SOME UNPUBLISHED CORRESPONDENCE
OF JOHN ADAMS AND RICHARD RUSH,
i 8 i I - I 8 i 6
II.
Washington October 24. 1813.
Dear Sir.
As soon as I received your acceptable and instructing letter of the
8th of this month, I wrote to a friend in Philadelphia, who is much in
the literary and political way, to beg he would inform me, if he knew,
who had been writing or preparing to write a commentary upon the
^Defence of the American constitutions,' for that I had understood
there was such a work on hand, if not published. As to myself, I knew
not. In his answer, which I received yesterday he answers, i6go
quoque non sum injormatus? I infer, most probably, it has not had its
birth in our part of the country; or to the south; but in New England,
where, I fancy, the most of our writers are to be found. I venture, Sir,
to infer another thing also, from the ignorance of my correspondent,
from your ignorance, and from my not being able to learn any thing
from my associates in this capital, as to the author;—and that is, that
he is not likely to be any body very prominent, and that the "Defence"
will continue to be complimented by statesmen as it has already been,
and to supply the constructors of human governments with many great
ideas of political and historical truth, long after the 630 pages have
had their day. That he has written in the candid spirit of a gentleman,
I am happy, however, to hear. All such books deserve to be read with
candour when they treat of such important subjects.
I have had the pleasure to receive your letter of the 12th. instant
relative to Mr H . W. Gordon. It ought to be sufficient to obtain him
the appointment, and I trust it will. Mr Madison has not yet returned,
but is expected tomorrow or next day.
I offer you my respectful congratulations on Harrisons victory,
about which I would add a word or two, but that my wife invites me
to a walk with her, the afternoon being very fine. On telling her how
I was engaged, she says, by all means go on and finish your letter j
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but I reply no, not now. So this, Sir, makes me rise from my writing
desk sooner than my wishes would otherwise dictate, offering you,
before I rise, the assurances of my respectful and devoted attachment.
Richard Rush.
The Hon: President Adams.
Washington November 8th. 1813.
Dear Sir.
According to the intimation contained in one of the letters I have
had the pleasure to write to you, I took the liberty of enclosing to
Mr S* George Tucker, though entirely unknown to him, not the copy,
but the original, of your favor to me of the 13th of August. It was the
one in which you acknowledged the receipt of his beautiful little poem,
and I was sure the original, in your own hand writing, would be a
great additional gratification to him. Moreover, without expressly
asking your permission to send it to him, I had, with some little
management, waited long enough, after apprising you of my intention, to receive your objection had it been thought worth while to
make any. And truly glad I was that none came; for the letter was
calculated to give too much pleasure to have been withheld from him,
and so it has turned out.
I have the pleasure to send you herewith, a letter I have just received from Mr Tucker. You will perceive he has given a much better
and more correct account of himself than it was in my power to give.
If he has been full, he at least develops amiable feelings, and has
shown the price he sets upon your praise, and his sensibility to a request
moving from you. What he writes of himself corresponds with what
I have always heard of the purity of his life. The three little works
he mentions in his letter, viz the Bermudian, the Anchoret, and the
pamphlet upon slavery, I will have the pleasure to send you by three
successive mails. The first goes today. Of all three it is my agreeable
task to ask your acceptance, from him thus conveyed through me. The
letter I send I will ask the favor of being sent back to me when next
I have the pleasure to hear from you. I am, Sir, at all times, your
gratified correspondent and respectfully devoted friend.
Richard Rush.
Hon: John Adams.
28
J . H. POWELL
January
Washington, November 30. 1813
Dear Sir.
I had hoped that this letter would have shaped itself by some of
the agreeable topicks touched in your two most agreeable favors of
the 5th and 20th, the former of which my better half has put into
one of her own drawers claiming it as her own property and desiring
her most dutiful compliments and acknowledgements for the handsome things said of her; and the latter of which I received yesterday,
with Judge Tuckers letter enclosed. But, since yesterday, the news of
the abortions in the north, to give them no worse term, have filled me
with nothing but disappointment, regret, chagrin, and vexation, so
that I can scarcely think of any thing else.
The belief here was decided and universal that Wilkinson would
succeed. His army was known to be overloaded with supplies or at
least with the means of obtaining them, anxious for battle, very well
off for discipline, and to this moment is still believed to be largely
superior in numbers to any forces of like quality that could have been
brought to oppose it. Government has not yet, that I know of, received
a word of intelligence to account for the failure, and can do nothing
more than express its surprise, its regrets, and its conjectures.
In the meantime, Sir, you who have lived so much longer than I,
and than most of us in our country, and observed and reflected so
much more widely, and are always so ready with your recollections of
history, philosophy and politicks as applicable to all that is going on in
the world below you, must favor me with a line of consolation. The
cause is certainly as just as ever although Montreal is not ours. We
have achieved wonders already, to be sure, in the present autumn j
but the excitement for Montreal was so prodigious that I fear
the effect of disappointment upon the publick sentiment, particularly
in New England. It is, indeed, a horrible disappointment.
