oxford, UK
Abstract
Muslims and Christians have used the Bible and the Qur’an in their preaching and writing in order to
convince each other of the unique truth of their own faith. Much of the writing has been produced in
inexpensive booklets (tracts), whilst preaching takes place in public meetings using each others’ scripture.
This paper examines the different Swahili versions of the Bible and the Qur’an and their reception. It then
examines the use of the sacred texts of two world faiths, Christianity and Islam, using the local vernacular,
Swahili, in East Africa.
Keywords
Bible, interpretation of scripture, Qur’an, Swahili, translation
Introduction
Muslims and Christians have used the Bible and the Qur’an in their preaching and writing in order
to convince each other of the unique truth of their own faith. Much of the writing has been produced in booklets (tracts) which are available for sale at very low cost in bookshops and stalls
outside mosques and churches. This paper examines the use of the sacred texts of two world faiths,
Christianity and Islam, using the local vernacular, Swahili, in East Africa.
As we live in an increasingly pluralistic society, an understanding of the inter-relationship
between different faiths is becoming more important. If faith groups are to live together harmoniously, it is necessary for them to be able to understand each other. When two faiths, such as Islam
and Christianity, exist side by side, both of which are ‘missionary religions’, with scriptural imperatives to share their faith with others, it is important to understand how they conduct that outreach
towards each other.
For Muslims this is ‫( ﺩﻋﻭﺓ‬daʿwa), inviting or calling others to the faith. Several verses can be
cited from the Qur’an to show the purpose of daʿwa.
For Christians this is εὐανγγελιζω (euangelizō), evangelism, telling others the ‘good news’ of
Christ.
One of the methods that both faiths have used to reach out to tell others is through literature.
Such literature often uses scripture in order to present persuasive reasons as to why one faith is the
correct one and why followers of the other faith are mistaken.
Corresponding author:
John Chesworth, The Centre for Muslim-Christian Studies, The Song School, 109A Iffley Road, Oxford OX4 1EH, UK.
Email: [email protected]
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
83
Chesworth
Swahili is the language that is found on the East African coast. It was originally written using
Arabic script; the German and British colonial powers then introduced Roman script. The language
has a Bantu structure but has a vocabulary of which around 30% comes from Arabic. There are
many different dialects of Swahili and a standardized form was established by the British in the
1920s. Swahili is the official language of both Kenya and Tanzania.
The different dialects, whilst having similar grammatical structures, differ in spelling and have
different vocabularies. The variations in grammar and spelling in the different dialects, together
with the different approaches to orthography which resulted from the different backgrounds of
those who were reducing Swahili to writing in Roman script, led to a great range of spellings in
printed works. Many of the first linguists working with Swahili were missionaries, from English
(Steere, Madan, Taylor), French (Sacleux) and German (Krapf, Klamroth, Roehl) backgrounds, all
of which have different traditions and practices concerning languages.
Why Do We Need the Bible and the Qur’an in Swahili?
To ensure that the reader has the best possible opportunity to understand the message of the scripture – by reading it in their own vernacular.
But: When is Holy Scripture regarded as scripture?
For Christians it has been considered important for the Scriptures to be available in the language
of the people who are being reached through the missionary imperative.
This means that missionaries often worked on understanding the language of the people they
were trying to reach – this often included writing down the language for the first time.
For Muslims – the Qur’an is only truly the Qur’an when it is in Arabic, because that is the language that it was revealed in – any translations into other languages are not regarded as being the
Qur’an – so the title given makes it clear that it is not regarded as being the Qur’an itself – ‘The
Meaning of the Qur’an.
Translatability
The difficulties arising from translating any text from one language to another are acute. This
becomes more significant when it is scripture that is translated.
For both the Bible and the Qur’an the versions available in Swahili have potential difficulties.
For the Bible, most versions were translated by teams led by European missionaries who sometimes had difficulties in equivalences, and used words which might have been accurate at a basic
level, but had a nuanced meaning different than the translator intended.
For the Qur’an, even translating it into Swahili leads to its veracity as the Qur’an being questioned. Its very untranslatability is considered essential, as ‘Arabic has the status of a revealed
language’ (Sanneh, 1989: 212).
Bible and Qur’an in Swahili
The Bible in Swahili
The earliest ‘modern’ missionary to East Africa, Ludwig Krapf, began to translate the Bible into
Swahili as soon as he arrived in East Africa in 1844.
During the nineteenth century, different missionary groups started translating different parts of
the Bible. The earliest complete New Testament was published by British and Foreign Bible
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
84
Transformation 30(2)
Society (BFBS) in 1883, in Zanzibar Swahili. The earliest Old Testament was published by BFBS
in 1895, again in Zanzibar Swahili. The Mombasa Swahili versions were published: NT in 1909
and OT in 1914.
Having begun to translate the message, there was some competition and disagreement as to
which version of Swahili to use.
The Church Missionary Society (CMS) in Mombasa used the Swahili of Mombasa, Kimvita,
whilst the Universities’ Mission for Central Africa (UMCA) in Zanzibar used the Swahili of
Zanzibar, Kiunguja. They then disparaged the Swahili of the other mission. They based their translation on the English Bible with little reference to the Greek and Hebrew texts.
The Lutheran missionaries Martin Klamroth (Berlin Mission) began to produce a Swahili bible,
this was completed by Karl Roehl (1870–1951, Bethel Mission) who produced a Bible for the
Würtemberg Bible Society. Roehl was determined to produce a version of the Bible in Swahili
which was free of loan words from Arabic.
