Note that these are only suggested responses indicative of high-scoring answers - they are not the best nor the only answer. In many cases there may be a number
of different approaches which may be used and/or a wide range of content that could be included.
America - Section A
Question 1
The stationing of British troops in colonial America generated tension and opposition, particularly in the major cities
of Boston and New York. British troops had remained on the frontier after the French and Indian War, but few were
garrisoned in America's coastal cities. The first Quartering Act (1765) required colonial assemblies to furnish British
soldiers with accommodation in hotels and public buildings, leading to objections. Troop numbers increased in 1768
and Americans opposed stationing a standing army in civilian towns during peacetime. It created social tensions in
Boston, where soldiers and working-class civilians competed for jobs and there were frequent clashes. In March 1770
five Bostonians were killed in a skirmish with British soldiers, generating a flood of anti-British propaganda, such as
Paul Revere’s engraving ‘The Bloody Massacre’. The Coercive Acts (1774) included another Quartering Act, installed
a military governor in Massachusetts and further increased the number of troops in Boston. Americans responded by
making preparations to defend themselves, such as forming Committees of Safety, supplying colonial militias and
recruiting individuals as ‘Minutemen’. This laid the ground for the skirmish at Lexington in 1775 that would spark the
Revolutionary War. (190 words)
Question 2
Colonial politicians played an important role in developing and circulating the revolutionary ideas that were prominent
in America to 1776. Members of colonial assemblies had been vocal in their protests about British policy from the
Proclamation of 1763, which blocked access to the western territories. Many criticised the Stamp Act (1765) including
George Washington, Samuel Adams, James Otis and Patrick Henry, who instigated the famous Virginia Resolves.
Henry was best known for his radical speeches within the Virginia assembly, in which he allegedly likened King
George III to tyrants (1765) and proclaimed “Give me liberty or give me death!” (1775). Colonial politicians drafted
petitions to the king and parliament, calling for the repeal of the revenue acts of 1764-66 and expressing key
revolutionary ideas such as natural rights and the demand for ‘actual representation’. Some colonial politicians were
also involved in the Sons of Liberty, the Committees of Correspondence and other revolutionary groups. Lastly,
colonial politicians comprised the majority of members of the two Continental Congresses (1774 and 1775) which
ultimately became the revolutionary government and declared independence in 1776. (180 words)
Question 3
a.
The pillars represent eleven of the thirteen states of the United States of America
b.
Virginia is being lifted, i.e. it has ratified the Constitution, providing the nine state majority needed
c.
The main political events of the period 1787-88 were the drafting, debate and ratification of the new
Constitution of the United States. Fifty-five delegates met in Philadelphia in mid-1787 to amend and improve the
Articles of Confederation, but instead opted to replace it with a new constitution that would strengthen the national
government, while protecting states’ rights, maintaining separation of powers and providing checks against misuse of
national power. The draft constitution had to be ratified by at least nine of the thirteen states, a process depicted in the
source. State ratifying conventions debated and voted on the document from late 1787, ratification finally being
achieved in June 1788. (110 words)
d.