I think more and more of what you told me in one of your letters of
Marlborough's speech to Tallard, about the hundred, and hundred
and one, blunders. Even this, Sir, is some consolation to me. A colonel
in the imperial service once told Count Strahenburgh that the emperor had made him a general. He has nominated you a general
said the count, but I defy him to make you one. After all, how
difficult a thing does it seem to find a general? Frederick was perhaps
the only one in his army. The French brought not one that I recollect in the field against him, though they have lately made them
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fast enough. In running through our revolutionary history, which I
have lately been doing, it seems to me as if the whole seven years
contest produced but two or three commanders of genius to our
armies. The English for twenty years, though fighting all the while,
have had nobody but Wellington; and their blunders and discomfitures in trying to reduce Canada in the old French war were at least
equal to any thing ours have been lately, if not greater. They lasted
four years; ours only two as yet.
Count Saxe said the first of all military qualifications was valor;
the second ambition; and the third health. Wilkinson, to say nothing
further, has, by all accounts, been deficient in the third this campaign;
and it remains for us to hear how far this may have prevented his giving activity to the other two, both of which he is generally imagined
to possess. But I more than all fear, though nothing is now known,
that the failure has grown out of other causes; and that a fine army,
full of zeal, full of courage, with plenty of powder and ball, and a
legion of boats at its beck, has been suddenly sneaked into quarters
through some miserable sqabbles [sic] between the two generals, in
which perhaps Hampton will turn out to be most in fault. But how
this, should it prove the case, will incense, and justly incense the
nation.
I cannot conclude without desiring to offer my own, and my rib's,
most respectful compliments to Mrs Adams. In refering again to the
letter of the fifth and Lady Hamilton, it contains, undoubtedly, the
best explanation and defence of the fact of aristocracy I have ever
seen, or than could possibly be put, into the same compass.
I have room to add nothing but my respectful and constant attachment.
Richard Rush.
Hon: John Adams.
Quincy Decr. 12. 13
Dear Rush
I have nothing to say at present to that enchanting Lady who so
easily drew my Correspondent from his Letter: but that if I should
ever see her, I shall not be contented with the Vandallik Custom so
fashionable in these degenerate days, of shaking Hands; but shall
claim the Privilege granted by the civilized Ladies of France, 30
30
J.
H.
POWELL
January
years ago, to 70 years. And I hereby solemnly invite her to come and
see me, and bring her Husband with her, that he may be an eye
Witness of the Liberties I will take.
In the infinite multitude of my thoughts concerning Wilkinson and
Hampton, I scarcely dare to commit one of them to writing. Do
Heros want Health? did Alexander, Caesar, Zingis, Frederick, Cromwell, Charles 12th complain of sickness? Did Saxe himself, tho carried
in a Litter and dying of a Consumption, complain? and apologize?
Did Prince Charles whine about his Gout? The Minds of Heros are
too intent on their great Employments, their Muscles are too much
agitated, they are necessarily too temperate to be sick.
No man knows what Valour signifies. Vanity is more intelligible*
Ambition is too sublime a Passion, for every mind.
Did Hannibal or Bonaparte, ever propose so mean and corrupt a
bargain as that to C. C. Pinkney to bring him in, if he would join in
bringing in Jefferson? When a Government is reduced to the necessity of depending on Burrs, Ned Livingstones, Bidwells,31 Skinners &c
&c &c, that government is to be pittied.
Your Father has left Us an immortal Legacy, on the distempers
of the Mind. 32 1 know not whether our disease is of the Mind or Body
or both: but one thing I know, it is the Hydrophobia. Can you cure
Us of it? I will undertake to demonstrate, that every disappointment,
Defeat, Disgrace Disaster, Reverse, Distress and Vexation we have
experienced, has been caused by the landed aversion to Water Force.
Why are We not more decidedly Superior on Lake Ontario? On St.
Lawrence River? on Lake Champlain? on St Regis River? On Chazy
River? and on every River, Lake and Water that touches our
Frontier? A trifling Expence would have saved more Lives and more
millions 5 I will not say than Canada is worth.
How is it, that three or four miserable Gunboats have disarranged
the Plans and defeated the operations of two great Armies commanded
by two great Generals?
I am not able to comprehend the Military science of these great
Generals though directed by the great Armstrong. It has been a
military maxim, not to leave a strong Fortress, and a powerful Gar81
See "Barnabas Bidwell, 1763-1833," by Julian P. Boyd; Proceedings and Collections of
the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, XX. 53-102.
82
Dr. Benjamin Rush's most famous work was his Medical Inquiries and Observations
upon the Diseases of the Mind, published in 1812.
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rison in your rear. When I learned that We had left Kingston and
Prescott behind Us, I was very apprehensive that We should be
swamped.