He argued that ‘the publication of a Swahili Bible with fewer Arabic loan-words than the present one seems a necessity for the people of the hinterland’ (Roehl, 1930: 200). Roehl’s New
Testament was a revision of a translation by Martin Klamroth (Berlin Mission), which, due to the
outbreak of the First World War, had never been published. Roehl was assisted in his translation
by Martin Nganisya and Andrea Ndekeja (Mojola, 1999: 69). Osotsi Mojola writes that Roehl
aimed at fully utilizing Kiunguja, whilst ‘capturing its expanded use and function in the interior’
(Mojola, 1999: 68). Broomfield was critical of Roehl’s approach, and queried whether Swahili
really was a Bantu language that needed to be ‘purified’ of Arabic loan-words, which he understood to be Roehl’s position (Broomfield, 1931: 78–79). He commented that when there was a
need to create new words when translating, it was easier to ‘Bantuize’ Arabic words than English
words (Broomfield, 1930: 521).
Catholic Versions. During the 1930s, Missionaries of the Roman Catholic Church carried out some
translation work. Emile Brutel, of the Missionaries of Africa (White Fathers – WF), had his translation of the four Gospels and Acts using Kiswahili cha Kiunguja published in 1923 (Bühlmann,
1950: xii), in Algiers, the Mother House of the Order, but it did not achieve a wide circulation.
Charles Sacleux, of the Holy Ghost Fathers (HGF), published selections of both the Old Testament
and New Testament, Hadisi ya Dini (Religious Stories) which was published in Bagamoyo
(Sacleux, 1925); his complete New Testament was published in Grasse in 1937 (Mojola, 1999: 68).
In the 1940s, the protestant missions worked together to produce the Union Version of the Bible
in standard Swahili, published in 1952, this is a literal ‘word for word’ translation – neno kwa neno.
This is still the most readily-available version of the Bible.
During the 1950s, two further Catholic translations of the New Testament appeared, using standard Swahili. One was by Alfons Loogman (WF), and was published in Morogoro in 1958, who
had previously published the Gospel of Matthew (Mombasa, 1936) and the Gospel of John
(Bagamoyo, 1938; Bühlmann, 1950: xii). The second was by Alkuin Bundschur, and published in
Ndanda in 1985; neither achieved a wide circulation and so have had a limited impact (Mojola,
1999: 73).
In 1963, Mathias Mnyampala produced a poetic version of the gospels, Utenzi wa Enjili Takatifu
(Poem of the Holy Gospels). It relates the story of Jesus, from his birth to his death, resurrection
and accension in 1,215 four-line rhyming verses, in the ‘classic’ form of utenzi, using quatrains
with ‘the first three lines having a vocalic rhyme in the last syllable of the last word of each line,
while the fourth line carries a . . . rhyme with all stanza final lines throughout the poem’ (Noss and
Renju, 2004: 34).
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
85
Chesworth
In the 1970s Habari Njema Good News translation, using functional equivalence maana kwa
maana – produced by an ecumenical team of African Bible experts who were native Swahili speakers, the whole Bible was finally published in 1995.
Living Bibles International published Biblia ya Uzima (Living Bible) (1985). A fully-revised edition renamed Neno: Agano Jipya (The Word: New Testament) was published in 1989 (NENO, 1989),
because the first edition was found to have many serious errors and shortcomings (Mojola, 1999: 9).
One edition, published in 1996, has parallel Swahili and Arabic texts (NENO Arabic, 1996). This
translation follows the ethos of the English Living Bible and could be regarded as being a paraphrase
using functional equivalence.
In 1996, Julius Nyerere, the former President of Tanzania, published poetic versions of the Four
Gospels and the Book of Acts in Swahili. They appeared as separate volumes with a preface by the
Archbishop of Dar es Salaam and were published by Benedictine Publications, Ndanda. The volumes are Utenzi wa Enjili [one volume for each Gospel], Utenzi wa Matendo ya Mitume, all published in 1996 (Noss and Renju, 2004: 22, 33). The intention was to publish the whole of the New
Testament in this form, but Nyerere’s death in 1999 meant that this has not happened. Philip Noss
and Peter Renju have written about them and the use of the Tenzi (Poetic) form (Noss and Renju,
2004: 19–34; 2007: 41–50).
The United Bible Societies undertook an extensive consultation concerning the Union Version.
This included corrections and changing some words that are considered archaic, or have changed
their meaning. It was published as the Revised Union Version (RUV) in 2006. The RUV includes
introductions to each book and includes the Deuterocanonical Books (Apocrypha).
Living Bibles International published a complete paraphrase Bible with a revised New Testament
in 2006, available first on the internet and subsequently published in 2009.
The Qur’an in Swahili
A Christian missionary working on Zanzibar wanted people, Muslims, Christians and Traditionalists
to be able to read the Qur’an and to see what it actually said.
The first version, by a missionary of the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA),
Godfrey Dale (1861–1941), was published in 1923. Dale served with UMCA from 1889–1922. In
addition to his translation of the Qur’an, he was also the author of several books on Islam (Blood,
1955: 87, 167; 1962: 87, 203, 403). He titled the version of the Qur’an: Tafsiri ya Kurani ya
Kiarabu kwa lugha ya Kisawahili pamoja na Dibaji na maelezo Machache (Translation of the
Arabic Qur’an into the Swahili language together with a Preface and a few brief explanations).
Each sura begins with the name and the total number of verses. The text itself was not versified,
nor did it have an Arabic parallel text. Dale explained, in an article in the Moslem World (1924: 9),
written at the time of publication that:
In East Africa there is a stereotyped edition of the Arabic Koran, very cheap; and it is this edition which
has the largest circulation. This has been taken as a standard text, and the Swahili translation corresponds
with it, page with page. The number of each page in the translation corresponds with the original.