The source provides some insight into the process of ratification and the approximate order in which the states
ratified. It incorrectly shows Virginia as the ninth and ‘final’ state to ratify (it was actually New Hampshire) but this
error is understandable, since both states ratified in the same week. What the source fails to show is the issues around
ratification or indeed the Constitution itself. Almost all state ratifying conventions were concerned about the
constitution’s lack of protection for individual rights, which led to calls for a Bill of Rights. The source depicts
ratification as assisted by divine providence, possibly the hand of God, when in reality it was Federalist campaigning
and propaganda (and possibly the lack of Anti-Federalist alternatives) which swayed many Americans. The consensus
among historians is that the Constitution was necessary to empower the national government to correct America’s
failing economy, a view expressed by conservatives such as Boorstin and Morris. Revisions such as Trask, and
historians on the far-left such as Zinn, contend that America’s post-war economic slump was inevitable, and that the
Articles of Confederation were given insufficient opportunity before being replaced. These writers consider the
Federalist campaign against the Articles to have been a ‘scare campaign’, designed to allow colonial elites to regain
centralised power and stronger controls over trade. (217 words)
France - Section A
Question 1
As an absolutist monarch, Louis XVI’s decision making was paramount and his failure to address the nation’s
problems between 1781-89 increased revolutionary sentiment. Absolutism was a long standing grievance in the
ancient regime, with many objecting to royal powers such as letters du cachet. Enlightenment texts questioned the
concept of monarchy, while in the salons and in political pornography, the actions and conduct of the king and his
wife, Marie Antoinette, were frequently criticised. The king’s political authority was also challenged and
compromised during the late 1780s, when Louis XVI was unable to push through reforms to address the nation’s
financial crisis. Blocked by the Assembly of Notables and the parlement, in 1789 Louis was forced to summon the
first Estates-General since 1614, a sign of his failing authority. There the king further vacillated by failing to offer a
program of reform and maintaining voting by order rather than by head. After the formation of the National Assembly
(June 1789) the king misread the mood by insisting the Estates be maintained; he also ordered regiments of troops to
surround Paris and Versailles. These errors led to the Tennis Court Oath, the unrest in Paris and the first moves toward
popular government in France. (203 words)
Question 2
France’s foreign ambitions and involvement in several wars contributed to revolutionary sentiment both financially
and ideologically. Constantly engaged in imperial struggles with Britain, France was involved in four major wars from
the mid 1600s, and already deeply in debt when Louis XVI became king. France’s victory in the American
Revolutionary War (1775-1781) was beneficial in that it regained colonial possessions in America, however its
involvement cost more than one billion livres. The nation’s deficit increased but with taxation at already very high
rates, there was no means of raising money other than from foreign loans. The return of French soldiers who had
fought in America also contributed to revolution. The successful creation of a republican government in the United
States increased criticisms of the monarchy and gave weight to Enlightenment theories of government expressed by
Montesquieu, Rousseau and others. Lafayette, who had been a hero of the American Revolution, became a prominent
supporter for reform in France, sitting in the Assembly of Notables and as a deputy to the Estates-General (1789). The
debt generated by foreign wars led directly to the fiscal crisis of the 1780s and the Estates-General, while ideas
imported into France from abroad further weakened support for the ancien regime. (203 words)
Question 3
a.
The liberty cap or bonnet and the tricolour cockade, symbols of revolutionary freedom and unity, as well as
the Bastille, a symbol of absolutist tyranny
b.
The main group appears to be sans culottes, depicted by their clothing (the men are wearing long trousers)
their location (Paris) and possibly their behaviour (celebrating liberty)
c.
The working class of Paris, many of whom were radical sans culottes, were an influential group between
1789-95. Their demands for policies to rectify food shortages and high prices influenced and even shaped the national
government. They instigated the October March on Versailles (1789) which forced the royal family to relocate to
Paris; protested against constitutional monarchy at the July 1791 rally at Champ de Mars; and participated in the raid
on the Tuileries and the September Massacres of 1792. Their most significant act was to support the radical
‘Mountain’ in the National Convention, which led to the expulsion of the Girondins in mid 1793. This in turn led to
the radicalisation of the Convention, the Committee of Public Safety and the Reign of Terror. (126 words)
d.