Congress may appoint Committees of Inquiry: The President may
institute Courts Marshall: and you may shoot Hull, Wilkinson or
Hampton, or all of them: but in my Opinion, if any Body is Shot, they
ought to be those who have neglected the command of the Lakes
and Rivers.
You are reading the History of the Revolution, and you do welL
But your Father would tell you, there is no History of it extant, and
never will be. You have found two or three Genius's. Warren, Montgomery, Green or Arnold, perhaps. Knox however, contributed, as
much as any, to effectual service.
No very splendid Genius has yet started in this War, at Land. Boyd
and Harrison have conducted the most correctly: but their merited
Laurells will not be decreed them, because they were officers of my
appointment.
Nature must have its perfect Work: the Business of the World
will do itself. This Nation must be purified in the furnace of Affliction.
Politicians and Warriors, at the most and at the best, are but Midwives to watch the throws of nature and assist a little in ushering into
the World, great Events. When this War shall have been continued
some years longer, and the Nation reduced to despair, or excited to a
red hot rage with one another and against their Enemy: some great
Genius some powerful mind will arise, and by gaining splendid Victories in bloody Battles will carry all before him. Mankind cannot resist the Glory of Battles and Conquests. Whether this Hero is an
honest Man, or one of those whose high minded Ambition Sacrifices
all things to his own Interest 5 he will be equally dangerous to the
Liberties of his Country 5 for he will do what he pleases. Watch him
then Ye young Men: and "check and ballance him.
Is not this as infallible as one of Merlins prophecies?33
I expect now, to be tortured all winter, to read eternal speeches in
Congress repeating over and over again a thousand times the common
place nonsense that we have read 20 times before in the Newspaper.
The times require Ships and Cannon not Tropes and Figures.
88
It was indeed an infallible prophecy. A year later, on 8 January, 1815, Pakenham
•was defeated by the Americans in the Battle of New Orleans, and Andrew Jackson
arose as the "great Genius" and "powerful mind" of the generation.
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J . H. POWELL
January
I have read the Message of the President which flew from Washington to Quincy on the Wings of the wind. It is written with his
masterly Pen and his deliberate mind. A candid statement, in chaste
and elegant style. It is not in that mortal, more than this, to command success; but as far as I can see he has deserved it. Courage! The
Tide will turn. Cure the Hydrophobia, and all will be well. Thy
Friend
John Adams
Richard Rush Esqr
Washington December 25. 1813,
Christmas day.
Dear Sir.
I sit down to offer you the compliments of the season, in the most
respectful, cordial, and friendly way in which they can be tendered.
May you live to see many Christmases more, and may each find you
in possession of health to enjoy the blessings and fame that surround you; of the faculties of a mind more full of wisdom as age
continues to come over it; and of a heart still, as ever, alive to the
welfare of your country. May you live to see that country prevail over
its enemies, and establish all its just rights; its generals more skilful;
its statesmen taught some things in the school of suffering, which, perhaps they would never learn in any other school; and above all may
you live to see its hydrophobia completely cured; may you see its
navy, which you founded, enlarged and perpetuated—upon the ocean
formidable, upon the lakes of overwhelming power. This last will of
itself go far towards terminating the war, which I fervently hope you
may live to see end in complete success. Then, Sir, with some little
respite in a comptroller's duties, and having perhaps earned a title to
play truant for a little while by a longer tour of labour in my vocation
than I have yet shown here, I know of nothing that would afford me
more gratification than to take a summers excursion to Boston that I
might be within an hour's ride of Quincy; where, (accompanied too
according to invitation by my better half upon all the terms held out)
I might congratulate you upon having lived to see your country
triumph over the perils of three serious wars, the second not more
brought about by you with all its train of advantages and glory than
the justice of the third has been repeatedly asserted and illustrated
by your pen. Thus to offer you my felicitations would be an event in
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33
my life of which I should be proud, and I will not give over the hope
that such a gratification and such a happiness may one day be allowed
me.
Does it not, Sir, belong to our country to be firm under reverses,
and take new courage from dangers? In this belief chiefly rest my
hopes that it will fall upon its feet notwithstanding its present difficulties. The season of its greatest trials is, however, I fear, coming on.
The embargo going into operation cotemporaneously with the taxes,
and both following upon the miserable failure of Wilkinson, and all
the rest in that quarter no matter where the blame lies, will probably
mark the tug of the war: Will New England bear the embargo?
what is to become of us if she will not?
I conclude with constant wishes that the year at hand, may, like the
past, continue to shed its best influences upon your health, happiness,
and honors.
Richard Rush.
The Honorable John Adams.
Washington December 31. 1813.
Dear Sir.
On Sunday last I saw the President, and he mentioned to me that
not a single line had been received from our commissioners in Russia
since they left the U. States. He spoke of it with surprise, and seemed
at a loss to account for it, unless some dispatches from them had miscarried, as it is near eight months since they went away. Yesterday he
mentioned to me in conversation, that, by the late arrival from Gottenburg, letters had been received from Mr Adams, and from him
only. They were, however, he added, of old date—as far back as early
in August—and shed no light upon the question of peace. Their more
particular details I did not hear him state. Thus, Sir, it seems we are
still as much in doubt as ever as to peace.