Because Dale was not a Muslim, these reasons for producing a version of the Qur’an in Swahili
were viewed with suspicion. His ability to understand Arabic and his style of writing in Swahili
were questioned.
The introduction to Ahmadi’s version explains that Godfrey Dale had previously produced a
version of the Qur’an in Swahili, but that he had not known Arabic, he had relied on an English
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
86
Transformation 30(2)
version of the Qur’an where he did not know a word and had consequently made many mistakes
(1953: xvii-xviii). The claim that Dale had little knowledge of Arabic can be considered to be
scurrilous.
Anne Bang regards Dale’s purpose in producing a Swahili version of the Qur’an as being:
[T]o provide a tool for the missionaries active in Zanzibar. He was also of the view that a vernacular
version of the Quran would be beneficial to the Muslim population, whose religious education chiefly
consisted of ‘parrot-like’ memorisation of the Arabic text.
[. . .]
Unsurprisingly, his work did not make it into either the government schools or the Quranic schools. It was,
however, used in the mission schools. (Bang, 2003: 176–177)
The Swahili of the text does not follow the spelling of standard Swahili, as it was published before
the setting up of the Inter-territorial Language (Swahili) Committee for the East Africa Dependencies
(ILC) in 1925. The meaning of the text is clear and understandable, with a pared down literal translation of the Arabic. However, the 140 pages of maelezo (comments), which appear as endnotes,
‘reveal a biased turn of mind’ (Frankl, 1998: 192) as they tend to be polemical. Bobzin explains,
that it ‘was deemed unacceptable for Muslims due to an added Christian apologetic text, despite
the quality of its language’ (2006: 342).
Mubarak Ahmad (1910–2001) Kurani Tukufu (The Glorious Qur’an), 1953
The second complete version, Kurani Tukufu (The Glorious Qur’an), by Mubarak Ahmad, using
Standard Swahili, was published by the Ahmadiyya in 1953. Mubarak Ahmad was born in
Shujabad, West Punjab, (then in India, now Pakistan) and went to East Africa in 1934 and was
the first Ahmadiyya missionary to work there, remaining until 1962. He began his translation of
the Qur’an in 1936, completing it in 1953 when it was published in Nairobi, Kenya (Duncan,
1982: 275).
The version is versified counting the Basmala as the first verse, with a parallel Arabic text. Each
sura begins with the title in transliterated Arabic, information as to where it was revealed (either
Mecca or Medina), the number of aya (verses) and how many pauses in recitation there are.
Mafungu (portions) is used here for the Arabic waqf (stop in recitation). Footnotes give brief
explanatory notes, often defending the Ahmadi interpretation of the aya. Several of the footnotes
make specific reference to Dale’s version of the Qur’an and with attacks on Christian beliefs. The
costs of publication of the Qur’an were ‘raised, by subscription, from among the local Ahmadiyya
community’ (Duncan, 1982: 275).
Over 30,000 copies have been printed in five editions. The most recent was printed in 2006.
This version was received with great suspicion and was regarded as propagating the ideas of the
Ahmadiyya.
Duncan (1982: 275) quotes Ahmad’s explanation of why Muslim scholars had responded negatively to his translation:
They, the orthodox Moslems, feel it’s a sin even to translate the Holy Koran into languages other than
Arabic. But we must, for Arabic isn’t universal. . . . Our duty – at the Ahmadiyya Mission – is to place
before interested people an understanding of Islam, nothing more. We print long-term literature, like the
Holy Koran, and short-term things like magazines, newspapers and pamphlets. Our sect is the only Islamic
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
87
Chesworth
order trying to carry on organized Moslem missionary work. Strangely enough there are others, Moslems,
who resent and oppose us.
In 1954, al-Farsy published a pamphlet attacking the translation, Marejezo ya Upotofu wa Tafsiri
ya Makadiani ya Khataman Nabiyyin (Corrections of the Perverse Qadianiyya Translation of the
Seal of the Prophets) (Lacunza Balda, 1997: 110, 124).
In his Foreword to Mayunga’s Tarjuma (2003), Rizvi says of Dale’s version: ‘[Dale’s] defective
translation spurred the Ahmadiyya to translate the Holy Book; it came out in one volume. Its translation was good, but the foot-notes propagated the Ahmadis’ belief’.
Abdalla Saleh al-Farsy (1912–1982) Qurani Takatifu (The Holy Qur’an),
1969
In Zanzibar, Abdalla Saleh al-Farsy, began producing his own version which was based on his
broadcast Friday sermons and as such should be considered as a ‘free version’ of the original
(Topan, 2007). This view is supported by his student Said Musa in his brief biography of al-Farsy.
Musa reports that from 1939, al-Farsy had a radio programme Mawaidha (Counsel) which was
broadcast each Monday, Thursday and Saturday at 6.15 pm. The broadcasts would have included
readings from his rendition of the Qur’an (Musa, 1986: 59).
Sections of the Qurani Takatifu were then initially published in Mwongozi, a Zanzibari weekly
newspaper during the 1950s (Glassman, 2000: 422). By 1960 the first 12 juzʾ were published as
Tafsiri ya Kurani. Juzuu ya awali. Albaqarah (Interpretation of the Qur’an, the early juzʾ.
Albaqarah) (Kiplagat and von Sicard, 1960: 32).