Other than the presence of the Federal army in the background and the main figure carrying a pike, the source
provides very little insight into reasons for violence in the new society. Nevertheless the sans culottes have been
strongly linked with the escalation of revolutionary violence, from their destruction of the Bastille (which is shown in
this source, even though it was dismantled by 1792) through to the Reign of Terror. Many historians consider the new
society’s inability to resolve economic problems to be a contributing factor to the growth in violence. Marxist
historians such as Lefebvre and Soboul contend that urban violence was an expression of class struggle, both against
the nobility and the bourgeois traders who placed profit above public interest. Conservative writers such as Burke (an
18th century contemporary) and Schama (a historian of recent times) argue that violence was fuelled less by class
anger than by conspiracies and propaganda from radical figures such as Marat, Desmoulins and Hebert, who saw
violence as the only effective means of revolutionary change, so encouraged and incited it. Both Lynn Hunt and Furet
claim that popular violence became a core dynamic of the revolution, embedded in its culture. This idea would give
rise to the Reign of Terror and Robespierre’s claim that terror is virtue. (216 words)
Russia - Section A
Question 1
The tsarina Alexandra was, for various reasons, a popular target of anti-tsarist propagandists. Being of German birth
she was not a popular choice of wife for Tsar Nicholas II. After the outbreak of World War I her German heritage
invited questions about her loyalty and fuelled suggestions that she was acting as a spy, though there is no evidence of
this. Alexandra had a strong relationship with her husband; their letters show her encouraging him to reject the advice
of his ministers and rule in an autocratic manner. After Nicholas took command of the military in September 1915 and
departed for the front, Alexandra was left in charge of domestic matters. Her poor decision-making, her frequent
sacking of ministers and advisers, and her dubious relationship with the manipulative Rasputin led to a wave of
propaganda that eroded respect for the monarchy. Alexandra had become a personal symbol of the endemic corruption
within the Romanov monarchy, a sign that it had to be removed. Alexandra’s final error was to misread the mass
gatherings of February 1917 as nothing more than “hooligan movement”, thus failing to respond adequately to the
crisis that would result in the abdication of her husband. (198 words)
Question 2
Alexander Kerensky was one of several men who vied for control of Russia, however his poor decision-making in
1917 ultimately led to the October Revolution. Kerensky was a socialist member of the Duma and vice-chairman of
the Petrograd Soviet, known for his passionate public speaking and his criticisms of the tsarist government. He
became the only socialist minister in the Provisional Government in February 1917, rising to Minister for War in May.
In this role he ordered the June Offensive in the south, which failed and had a disastrous effect on the Russian
military. Despite this error, Kerensky’s own popularity held and he became prime minister in July. Fearing the
withdrawal of Allied support and an enormous loss of territory, Kerensky refused to consider withdrawing from the
war, allowing Lenin and the Bolsheviks to exploit the enormous unpopularity with the conflict. His ultimate error was
relying upon radical soldiers to defend Petrograd from the counter-revolutionary advance of General Kornilov, a move
that revealed the Provisional Government as fragile. Despite attempts to arrest the Bolsheviks in September 1917,
Kerensky’s position was too weak and few Russians were willing to defend his government from the Bolshevik
takeover that came in late October 1917. (200 words)
Question 3
a.
Symbols of the old regime include the tsar seated under the Romanov eagle and surrounded by the tsarina and
Rasputin; and members of the Russian Orthodox Church (left) and Imperial Army (right)
b.
The factories in the background, busy producing goods (industrial prosperity); fields full of grain, being sown
and harvested by members of the old regime (agrarian prosperity)
c.
The rise of the Bolsheviks in October 1917 led to promises of a better society, in line with ideals expressed by
Marx and adapted by Lenin. The principle goal was the establishment of a ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’, which
would remove from power of elements of the old regime, as shown in the source. This new regime would end Russia’s
involvement in World War I, abolish privilege and end exploitation of workers and peasants. Land would be seized
and returned to the people equitably, while factories would be placed under the control of the workers. Profit would be
eradicated, class distinctions would reduce and the people would enjoy greater rights, freedoms and education. Russia
would serve as a model for socialism and assist revolutionary movements abroad. (127 words)
d.
The source offers an insight into criticisms of the old regime and some revolutionary ideals, however like
most Soviet propaganda it does not reflect the reality of the situation in Russia. By mid-1918 tsarism was indeed gone
and some aspects of the old regime had been removed – however many former tsarist officers were conscripted into
the Red Army as part of Trotsky’s strategy to win the Civil War, while some factories were still being managed by
bourgeois specialists, under Lenin’s transitional plan of ‘state capitalism’. The Civil War gave birth to war
communism, an economic policy based on severe grain requisitioning and rigid state control of factories. This caused
industrial and agricultural production to plummet between 1918-21. The outcomes were mass famines (1920-21,
between 5-10 million people dead) and gross shortages of industrial and consumer goods. Official Soviet histories lay
blame for these disasters on counter-revolutionary Whites, grain-hoarding kulaks and foreign intervention. Western
liberal historians, such as Pipes and Service, contend it was the product of Bolshevik indifference and incompetence,
and that foreign nations, particularly the US, actually provided food relief for starving Russians. The libertarian
perspective is that revolutionary ideals were forgotten and that the bureaucratisation of the Soviet economy, taking
control of production away from workers, was really to blame. (213 words)
China - Section A
Question 1
Foreign exploitation of China led to criticism of the Qing, the growth of Chinese nationalism and the birth of Chinese
communism. During the 1800s China was partitioned into ‘spheres of influence’ by France, Germany, Japan, Great
Britain and others. China was divided and economically exploited; many Chinese were converted by Christian
missionaries or addicted to imported opium. The Qing were unable or unwilling to resist foreign influence, suffering
several military defeats against foreign powers during the 1800s. The anti-foreign Boxer Rebellion (1900) and siege of
Peking was eventually supported by Dowager Empress Cixi, however a joint European force crushed the rebellion and
imposed the humiliating Boxer Protocols, further embarrassing the Qing and threatening their ‘mandate from heaven’.