I cannot help hoping that your son does not mean to let any considerable portion more of his life pass in Russia. Principles like his,
sustained by talents so profound, ought not to be too long away from
us. I think I see, I am afraid I see, crises before us that will require the
aid of such statesmen as he in New England. The nation at large has
a great stake in his principles, his patriotism, his high qualifications, his
name. I have a thousand times wished since the war began that he
VOL. LXL—3
34
J.
H. POWELL
January
had been among us instead of six thousand miles off} that the public
eye might have been more upon him; that he might have been ripening still more largely in the public confidence than he stands already,
and no individual in the country has more numerous claims to a high
and lasting hold upon it} and above all that the nation in the important
part of it to which he belongs might have had the benefit of his
forcible and luminous pen towards the support of the just cause in
which it is now fighting.
It is fighting, Sir} but alas, it seems to fight for nothing but disaster and defeat} and, I dread to add, disgrace. The news from the
Niagara frontier has produced universal concern among the friends
of the national cause. This, with what may follow upon it, added to
embargo and the taxes will indeed be a trial upon the people's firmness, upon their endurance. What, Sir, should be done. The prospect
looks black. It is awful. Is it still left for us to "take courage, ["] in the
hope that "the tide will turn"? or is not the torrent rolling too fiercely
upon us to be turned back? Suppose the utmost efforts to be set on foot
to replenish our army and make it more formidable than ever? where
shall we find commanders? and may we not be doomed to pass yet another and another and another campaign in the school of affliction and
disgrace? I cannot pursue the subject, and am sick at heart at the view
of our publick affairs. Have we, Sir, ever seen worse times, and survived them? and how? If your experience and wisdom cannot answer,
that of no man's in America can.
As I write on the last day of the year, passing away with its clouds
upon our poor country, I must however beg leave to tender to you, in
repetition, the same wishes I had the pleasure to offer on Christmas,
and with them the assurances of my respectful devotion and friendship.
Richard Rush.
Honorable John Adams.
Dec: 31. 1813.
Dear Sir.
Since writing the enclosed, which I wrote at home, I have come to
the Treasury building where Mr Nourse has stepped into my office to
ask if I have heard any thing of the report of the morning. It seems
it is, that a flag of truce arrived at Annapolis yesterday after a short
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passage from England with dispatches from Lord Castlereagh to our
government, which came on by express from Annapolis to the secretary of state last night. That dispatches have arrived I have no doubt
from what Mr Nourse states. Their nature I have heard nothing of.
Should they be important and I hear, I will have great pleasure in informing you, knowing the interest you take in all that concerns your
country. Our affairs look so unpropitious at this moment that any
opening to peace on honorable terms ought, one would think, to be
joyfully hailed. I misunderstand your life and writings, Sir, if you
would wish it on any other terms, low as things seem with us.
R.R.
Hon: John Adams.
Quincy Jan 7 1814
Dear Sir
A thousand thanks for your favour of 25 and 31 Ult. The Times are
too serious to write. I expect DeTroit and all Michigan, and all Perry's
Fleet will go. I know not whait [sic] is to prevent Washington City,
The Treasury office, the Presidents Pallace and the proud Capitol,
from becoming The Head Quarters of British Principles. Admiral
Warren might have done it long ago.
Prejudice, Partiality, Affection, Interest, have too much dominion
over me, to allow me to trust myself to write or speak, or almost even
to think of the Gentleman you so plainly point out. I will only say that
the universal opinion in the North is, that he was sent, 3, 4, 5, or 6
thousands miles from his native soil that he might be out of it, and out
of the Way. I will say one thing more. I have long foreseen that he
would be treated by his Country, with as much Unkindness, as your
Father was, and from the same Motives and on the same Principles.
It was a Maxim of the Romans never to treat in Adversity. When
the Gauls were bearding the Senators, No Man dared to move for
Negotiation, or pronounce the Word Peace. When Hannibal, triumphant, thundered at the Gates of Rome, No Motion was made to send
Ambassadors to Carthage or their General: No man dared to pronounce the Word Peace. The Britons have never for fifty years taken
so profound a Measure as the present. Timeo Danaos, et dona ferentes.
You will be surprised when I say that your own Stateman Finlay,
is the only Member of Congress, who knows any thing of the Matter.
36
J . H. POWELL
January
I appeal to Governor M. Kean. I cannot appeal to your Father. He
was not a Member of Congress in 1774. and 1775. But I can Appeal
to Govr M. Kean with entire Confidence.
This Country must have a Winnowing. The Chaffe must be seperated from the Wheat.
You ask if I have ever known more difficult and dangerous Times.
Yes, infinitely more difficult and dangerous Times. Every Moment, from 1761 to 1774, was more difficult and dangerous than this.