Prior to the complete Qurani Takatifu (The Holy Qur’an) being published in 1969 by the Islamic
Foundation in Nairobi, as a single volume, the ‘Ulama’ had limited awareness of the work. It is
versified with Arabic parallel text and extensive footnotes. Each sura begins with the title in transliterated Arabic, where it was revealed, the number of aya and the number of stops in the recitation,
here Makara (pause in reading to allow another to take up the reading). The footnotes consist
largely of responses to the Makadiyani (Qadiani) that is Ahmadi’s version of the Qur’an, rather
than any response to the Dale version.
Subsequent editions have included Msingi wa Kufahamu Qurani (Foundation of Understanding
the Qur’an) by Abuʾl Aʿla Maududī, and his Introduction to each sura was included in the 1997
edition (al-Farsy, 1997). It has been published in eight editions with a total of 123,000 copies being
printed. Abdalla al-Farsy, a Zanzibari, who had worked as a teacher and government official before
Independence, continued to work for the new government in Zanzibar after the revolution in 1964,
but eventually left in 1967 when the general political situation became desperate (Loimeier, 2003:
251). When he moved to Kenya, he was nominated as Chief Kadhi of Kenya, a post he held for 14
years.
His being chosen as Chief Kadhi led to the Kenyan scholars feeling that they had been overlooked and an ‘outsider’ had been imposed on them. This may have been one of the factors for their
attacks on his version of the Qur’an (Loimeier, 2003: 251).
In 1970, Ahmed Ahmed Badawiy, one of the scholars from Lamu, collected the views of a number of Kenyan scholars from the coast in Fimbo ya Musa: Maonyesho ya Tafsiri Mpya ya Sheikh
A.S. Al Farsy (The Rod of Moses: The Exhibition of the new interpretation by Sheikh A.S. Al-Farsy)
which was a detailed critique and attack on al Farsy for his Swahili version of the Qur’an. Lacunza
Balda describes the reasons for these attacks as being a result of al-Farsy having refused to meet
with the scholars to discuss his translation, also that they were concerned at the loss of ‘authority’
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
88
Transformation 30(2)
once the Qur’an became accessible to all (Lacunza Balda, 1997: 113–114). The ‘Ulama’ of Riyadha
Mosque, Lamu, founded in 1889 by Salih b. Alawi Jamalil-Lail (1844–1935), originally from a
sharīf family in Comoros (Kresse, 2007: 87), had long considered themselves as having greater
authority than the ʿUlamāʾ of Zanzibar and Mombasa.
Imtiyaz Yusuf regards Qurani Takatifu as ‘reflecting the influences of Islamic Modernists Sir
Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817–1898) and Muhammad Abduh’. Yusuf also comments that it ‘is a
polemical retort to the Swahili translation of the Qur’an by the Qadianis [Ahmadi]’, furthermore
he links this anti-Qadiani stance with the support given al-Farsy by the Islamic Foundation and
Abuʾl Aʿla Maududī (al-Farsy, 1992: 351).
Rizvi stated that ‘The late Sheikh Abdallah Saleh al-Farsy of Zanzibar translated the Holy Book
from [a] general Islamic point of view. In the beginning his translation came out separately of each
part; then it was printed complete as a book’ (Rizvi, in Mayunga, 2003).
Ali Muhsin al-Barwani (1919–2006) Tarjama ya AL MUNTAKHAB katika
tafsiri ya Qur’ani tukufu (An interpretation of selected passages being an
exegesis of the Holy Qur’an), 1995
In 1995, Sheikh Ali Muhsin al-Barwani published Tarjama ya AL MUNTAKHAB katika tafsiri ya
Qur’ani tukufu (An interpretation of selected passages being an exegesis of the Holy Qur’an) in
two volumes, versified with Arabic parallel text. Each sura begins with the title in transliterated
Arabic, where it was revealed and then a detailed introduction. The meaning of al-Muntakhab is ‘a
selection from various Qur’anic commentaries, compiled by a team of scholars of the Holy Qur’an
of al-Azhar in Cairo’, it is this that al-Barwani has translated into Swahili (Frankl, 1998: 192).
Rizvi reports that the first edition was ‘printed . . . at the expense of the Zayed bin Sultan
AI-’Nahayan Foundation of Dubai (U.A.E.)’ (Rizvi, in Mayunga, 2003).
Al-Barwani, a Zanzibari, studied at King’s College, Makerere, Uganda from 1937–1942, at the
time the only university in East Africa. He worked as an assistant Agricultural Officer at
Mangwapani, and then subsequently edited an independent newspaper on Zanzibar, Mwongozi
(Guide). He was a leader of the Zanzibar National Party (ZNP) at the time of Independence in
December 1963.
The revolution in January 1964 ousted the ZNP which was seen as being closely identified
with the Sultan, thus seen as ‘pro-Arab’ and ‘anti-African’, and brought the Afro-Shirazi Party
(ASP) into power. It was in these circumstances that al-Barwani was imprisoned and then went
into exile.
Al-Barwani was imprisoned following the Revolution in 1964 and released in 1974, on being
refused a Tanzanian passport he escaped to Kenya, claiming refugee status, eventually settling in
Dubai (Frankl, 2006; Glassman, 2000: 419, 422).
A second edition of the Qur’an was published as a single volume in 2000. In the Preface, alBarwani (2000: vii) explains why he has produced his translation:
This translation of the Al-Muntakhab tries to avoid the sectarian discord in matters of Fiqh and I’tiqad.
Because of this and because it attempts to explain matters which have already been scientifically confirmed,
indeed I was drawn to write in Swahili, so that my fellow Swahili people who do not know Arabic are able
to understand and receive guidance, just as I have been guided. . . . well I can see a great inheritance for
those readers of Swahili who have already tasted the sweetness of the Qur’an in the translations of Sheikh
Al-amin bin Aly Mazrui and Sheikh Abdulla Saleh Al-Farsy or for those who have heard the translation of
Jalalayn read in the Mosque.