Several nationalist groups emerged during this period, such as Sun Yat-sen’s Tongmenghui, formed in Japan in 1905.
These groups contributed to the republican government that emerged after the Qing collapsed in 1911. A final impact
of foreign nations was the rejection of Chinese claims at the 1919 Paris peace conference, where control of German
concessions was given to Japan, rather than passed back to China. This led directly to the May Fourth Movement
(1919), the rejection of Western political values and the birth of Chinese communism. (203 words)
Question 2
These incidents led to the Second United Front between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Guomindang
(GMD) and the war with Japan, allowing the CCP to adopt strategies to create a position of strength. Throughout the
1930s GMD leader Chiang Kai-shek was obsessed with eradicating the CCP, paying little attention to Japan, which
invaded Manchuria in 1931. In contrast the CCP was isolated in Yen’an and recovering after the Long March. As
Japanese pressure escalated, Chiang was kidnapped and held in Xi’an (December 1936) by Zhang Xueliang, a former
Manchurian warlord who wanted stronger action from the ‘generalissimo’. Chiang was eventually released after
agreeing to form an alliance with the CCP against Japanese aggression. The Marco Polo Bridge incident (July 1937)
led to open conflict and a full-scale invasion later in the year. The CCP adopted strategies to recover, expand and win
popular support. Mao urged cautious military engagements with the Japanese that would not decimate CCP forces; he
also encouraged Red Army soldiers and party cadres to treat peasants well, providing a model for a future communist
state. When Japan was defeated (1945) and the civil war resumed, the CCP commanded greater levels of support than
the corrupt and ineffective Chiang-led GMD, contributing to its victory in October 1949. (210 words)
Question 3
a.
The bountiful harvest of fruit and vegetables pictured; the full fields and busy workers in the background and
the healthy complexion of the female farm worker
b.
The Agrarian Reform Law, which required redistribution of land to peasants; the first Five Year Plan, which
aimed to increase industrial and agricultural production
c.
The new regime’s initial policy was the Agrarian Reform Law (1950) which annulled private ownership of
land, passing it to local collectives who were responsible for distributing it to all persons fairly. Around 43 percent of
China’s farmland was given to 60 percent of the peasants, a policy that was quite popular – however these small
holdings failed to increase food production, which was a priority. Under the First Five-Year Plan (1953) the new
regime ordered farms to be collectivised into huge co-operatives. By 1955 around 90 percent of farmland was
collectivised, ending private ownership for most peasants, who were housed in dormitories and given a share of goods
based on their labour and production. (114 words)
d.
The image is Chinese Communist Party (CCP) propaganda and provides a misleading view of the new
society, particularly with regard to farm collectivisation. This policy did produce an increase in agricultural
production, however it was small (around four percent per annum) and did not produce the increases suggested by the
source. Life in collective farming communes was also harsh; conditions were generally poor and both workload and
food distribution were decided by party cadres. Mao Zedong’s ‘Great Leap Forward’ attempted rapid increases in
production which diverted labour from farming and attempted ambitious but flawed projects; the policy failed
miserably and led to as many as 45 million deaths from famine. Accurate figures are not known and historians
disagree as to Mao’s level of personal responsibility for the economic failures of the 1950s. CCP histories called the
period ‘Three Years of Natural Disasters’, suggesting other factors were to blame. Jung Chang, who is sharply critical
of Mao as a tyrant, suggests it was an intentional policy to simultaneously industrialise and depopulate China.