I have seen the time when Congress were chased like a Covey of
Patridges from Philadelphia to Trenton, from Trenton to Lancaster
and from Lancaster to Yorktown and from Yorktown to Baltimore. I
have seen the time when Washington was hunted through New
Jersey, and Brandywine to Valley Forge &c We had ropes about our
Necks, then, and Axes and Hurdles before our Eyes
I have seen the time, the moment, when the whole System of
Europe and America, depended upon Holland.
But enough, and too much, of Egotism and Vanity.
Timeo T)anaos et dona ferentes.
There must be a winnowing. The Chaff must be seperated from the
Wheat, however the Winds blow for that purpose.
The real military Genius and Experience have been neglected, and
Chaff, Froth and Ignorance have been promoted. You may be Secret
or not as you please. The Times are too solemn for me to dread any
thing.
John Adams
Richard Rush Esqr
Controuler of the Treasury
Washington January 17. 1814.
Dear Sir.
Timeo T>anaos} et dona ferentes. Nothing can be more applicable
to our situation, and the late offer of Britain. I repeated it in conversation a few days ago in the hearing of Mr Ingersoll, of the house of
representatives from Pennsylvania, and I have since heard with
pleasure that he took occasion to thunder it out in his place, at the
capitol, and that it caught the ear of the house to a charm. In the midst
of our misfortunes I think, that since the war began I have not witnessed so determined a spirit in all branches of the government to
push it with vigor, Mr Munroe's letter to Lord Castlereagh and the
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nomination of Mr Clay and Mr Russell notwithstanding, as at this
present time.
I send for your acceptance by this mail, a pamphlet upon expatriation written by George Hay of Virginia. I have read it with singular
interest as an able discussion of a question of high importance in jurisprudence, and deriving great additional importance at present from
being so conspicuous in our public affairs. It is dispassionate and
learned, and more full than any discussion of the same question, on
either side, I have ever met with or heard of in any book of law. Mr
Governeur Morris in an oration he delivered last 4th of July asserted,
after Blackstone, the principle of perpetual allegiance as one of universal law. I once thought so tooj but Mr Hay's book is entitled to a
perusal from any one who holds this opinion. If, Sir, you, who have
so long and so well considered all the great questions of law and
government, shall find any amusement in looking through this pamphlet I shall be highly gratified. It is in great repute at Washington.
With the utmost respect and attachment I am, dear Sir, your constantly devoted and thankful friend.
Richard Rush.
The Honorable Mr Adams.
Washington February 7.1814.
Dear Sir.
Mr Hay is the son in law of Mr Munroe, and the day after I received your last favor I took the liberty to read a passage from it
to the latter. This morning he requested of me an extract of it to send
to Mr Hay, saying that he knew how highly it would gratify him. I
have cheerfully consented. Thus, Sir, while your kind correspondence
is a source of pleasure and of pride to me, I make it also the medium
of a just gratification to others. Mr Hay's book continues to stand in
great repute. I think I can already trace its effect upon the public
mind here. There were hundreds who, taking it for granted what
Blackstone said was universal law must be so, and wanting the desire
or the industry to examine for themselves scouted, as the mere effect
of ignorance or jacobinism, any denial of the doctrine of perpetual
allegiance. Mr Hay has saved all such the labor of reading and thinking, and shed new light before them. He might have been more full
in his historical part but this, and further amplifications, will be left
for others. In looking into the parliamentary debates for 1794,1 find
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J . H. POWELL
January
that in the discussion of the bill for enlisting in the British service a
corps of French emigrants, it was distinctly asserted that if they fell
into the hands of the French and they dared to execute them as traitors,
there would be instant and full retaliation. This is the very point they
are now disputing with us. The ministry carried the bill with a high
hand.
The publication of the late Russian correspondence, besides other
good effects which I hope it will have, has already served the purpose
of putting more conspicuously before the nation the merits and
services of Mr. J. Q. Adams. But useful as they have been, and may
be, in Russia, I can only repeat my regret that he is away at such a
juncture as this.
What, Sir, is to be the fate of the European world? But a short time
ago, we saw four brothers with four cotemporary crowns upon their
heads j King Napoleon, King Louis, King J6seph, King Jerome. I
am aware of no parallel in history to this. Now, where are the three
last, and what is to become of the first? what of France? what is England to rise to? is antient Holland to revive? a Bourbon to come back
again? Will Russia, Austria, and Prussia cut and carve in the south as
they once have in the north of Europe? How may all these great
vibrations reach us? What a fool has Bonaparte been? how like a madman no less than a tyrant has he sported with the best of all his adherents—his good fortune?
For the present, and always, your most respectfully attached friend.
Richard Rush.
Hon: J.Adams.
Quincy Feb. 16. 14
Dear Sir
I perceive by your Letter of the 7th, that M r Hay is married to a
beautiful little Girl, that I once saw in Philadelphia, at her Fathers
Apartments when she was not more than three or four years old.