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
89
Chesworth
In a review, Frankl comments that al-Barwani ‘has deliberately eschewed the standardized language for his translation . . . and turned rather to the language of his parents [Zanzibar Swahili]. As
a consequence he has given to the Swahili-speaking world both a translation and a work of art’
(Frankl, 1998: 192–193).
Rizvi regarded that the ‘Sheikh Ali Muhsin al-Barwani’s translation [had perfect] language and
it is generally free from any sectarian bias’ (Rizvi, in Mayunga, 2003).
The complete text of al-Barwani’s version is readily available through the internet, with links to
it from many sites.
Ali bin Juma bin Mayunga (b. 1947) Tarjuma ya Quran Tukufu (Interpretation
of the Glorious Qur’an), 2003
Another Swahili version of the Qur’an is Tarjuma ya Quran Tukufu (Interpretation of the Glorious
Qur’an) by Sheikh Ali bin Juma bin Mayunga of Dar-es-Salaam, the first edition was published in
Qums, Iran, in 2003 (with a second edition of 2500 copies published in 2008).
Sheikh Ali bin Juma bin Mayunga was born in 1947 at Simbo, in Tabora Region, Tanzania and
was known as Omar. He started Qur’an education in 1957 with his father. From 1959–1962 he
went to primary school and continued with Qur’anic studies in 1962–1968 at home. In 1968–1978,
he studied with Fereji Farahani at Tabora, Sheikh Khalfani Muhammad Kiumbe and others. In
1978 he started to teach at the Islamic school at Chang’ombe, Dar es Salaam. In the early 1980s,
he travelled and lectured both in and outside Africa. In 1986, he went to Mombasa and there he met
Abdillahi Nassir (b. 1932) from Mombasa who had previously become a Shi’a (Kresse, 2007:
183–195), and subsequently converted to Shi’ism in that same year. He changed his name to Ali
from Omar in 2000 (van de Bruinhorst, 2011: 8).
The Quran Tukufu can be accessed through the internet. It is versified with Arabic parallel text.
Each sura begins with the title in transliterated Arabic, where it was revealed and the number of
ayā. There are extensive foot-notes, including ones specifically concerning Christianity. Gerard
van de Bruinhorst (2011: 7) explains:
[It] is a verse by verse translation according to the Twelver Shia doctrines. The main text is interrupted by
lengthy essays on all kind of historical, political and theological issues and these issues are easily accessible
in a separate index. . . . [It] quotes newspapers, dictionaries, encyclopaedia’s, Swahili books on history and
politics etc. [Mayunga’s] commentaries are the most technical containing many references to grammar and
linguistics, and usul al-fiqh.
This version is of interest in that it is prepared from a Shiʾa perspective; the Introduction was written by Sayyid Saeed Akhtar Rizvi (d. 2002), the Chairman of Ahluʾl-Bayt (a.s.) Assembly of
Tanzania, Dar-es-Salaam, dated June 2002. In his preface, Rizvi, after discussing each of the four
previous versions of the Qur’an states that:
Now Sheikh Ali bin Juma bin Mayunga (Dar-es-Salaam) has prepared this translation in the light of the
teachings of the Ahluʾl-bayt of the Prophet (s.a.w.a.) and thus has fulfilled the need of those who wish to
understand the Holy Book in the view of ahluʾl-bayt (a.s.) (Rizvi, in Mayunga, 2003).
Other people have produced Swahili versions of some of the juzuu. These include Said Musa (b.
1944) who, according to Justo Lacunza Balda (1997), has been working on a new version and commentary of the Qur’an (1997: 116).
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
90
Transformation 30(2)
In 2000, Machano Makame Machano from Zanzibar and living in Zanzibar Town published
Tafsiri ya Qur-an Juzuu ya Pili (Interpretation of the Qur’an Second juz’) as the second part, in his
plan to publish the entire Qur’an, when funds allow. The closing paragraph of the book states that
the work was completed on Thursday 3 February 1994, yet it was not published until 2000, indicating the need to raise funds for publishing. The verses are given in Swahili with parallel Arabic text.
This is followed after every few verses, by a detailed explanation of the meaning of the verses.
More recently, Al-Kashif (an uncovering), an exegetical commentary, by Sheikh Muhammad
Jawad Mughniyya (2002), and translated by Sheikh Hasan Mwalupa, has become available through
the al-Itrah Foundation. It is versified with Arabic parallel text. Each sura begins with the title in
transliterated Arabic, with a Swahili translation, and where it was revealed. An extensive commentary is given after each section of verses.
The five complete versions of the Qur’an in Swahili are not all readily accessible. The version
most used is the one by al-Farsy. Dale’s has been rejected as it is by a Christian; Ahmadi’s has also
been rejected as it is by an Ahmadi and so viewed with suspicion as being heretical. In addition to
its perceived orthodoxy, al-Farsy’s has had the most copies published, at a subsidized price, by the
Islamic Foundation. Al-Barwani’s version has yet to achieve wide circulation and is sold at around
twice the price of the al-Farsy version. However, its availability through the internet is making it
better known and more readily accessible than the other versions.
Accessibility of the Versions
The Union Version remains the most commonly used version of the Bible.
Al-Farsy’s is the most readily accessible version of the Qur’an, and is the one most often cited
by tract writers – but now several other versions are available online. Mayunga’s (2003) version is
available through the internet, however as it is Shiʾa, it will be treated with caution by the Sunni
Muslim majority in East Africa.