Immanuel Hsu takes a more moderate approach, suggesting that the state bureaucracy, ambitious target-setting and
natural factors, such as adverse weather and flooding in 1959-60, worsened the impact of what was already a flawed
policy. (207 words)
America - Section B
Question 4
a.
The tearing up of the charter of Massachusetts by the British parliament
Threats of “insult and violence” to “force our submission, weaken and disunite” America
b.
By honouring Boston as the first to “explain, assert and vindicate” American rights
By sending a bill of lading, i.e. a donation of cargo for use by Bostonians
c.
This letter follows the passage of the Coercive Acts (1774) which passed punitive measures on Massachusetts
following the Boston Tea Party (1773). The colonial assembly was dissolved and replaced by a royal governor, the
Boston port was closed until the price of the lost tea was repaid, troop numbers were increased and another Quartering
Act passed to accommodate them. This generated an immediate response within the American colonies and an
increase in the activities of Committees of Correspondence (organised groups who would circulate news of British
hostilities and revolutionary ideas). Their main contribution was to draw attention to the situation in Massachusetts,
encourage sympathy from other colonies and thus encourage American unity. (113 words)
d.
The source gives insight into feelings about the Coercive Acts outside Massachusetts. These sentiments led to
the formation of the first Continental Congress (1774). However it offers no information about the acts themselves,
why they were passed or the situation in Massachusetts itself. The source uses inclusive language such as “us” and
“our” but fails to acknowledge that the Coercive Acts only applied to Massachusetts, and were the result of radical
acts in Boston. There the Tea Act (1773) had led to the Boston Tea Party, however in most colonies British tea was
accepted with little protest. Historians’ views on this differ. The Imperialist school, e.g. Namier and Andrew, argue
that the problems of 1773-74 stemmed from great difficulties in managing an expanding empire from London. The
Tea Act was flawed because it attempted to bail out a British company while overlooking colonial interests.
Progressives (e.g. Schlessinger) and left-wing historians (e.g. Nash) see the Boston Tea Party as driven by American
merchant interests, as the Tea Act sought to dump cheap tea in the colonies, threatening their profits. Not all
Americans felt as those in the extract. Alfred Young argues that most Americans, even many Bostonians, thought the
radicals of Boston had gone too far by openly defying London and destroying private property of considerable value.
(217 words)
Question 5
Howard Zinn wrote that as the American Constitution was glued together with a patchwork of compromises, so the
entire ideology of the revolution was compromised. Explain your views on whether revolutionary ideas were
compromised, ignored or even betrayed in the new society. Use evidence to support your answer.
This is a question about revolutionary ideals and how they were reflected in government and society after 1776. The
contentious statement from Zinn hints that you should also consider critical views of the Constitution. Possible topics
for discussion include:
* Identification of revolutionary ideals, e.g. those expressed in Common Sense and the Declaration of Independence
* Examination of the Constitution and its compromises, e.g. states' rights vs national power, slavery, individual rights
* Government - to what extent did it reflect revolutionary ideals and represent the people?
* Individual rights - to what extent were they protected and/or expanded?
* Slavery - was abolishing slavery a revolutionary ideal? To what extent was it changed/weakened?
* Identify Zinn's perspective (left-wing, critical of elites/merchant interests) and consider others
France - Section B
Question 4
a.
For the “ancient distinction of the three Estates to be preserved in its entirety”
To meet and deliberate by order, and only to meet in common with the king’s approval
b.
The sovereign law-making power, no decision can be lawful with his “special approval”
The “natural guarantee” and impartial protector of the rights of all three Estates
c.
The king’s speech was an attempt to heal divisions caused by the dissatisfaction of the Third Estate. Mostly
affluent members of the bourgeoisie, the Third Estate deputies desired political participation that reflected their
economic importance. The king’s decision to adopt practices from 1614 meant the Third Estate was confined to a
distant part of the hall, where it could barely hear the speeches. Its members were also outraged by the decision to vote
in order, giving it one vote, even though it represented 97 percent of the population. This debate lasted for weeks until
June 17th, when Third Estate deputies formed the National Assembly and pledged to form a government, in defiance
of the old order. (118 words)
d.