Before I proceed farther I must congratulate you on your transmigration. The office of Att. Gen.34 must be more congenial, less confined and more liberal than that of Controuler. But your Entertain84
In February, 1814, Rush was offered the choice of two cabinet posts, the Secretaryship
of the Treasury and the Department of Justice. He chose the latter, and served until
Monroe's inauguration in 1815, when he was made temporarily Secretary of State. As
Attorney General Rush edited the Laws of the United States, 1789-1815, in five volumes.
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ment, is not my object. Any Plodder, like John Steel or old Duval
could cast accounts in Eagles Dollars Cents and Mills. But Laws and
Gov* and History are very different Things. Pursue the History of
your own Country, and of England and of France and of all Nations
in all Ages. Apply an impartial Philosophy to it all. Your Anecdote
of 1794, the Corps of French Emigrants you ought to publish, not
with your Name. The British Statute Book and their History are full
of Proofs, that neither Achilles nor the Paper Money Duke of
Orleans, ever adopted in Theory or practise, more implicitly the
Maxim
Jura negat Sibi lata> nihil non arrogat JLrmts> than the Britons have
done and still do.
If Europe submits to the maritime Despotism of England, the
whole Globe is enslaved. Napoleons Despotism could not extend beyond Europe. Is Mankind to submit to one or the other? If they do,
I will not say with my Friend Raynal "Let them be annihilated"
This I leave to eternal and almighty Wisdom.
Zingis, in Asia established more of his sons, and over larger Kingdoms than Napoleon has done; Tamerlane subjected more Sovereigns.
Alexanders four Generals, were appointed to command more People
and larger Territories. The Barbarians who overran the Roman Empire, conquered France Spain Italy Germany and England too. Mahomet conquered and divided among his Cousins more than Napoleon
has. Charlemain and Louis 14 did as much. And what has not the
Turk done.
If Russia Austria and Prussia submit to Castlereagh I shall think
Mankind degraded indeed, and all Europe ready to throw Firebrands
Arrows and Death at the bidding of George Prince of Wales
Now I will indulge the old Man. In 1755 I began the study of the
Law under James Putnam Esqr of Worcester. The first Book he put
into my hands was Woods Institute, the second Hawkins's Abrigement
of Coke upon Littleton, the third Coke upon Littleton at large. Can
you conceive any drier study? I pass over Puffendorf, Grotius, Burlamaqui Heineicius Vattell, Domats Civil Law and all the Institutes,
Reporters and Entries of the common Law that were prescribed to
me. in 1758 I was admitted to Practice in Boston. M r Gridley the most
methodical Systematical and universal Lawyer I ever knew invited
me to spend a Sunday with him at his seat in Brokeline. I went on Saturday and staid till monday. Mr. Gridley then produced to me the
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first Fruits of Blackstone's Studies that ever reached the Shore of
North America. It was his Inaugural Oration and his Analysis, both of
which he made me read to him, and he pointed out to me the Improvements upon the antecedent Analyses of Noy and Hale. I was so smitten with Blackstone, that I seized on the first opportunity to procure
his Tracts and his Commentaries. I had previously read Acherleys
Britannic Constitution, Nathaniel Bacons discourses, and Bolingbrokes Remarks and I have since read DeLolme. And I really think
Bolingbroke more correct and De Lolme more luminous and more
ample than Blackstone. We should be grateful to Blackstone, without
adoring him.
You have a fine young Fellow for a Friend, in M r Ingersoll: but I
have a bone or two to pick with him. He treated my answer to a New
Jersey Address, upon memory I presume, with too much Severity,
and he lately treated the English Constitution with too much Levity,
and too little discrimination
Whatever happens in Europe, let Us not be intimidated. Monarchical France with all her Exertions could never get more than Ten
Thousand Men to America, including the West India Islands with
Canada. The Utmost Exertions of G. B. in our revolutionary War,
never got 35,000 Men including Tories and Canadians. Calculate the
Tonnage of shipping for Transports, at three Tons to a Man. They
ransacked Europe. So far from having Ships of their own, they hired
Transports in Holland, in Italy and Sweeden. These calculations have
not been considered in America.
The situation of G. B. is now more forlorne than it ever has been.
I wish I could be more particular: but my Eyes and Fingers complain.
I have been very sick and am not yet well. But yet heartily your friend
John Adams
The Honourable Richard Rush Esq
Attorney General of the United States
Washington March 21. 1814.
Dear Sir.