Pamphlets and Public Preaching
Muslims began quoting the Bible in pamphlets from the 1960s, influenced by Ahmed Deedat who
visited in 1981 and 1993. Following the first visit, the Muslim Preachers of the Bible movement started
– originally in Western Tanzania – they used Deedat’s style but developed their own examples.
How Muslims use the Bible
Typically they would speak on a topic, often for over an hour without a script, quoting Bible verses
from memory – example and content often included:
Five Pillars of Islam in the Bible
Is Jesus the Son of God?
Muhammad in the Bible
Was Paul the true founder of Christianity?
Christians used pamphlets and public preaching from the 1890s onwards, initially only using
the Bible, then including the Qur’an in response to Muslim use of the Bible.
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
91
Chesworth
How Christians use the Qur’an
Christians started using the Qur’an in response to the Muslim use of the Bible – popular themes are:
Attacking Muhammad’s prophethood.
Questioning the account of Jesus in the Qur’an.
Two Examples of Muslim Use of the Bible
Ngariba and Kawemba’s (1987) Use of the Bible
The example from Uislamu katika Biblia (Islam in the Bible) by Fundi Mussa Ngariba and
Mohammed Ali Kawemba uses John 17:3 to show that the Shahada is in the Bible.
Shahada
There is no God but God, Muhammad is the Messenger of God.
Hapana Mungu isipokuwa Mungu, Muhammad ni Mtume wake.
Shahada
Yesu anasema katika Yohana 17:3
‘Na uzima wa milele ndio huu, Wakujue wewe, Mungu wa pekee wa kweli, na Yesu Kristo uliyemtuma.’
Maneno hayo hayana tofauti na ile shahada ya Kiislamu. Ni kuamini na kukubali Mwenyezi Mungu
mmoja na kuamini kuwa Yesu ni Mtume wake.
Shahada
Jesus says in John 17:3
‘And this is eternal life, that they may know you, the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom you have sent.’
There is no difference between these words and those of the Islamic shahada. It is to believe and to agree
that God Almighty is one and to believe that Jesus is his Messenger.
The similarity between the Bible verse and the Shahada is seen in the Swahili text where the Verb
-tuma (to send) is from the same root as Mtume (Messenger) used to refer to both Jesus and Muhammad.
Muslim speaking at a Mjadala (discussion)
Mjadala held at Ukunda, south coast near Mombasa, Kenya 2009 (Osindo, 2009).
The preacher wants to show that Jesus was only human and not the son of God.
John 1:45
Filipo akamwona Nathanieli akamwambia tumemwona yeye iliandikwa na Musa katika Torati na manabii,
Yesu mwana wa Yusufu, mtu wa Nazareti.
Philip found Nathanael and said to him, ‘We have found him about whom Moses in the law and also the
prophets wrote, Jesus son of Joseph from Nazareth’.
The speaker uses the verse to emphasise that Jesus is called son of Joseph and not son of God, also
that he is a man of Nazareth.
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
92
Transformation 30(2)
Two Examples of the Christian Use of the Qur’an
Biblia ni Jibu’s Use of the Qur’an
Extracts from two of their worksheets illustrate how they interpret the Qur’an, in both cases the
most readily available version of the Qur’an in Swahili is quoted. The first is from Maana ya Dini
(The Meaning of Religion):
QURANI SURA YA 17:85 BANI ISRAEL
‘Na wanakuuliza habari ya roho’ – Sema ni jambo lililohusika na Mola wangu (Mwenyezi Mungu) nanyi
hamkupewa katika Elimu (ujuzi) ila kidogo kabisa (nayo ni Elimu ya vitu visiyohusika na roho).
Kutokana na aya hiyo inayowaambia waislamu kuwa mambo ya roho hawayajui tena hawakupewa. Bali
walipewa elimu ya vitu visivyohusika na roho. Sasa watajua wapi mambo ya kiroho yanayohusiana baina
ya wanadamu na Mwenyezi Mungu.
Bani Israil (17):85
‘And they ask you about the spirit’, say that [the spirit] is a thing that concerns my God (Almighty God)
and you have not been given very much Education (knowledge) concerning it (and this is education of
things that do not concern the spirit).
Following from this verse that tells Muslims that they do not know things of the spirit nor have they
been given it. Rather they were given education about things that do not concern the spirit. So where
will they know things of the spirit and how humanity relates to Almighty God? (Simbaulanga, 1999:
1–2)
Taking a verse from the Qur’an out of context and twisting its sense in order to show that Muslims
know nothing of how to relate to God, rather than demonstrating the humility of humanity in not
presuming to know the ways of God.
Christian Speaker at a Mjadala
Sura Ahzab (33):6a
Nabii ana haki zaidi kwa Waislamu (waliomfuata) kuliko nafsi zao, (lazima wamkinge Mtume hata
kwa kutoa roho zao, seuze mali). Na wakeze ni mama zao. [Na wenye nasaba wana haki zaidi wao
kwa wao (kwa kurithiana na kuozana na yaliyo kama hayo) katika Kitabu cha Mwenyezi Mungu
kuliko Waislamu (wengine) na (hata wakiwa) Muhajir (waliohama kutoka Makka kuja Madina kwa
ajili ya Dini). Lakini kama mkifanya wema kwa marafiki zenu (si vibaya), Haya yamekwishaandikwa
Kitabuni.]
The Prophet is more protective towards the believers than they are themselves, while his wives are their
mothers. [In God’s Scripture, blood relatives have a stronger claim than other believers and emigrants,
though you may still bestow gifts on your protégés. All this is written in the Scripture.]