The source is useful for understanding the perspective and motives of King Louis XVI, and provides some
insight into developments at the Estates-General. The king’s determination to maintain sovereign power and keep the
three Estates intact was understandable for an absolutist monarch, however the extract does not take into account the
king’s inability to push through much needed fiscal reforms during the late 1780s (a crisis that eventually led to the
Estates-General). Louis’ misjudgement continued during 1789, when he failed to comprehend the Third Estate’s
determination to create a popular government. His poor decision making continued when he ordered regiments of
troops to approach Versailles and Paris (which brought on the unrest of July 1789). Louis’ view that he was the
“natural guarantee of rights” was also contradicted by popular Enlightenment philosophers, who argued that “natural
rights” were beyond the influence of any monarch. Historians’ views of Louis differ, though there is a general
consensus that he was probably not fit to be an absolutist king. Februn suggests that he was a kind and sincere figure
but was only equipped for simpler tasks. Schama’s view is more positive, suggesting that Louis was honourable,
actively interested in public affairs and the victim of a distorted propaganda campaign. (208 words)
Question 5
Lafayette wrote that “True republicanism is the sovereignty of the people ... there are natural rights which an entire
nation has no right to violate.” Explain your views on whether there was a ‘sovereignty of the people’ and protection
of natural rights in the new society. Use evidence to support your answer.
This question has a mainly political focus. It is essentially asking whether in the new society people (a) had more say
in government, and (b) had more rights. Possible topics for discussion in an essay could include:
* Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen - main ideas and practical effects
* The extent of political representation in the Constitution of 1791 (e.g. active/passive voters)
* The issue of the king's suspensive veto vs. popular sovereignty
* Violence in Paris shaping influencing the national government - was government not representative of the whole
nation?
* The issue of the significant power of the CPS vs. popular sovereignty
* Attacks on the church/religion - a denial of natural rights / freedom of religion? (e.g. civil war in Vendee)
* Whether the Reign of Terror and policies like the Law of Suspects and 22 Prairial infringed on natural rights
As is often the case, it would be easier to argue AGAINST the contention.
Russia - Section B
Question 4
a.
The birth of a new class of “revolutionary people”, the urban proletariat
The coming together face to face of the “old Russia” and the “new Russia”
b.
Lenin is suspicious about Gapon’s motives, as he believes in God and wears the cassock.
However he praises Gapon for giving a voice to the people and their grievances.
c.
‘Bloody Sunday’ was the mass shooting of 200-1000 protesting industrial workers by Winter Palace guards in
January 1905. The protest had begun as a strike at the Putilov iron works, before spreading to other factories. The
Russo-Japanese War (1904-5), an economic slump and price rises placed added strain on urban workers, forced to
work up to 15 hours a day in unsafe conditions. As explained in the source, Gapon became their spokesperson,
drafting a petition to the tsar which called for better conditions, such as an eight-hour working day, but also some
political reform. Though the tsar was not present, the killings tarnished his image as the ‘Holy Father’ and protector of
his people. (115 words)
d.
The source does provide insight into the causes of the 1905 Revolution. Lenin’s views of Gapon, his role, his
employment by the Okhrana (secret police) and the doubts about his motives are all valid. It also describes Lenin’s
Marxist views on religion, the changing situation in Russia and the emergence of revolutionary views in the urban
proletariat. It should be noted however that Lenin was in exile abroad for most of 1905, so his information on the
event was probably acquired second-hand. Though he is an interested observer who supports the workers, Lenin’s
Bolshevik faction of the Social Democrats (SDs) was small, disorganised and played little role in the events of 1905.
Most of the revolutionary violence was carried out by Social Revolutionaries (SRs), while the most outspoken critics
of tsarism within Russia were Kadets (liberals) and Mensheviks, such as Trotsky, who played a leading role in
forming the St Petersburg Soviet. Lenin later wrote that 1905 was a valuable “dress rehearsal” for the revolutions of
1917, while Trotsky observed that 1905 ultimately failed because the revolutionary forces were divided and
inexperienced. Pipes, a Western liberal-conservative historian, argues that in 1905 most Russians wanted reform and
improvements, but not revolution, which was really a goal of the intelligentsia. (209 words)
Question 5
Ralph Raico wrote that the Russian Revolution was doomed because it was led by literary-philosophers, who had
grand economic plans but no realistic understanding of economics. Explain your views on why there were economic
problems in the new society, and the impact this had on ordinary people. Use evidence to support your answer.