At the very beginning of the last month my new appointment was
bestowed upon me, and I was suddenly thrown into the midst of the
supreme court the very day after, without the least previous ac-
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quaintance with any of its business. There I have been, day in and day
out, ever since until last thursday blundering on in an agony of embarrassment and ignorance, doing the business of the court and not
doing it} with Mr Pinkney, the late attorney general, for the most
part as my prompter, but sometimes left awkwardly to stand upon my
own legs, doing every thing but wearing the fooPs cap and almost
that. The scene is now, thank heaven, over, and I have until next
February to look about me. I feel what an immense deal of law, history, literature, and every thing else, I must subdue before I can stand
erect in this post, should I ever be able to do so. I am at least determined to be industrious. I feel its difficulty} its great resposibility
[sic] y but there is thus much of hope—that its duties while anxious, are
infinitely animating. You must, too, Sir, allow me to use you, in some
measure, as a father as well as claim the guidance of your friendship,
and this will serve in part to help me up the steep I have ventured
upon. Your kind congratulatory letter of the 16th of last month, has,
perhaps inadvertently, scattered a seed that I may make turn to good
account in marking out the prospective catalogue of my own studies. It
is gratifying as well as advantageous to know the ways (and through
the most interesting channel) of one who has himself trodden all
the paths of greatness and distinction in our country, and whose name
is destined to be so intimately coupled with all the chief events that
will ever be looked to as the most illustrious, the most magnificent,
periods of its history. Yes, Sir, after all, the most beautiful day of our
history, and which through the vista of time will look tenfold more
beautiful, is the glorious day of the revolution. Its sages and heroes
will ever hold the front ground} and, in due time, poetry and fable
will step in and fabricate their fanciful superstructures upon the fair
foundation of their merits. Much as I cling to the justice of the present
war, the day of 1812 cannot so shine as that of 1776.
I was sorry to find by your favor written in January, continued and
concluded on the 23d of February, that it had been interrupted by
your falling sick. I fervently hope you are quite well again, and that
your venerable life may still be long spared, as well as your health,
to your family, your friends, and your country. I am anticipating great
pleasure from the dream, which, if it has not flown away, you must do
me the favor to impart to me.
What says Mr J. Q. Adams of the state of Europe? what of the
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intentions of Russia? Is it her wish to enter France with a carving knife,
giving another to Austria, and a third to Prussia? They are an experienced triumvirate in this kind of work; but I hope and believe
better things of Alexander.
You may have seen in the papers something said of an armistice.
The English as yet have offered none; we shall not make the offer, and
therefore it is not probable we shall have one.
We are in some hopes today that the party calling itself the peace
party (but which in truth is the party that prolongs the war) in New
Hampshire, may be defeated this year. At any rate it seems pretty
clear that Governor Gilman's majority will be reduced.
I saw Mr Dexter frequently while he was here, and heard him often
in court. He gave great and universal satisfaction. I was delighted
with his talents and every thing about him. Oh, for so genuine an
American patriot to be governor of Massachusetts in times like these!
but I fear so great a public good is not to be expected. Let his enemies
abuse him as they please; he will see, I trust, in the probable salvation
and triumphs of his country through his instrumentality, a ground of
satisfaction too solid and lasting to be taken away by their passionate
denunciations. Should the friends of the nation not succeed in putting
him in the chair, we at least hope he will receive such a vote as to draw
off the Lowell's the Quincy's and the Strongs from the precipice to
which they have been hurrying.
We have no domestic news here of any importance; none indeed of
any description but such as congress makes, and the newspapers detail.
There seems, indeed, to be quite an hiatus. I hear with pleasure that
the recruiting service goes on well, and so of our armament on lake
Ontario. Hinc illce lacrymce. Had the vessels we are now building on
that lake been built last year, it would have cost less money; we
should probably have had Montreal, Kingston at all events, and been
saved an infinite deal of shame. But upon the events of this war, it will
not do to look back. We must look forward. We must hope, and hope,
and hope again.
I conclude, as at all times, with every expression of sincere, respectful, and devoted attachment to your person as well as character; for
such sentiments, dear Sir, always animate my bosom towards you.
Richard Rush.
The Honorable John Adams.
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Washington April 17. 1814.
Dear Sir.
You could have sent me no greater treat than the letter of Mr
Adams which you were so kind as to enclose in your last favor. I had
before now, and from the best sources, heard that his diplomatic correspondence on file in the department of state exhibited when, taken
from the beginning, a fulness, an elegance, an accuracy, an extent of observation, a sagacity, a profoundness of political knowledge and forecast, not equaled by any other similar dispatches to be seen from the
pen of a foreign minister appointed under the present constitution.
This private letter to you puts the question of the Russian mediation
in the most commanding lights I have yet seen, and with singular
perspicuity and condensation places the conduct of the British nation
as regards this point and the one of impressment, upon its true ground,
while it unanswerably defends that of the U. States. The President
and Mr. Monroe have read it with the greatest interest and pleasure,
and desire that, with their highest respects, I will present you with
their best thanks for the permission you were kind enough to give them
to read it. All that part of it which so ably exposes the grounds of
Britain's refusal to accept the mediation, I have taken the liberty to
copy. To publish anything of this nature as from him, considering the
delicacy of his station and the pending negociation, would, perhaps,
be doing too much. But what he says is too sound to be lost to the
public entirely, and I am therefore contemplating the plan of mixing
up the part I have copied with some observations to be given anonymously to the press. With what incomparable force and simplicity he
writes. Able as this letter is, and as all his services may and will be
abroad, again and again and again I lament his absence. For I persuade
myself he would have been in the way of rendering services to his
country still more important and valuable at home.