The speaker only cites the first part of the verse and wishes to use it to show that the Qur’an uses
metaphorical language. The wives of Muhammad are described as the mothers of all Muslim
believers. ‘Are they physically and literally the mothers of all believers?’ No, that is not possible,
it is meant metaphorically not literally. Likewise, Joseph is referred to in the Bible as father of
Jesus, but not literally.
Note that the speaker only uses a part of the verse and ignores the context.
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
93
Chesworth
What is Gained from Using Each Other’s Scriptures?
When Christians used the Qur’an, and Muslims used the Bible, the interpretation often differed
from the interpretation given by the respective faith.
Both Christians and Muslims appear to deduce the interpretation needed from the verses of
scripture, with little attempt at understanding the context in which the scripture was revealed.
The examples of text translated and interpreted show that, whilst the writers were used to quoting the scriptures, it often appeared that they had a limited understanding of their own and of the
other faith.
Verses were often taken out of context and used as ‘proof texts’ to support specific points.
Having the Bible and Qur’an in Swahili has allowed Christians and Muslims to have ready
access to scripture, allowing for understanding of the text but also allowing for greater opportunity
for misinterpretation of scripture, eisegesis rather than exegesis.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit
sectors.
Bibliography
Swahili Bibles
BHN (1995) Biblia Habari Njema Tafsiri ya Ushirikiano wa Makanisa. Dodoma: Bible Society of
Tanzania.
BIBLIA-BFBS (1952) Maandiko Matakatifu ya Mungu yaitwayo Biblia: Katika lugha ya Kiswahili (Single
column with full cross-references). London: British and Foreign Bible Society.
BIBLIA-REVISED UNION VERSION (2006) Biblia: Yenye Vitabu vya Deuterokanoni: Yaani Agano la Kale
na Agano Jipya (Two columns with few cross-references, with introduction to each book). Nairobi: Bible
Society of Kenya.
BIBLIA-UNION VERSION (1997) Biblia yenye Itifaki: The Holy Bible in Kiswahili Union Version published as Maandiko Matakatifu (Two columns with few cross-references, with concordance). Dodoma:
Bible Society of Tanzania.
Living Bibles International (2006) Swahili Bible (Whole Bible in Paraphrase with revised New Testament).
Available at: www.biblica.com/bibles/swahili
NENO [Original version, subsequently withdrawn] (1985) Biblia ya Uzima. Nairobi: Living Bibles East
Africa.
NENO (1987) Neno: Agano Jipya (Tafsiri Rahisi Kueleweka). Nairobi: Living Bibles East Africa.
NENO Arabic (1996) Neno: Agano Jipya (Parallel Swahili Arabic text). Nairobi: International Bible Society
Africa.
NENO OT & NT (2009) Neno: Biblia Takatifu (Agano la Kale na Agano Jipya). Nairobi: Biblica.
OT Mombasa (1949) Maagano ya Kale (The Old Testament in Swahili, Mombasa), (reprint of 1914 edition).
London: British and Foreign Bible Society.
OT Zanzibar (1895) Msahafu Mtakatifu Wa Muungu: Mwenyi Agano la Kale, Yamefasirika Katika Lugha ya
Zamani. London: British and Foreign Bible Society.
NT Mombasa (1917) Chuo cha Maagano Mapya ya Bwana Wetu Jesu Masihi Mwokozi Wetu (Mombasa
Dialect). London: British and Foreign Bible Society.
NT UV (1951) Kitabu cha Agano Jipya la Bwana na Mwokozi Wetu Yesu Kristo (The New Testament in
Swahili Union Version). London: British and Foreign Bible Society.
NT Zanzibar (1942) Kitabu cha Agano Jipya la Bwana na Mwokozi Wetu Yesu Kristo Kimefasirika katika
Maneno ya Kiyunani (New Testament in Swahili, Zanzibar). London: British and Foreign Bible
Society.
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
94
Transformation 30(2)
Roehl K (1937) Biblia ndio Maandiko Matakatifu yote ya Agano la Kale nayo ya Agano Jipya katika Msemo
wa Kiswahili. Translated by K Roehl. Stuttgart: Württemberg Bible Society.
Swahili Qur’ans
Ahmadi Sh MA (1953) Kurani Tukufu (in Swahili-Arabic). Nairobi: Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission.
al-Barwani AM (2000) Tarjama ya AL-MUNTAKHAB katika tafsiri ya Qur’ani tukufu (2nd printing). Dubai:
Mbana Abdulla Ahmad Al Ghurair (in Swahili-Arabic).
al-Farsy AS (1969) Qurani Takatifu (in Swahili-Arabic). Nairobi, Kenya: The Islamic Foundation.
al-Farsy AS (1992) Qurani Takatifu (7th printing 1992) (in Swahili- Arabic [with Maududi preface]). Nairobi:
The Islamic Foundation.
al-Farsy AS (1997) Qurani Takatifu (8th printing 1997) (in Swahili-Arabic [with Maududi preface]). Nairobi:
The Islamic Foundation.
Dale G (1923) Tafsiri ya Kurani ya Kiarabu (in Swahili). London: SPCK.
Machano MM (2000) Tafsiri ya Qur-an: Juzuu ya Pili. Zanzibar, Tanzania: Al-Khayria Press Ltd.
Mayunga AJ (2003) Quran Tukufu (in Swahili-Arabic). Dar es Salaam: Ahlu’l-Bayt (a.s.) Assembly of
Tanzania. Available at: http://quran.al-shia.com/sw/quran/tarjomee/moq/01.htm (accessed 29 May 2007).