This is a question with a clear focus - economic factors, policies and how these affected the living conditions of
ordinary people. The most obvious points for discussion in an essay include:
* Economic condition of Russia during/after World War I
* Lenin's early economic policies, e.g. Decree on Land, 'state capitalism'
* Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the economic impact of its losses
* Civil War and war communism (grain requisitioning and state control of factories)
* War on the kulaks
* Famine of 1920-21
* Grievances of Workers' Opposition re: factory control and bureaucracy
* Lenin's New Economic Policy, its aims and outcomes
Be sure to address Raico's contention, explaining the extent to which you agree/disagree. Did the Bolsheviks have no
understanding of economics - or did they simply inherit a hopeless situation? What would different historians say in
response to Raico's assessment?
China – Section B
Question 4
a.
For playing a leading role in the “peaceful settlement” of the Xi’an Incident
For exposing the intrigues of Japanese imperialists and Chinese conspirators.
b.
Chiang must keep his word on resisting Japanese aggression and join the United Front.
He must also “clean up the dirt” created by the Kuomintang’s “reactionary policy”.
c.
Chiang Kai-shek’s leadership after 1936 failed to unite China and meet the needs of its people, especially the
peasants. Though he styled himself as the ‘generalissimo’, Chiang’s military leadership during the war with Japan was
notoriously ineffective, criticised not only by the CCP but his own foreign allies, particularly the Americans. Chiang’s
economic policies achieved some stability and industrial advances, but he had no land policy, which meant he had
little support from the peasantry. Chiang did little to resolve corruption in his government or the nationalist army,
which repeatedly robbed, exorted and committed violence against peasants. Due to Chiang’s indifference, it was not
difficult for the CCP to present a better alternative that won them the support of China’s peasantry. (122 words)
d.
The source offers some insight into the Xi’an Incident and criticisms of Chiang Kai-shek during the mid
1930s. The source hints at problems with Chiang’s domestic leadership (“the dirt created by the Kuomintang’s
reactionary policy”) but does not provide any detailed information. Though Chiang became the centre of a ‘cult of
personality’ after fleeing to Taiwan, the consensus amongst most historians of is that he was a complex and somewhat
tragic figure. Western historians like Crozier highlight Chiang’s obsession with eradicating the CCP, even while
China was being invaded by Japanese forces. Studies of C hiang’s diaries have suggested a figure ambitious for
personal power, however Jay Taylor argues that he was a faithful disciple of Sun Yat-sen and had a “nation comes
first” attitude. Although the extract was written by Mao, by then a rising leader of the CCP, it is a tactical statement
intended to pressure or ridicule Chiang, and does not give any insight into Mao’s own revolutionary ideas. Although
the source takes credit for the CCP for securing Chiang’s “safe departure”, historians are divided on what really
occurred at Xi’an (it is possible that Chiang was blackmailed by Stalin, who was holding Chiang’s son hostage in
Russia). (202 words)
Question 5
Mao Zedong wrote that communist leadership was about “taking the ideas of the masses, concentrating them, then
carrying them through.”
To what extent did government and decision-making in the new society reflect the will and the interests of the masses?
Use evidence to support your answer.
This is a broad statement that suggests the new society was driven and shaped by the ideas of the people - and
therefore not by communist leaders. It invites you to form an argument about the extent to which this was true. Was
the new government really representative and did it listen to the people? How popular and how supported were its
policies? Possible points for discussion include:
* The land reforms and 'Speak Bitterness' campaigns
* Collectivisation of farms - was this an 'idea of the masses'?
* The Great Leap Forward - who was this really intended to benefit?
* Hundred Flowers - a call for ideas or a trap?
* Cultural Revolution - a genuine mass movement?
* Leadership of Mao Zedong (cult of personality, historians' views)