Mughniyya MJ (2002) on Al-Kashif. Translated by Hasan Mwalupa. Dar es Salaam: al-Itrah Foundation
(Juzuu 1–9 and 30) (in Swahili-Arabic with exegetical commentary) Available at: http://www.alitrah.org/
web/Quran/index2.asp (accessed 29 May 2007).
References
Al-Islam (2011) The Author: Sheikh Mubarak Ahmad H.A. Available at: www.alislam.org/holyprophet/critique.html (accessed 13 September 2011).
Badawiy AA (1970) Fimbo ya Musa: Maonyesho ya Tafsiri Mpya ya Sheikh A.S. Al Farsy. Lamu: n.p.
Bang A (2003) Sufis and Scholars of the Sea: Family networks in East Africa, 1860–1925. London: Routledge
Curzon.
Blood AG (1955) The History of the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa Vol II 1907–1932, London:
UMCA.
Blood AG (1962) The History of the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa Vol III 1933–1957, London:
UMCA.
Bobzin H (2006) ‘Translations of the Qur’an’, Encyclopaedia of the Qur’an. Vol. Five Si-Z (pp. 340–358).
General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.
Broomfield GW (1930) The development of the Swahili language. Africa 3(4): 516–522.
Broomfield GW (1931) The re-bantuization of the Swahili language. Africa 4(1): 77–85.
Bundschur A (1985) Agano Jipya. Ndanda: Ndanda Mission Press.
Bühlmann PW (1950) Die christliche Terminologie als missionsmethodisches Problem: dargestellt am
Swahili und andern Bantusprachen. Schöneck-Beckenried: Administration der Neuen Zeitschrift für
Missionswissenschaft.
Dale G (1924) A Swahili translation of the Koran. Moslem World XIV(1): 5–9.
Duncan DD (1982) The World of Allah. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin.
Frankl PJL (1998) Tarjama ya al-Muntakhab Katika Tafsiri ya QurÞani Tukufu by Ali Muhsin al-Barwani:
Review. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 25(1): 191–193.
Frankl PJL (2006) Obituary: Sheikh Ali Muhsin al-Barwani, Poet, Scholar and Politician. Coastweek, 21 April
2006. Available at: www.coastweek.com/obit/obit-12.htm (accessed 2 July 2012).
Glassman JP (2000) Sorting out the tribes: The creation of racial identities in colonial Zanzibar’s newspaper
wars. Journal of African History 41(3): 395–428.
Kiplagat B and von Sicard S (1960) A Report on Islam in Kenya for the Department of Biblical Study and
Research of Christian Council of Kenya. Nairobi: Christian Council of Kenya.
Kresse K (2007) Philosophising in Mombasa: Knowledge, Islam and Intellectual Practice on the Swahili
Coast. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press for International African Library.
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016
95
Chesworth
Lacunza Balda J (1997) Translations of the Quran into Swahili, and contemporary Islamic revival in East
Africa. In: Westerlund D and Rosander RR (eds) African Islam and Islam in Africa. London: Hurst &
Company, pp. 95–126.
Loimeier R (2003) Patterns and Peculiarities of Islamic Reform in Africa. Journal of Religion in Africa 33(3):
237–262.
Loogman A (1936) Injili ya Matthayo. Mombasa: n.p.
Loogman A (1938) Injili ya Yohana. Bagamoyo: n.p.
Mnyampala ME (1963) Utenzi wa Enjili Takatifu. Journal of The Swahili Committee 33(1): Suppl.
Mnyampala ME (1967) Utenzi wa Enjili. Ndanda: Ndanda Mission Press
Mojola AO (1999) God Speaks in Our Own Languages. Nairobi: Bible Society of Kenya.
Musa S (1986) Maisha ya Al-Imam Sheikh Abdulla Saleh Farsy: Katika Uliwmengu wa Kiislamu. Dar es
Salaam, Tanzania: Lillaahi Islamic Publications Centre.
Ngariba FM and Kawemba MA (1987) Islam in the Bible. Zanzibar, Tanzania: Al-Khayria Press Ltd.
Nooriah S (1985) The World of Allah, by Duncan DD. Reviewed in: The Muslim Sunrise 2: 9–13.
Noss P and Renju P (2004) The Tenzi of Mwalimu Nyerere: Scripture Translation in Poetic Form. In: Wendland
ER and Loba-Mkole J-C (eds) Biblical Texts and African Audiences. Nairobi, Kenya: Acton Press, pp.
19–34.
Noss P and Renju P (2007) Mwalimu Nyerere engages his people: Scripture translation in Swahili verse.
Journal of Translation 3(1): 41–53.
Osindo O (2009) Mjadala, held at Ukunda, south coast near Mombasa, Kenya [DVD].
Rizvi SA (2003) Foreword. In: Assembly of Tanzania, Quran Tukufu (in Swahili-Arabic). Dar es Salaam:
Ahlu l-Bayt (a.s.). Available at: http://quran.al-shia.com/sw/quran/tarjomee/moq/01.htm (accessed 29
May 2007).
Roehl K (1930) The linguistic situation in East Africa. Africa 3(2): 191–202.
Sacleux C (1925) Hadisi ya Dini (3rd ed.). Bagamoyo: HGF.
Sanneh L (1989) Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.
Simbaulanga E (1999) Maana ya Dini. Available at: http://biblianijibu.netfirms.com (accessed July 2006).
Topan F (2007) Personal discussions at Swahili Colloquium, Iwalewa Haus, University of Bayreuth, Germany.
Downloaded from trn.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 17, 2016