You will rejoice I dare say, Sir, at the death of the restrictive system. It was matter of serious satisfaction to me, that at the first meeting of those officers of the different departments with whom the President consults at which I had the honor to express an opinion, it was
given in favor of "free trade" which I have ever valued no less than
"sailors rights."
The independence, the honest manly Americanism of Mr Dexter is
looked to and estimated here at the highest rate; so are such qualities
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in such men, or in men at all approaching to his excellence, whenever
found in New England: so is the genius, the energy, the power, of
New England, with constant regrets at her present attitude. But, Sir,
a majority of New England now stands identified with old England,
if not in conduct at least in feeling and opinion. I sometimes get access
to the newspapers of the latter, which are undoubtedly transcended by
those of the former in a sturdy defence of all British maritime claims
and a joyous exultation at British triumphs. How then can the rest of
the union approach her with confidence at a crisis like the present?
Her Adams's, her Dexter's, her Gerry's, her Gray's, her Story's can
alone save her to the continent, and make her again, as ever, its ornament and strength. But I wait with real impatience for the dream,
which I 'promise not to reveal even to my better half, and certainly
will not to any one else. She is all acknowledgment under your polite
compliment, and desires me to say that she will endeavour to earn, if
she does not as yet deserve, your good opinions.
I will have the pleasure to endorse Mr Adams's letter in a day or
two, if I may trespass in keeping it thus much longer, and in the mean
time make you the usual offerings of my attachment and respect.
Richard Rush.
His Excellency John Adams.
Washington April 20. 1814.
Dear Sir.
After having read, for a fifth time, the elegant letter of Mr J. Q.
Adams, I return it with renewed thanks 5 and as in the postscript to
your favor of the 6th instant I think I recognize the hand writing
of Mrs Adams, I must beg my respectful compliments and thanks to
her also, to whom I feel indebted in part for the pleasure and benefit
of perusing the letter in question. And next, Sir, for the dream, the
dream. I am all impatience for the dream.
How will the repeal of the restrictive system be received in New
England? Mr Gray, we have understood, was against it. This manacle
upon the right of the citizen to do as he pleases being removed, and
encouragement being given to a navy to as great an extent as is, perhaps, at this moment, safe or practicable, what other essential point is
now left for real American patriots to differ about, whether they live in
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New England or Virginia? I speak not of those who are determined to
defend Britain under all circumstances, and who denounce this war as
unprovoked and wicked; but of the mass of sober intelligent and
virtuous citizens. The secretary of the treasury is in good hope about
his loan, and should the war continue the opening of commerce, notwithstanding the belligerent pressure upon it, cannot fail to come
greatly in aid of our finances.
Our newspapers have lately been saying something about an armistice. There is foundation for their statements, so far as the pendency
of a correspondence upon the subject is concerned. The first hint of it
came from Sir George Prevost, as we say here, though not in the shape
of an official proposal. Sir George denies this; but at all events the
parties are brought together, and a correspondence is going on. How
it may end is still uncertain. None will be concluded unless Sir
George's Powers extend to the coast and Atlantic waters within our
jurisdiction.
But, Sir, after being beaten and disgraced for two years on land by
that little colony on our north, ought we to wish for an armistice until
further opportunity is afforded us to settle the account? I have my
doubts. Would it not be better to be beaten still more into discipline
and good generalship, and then in our turn beat them? It seems to me
that in your revolutionary day, as times grew more gloomy you all
became more inflexible and chivalric, until the glorious issue at last
arrived. This is a great example that your sons should not forget. To
conclude, Sir, if Mr J. Adams besides being engaged in making a
treaty for us as you did, would obtain for us beforehand as opportune
a loan as you did, it would add to the value of his services, and go
nearer towards putting the similitude upon all fours. Though much
would be left for him to do after that.
I am, with my constant devotion and respect,
R. Rush.
His Excellency J. Adams.
Washington May 20. 1814.
Dear Sir.
On my return four days ago from Philadelphia where I had been for
a fortnight I had the pleasure to find your favor of the 2d of this
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month which arrived during my absence, for which, as for all I get
from you, I must return my thanks. One of the objects of my visit was
to lay in a stock of new law books, as I hope, by hard study, to lay in
a stock of law knowledge. At least I know this is my duty. My surviving parent has done me the happiness to return with me from Philadelphia, and is now in my family on a visit, much to our gratification
and with a prospect as I ardently hope of the new scene having a
friendly influence upon her spirits and feelings. She begs I will mention her affectionate compliments to Mrs Adams and yourself.
What astonishing events in Europe, and in what are they to end?
Despatches from our public agents abroad, even of dates anterior to
the occupation of Paris, do not I think much encourage the hope of a
speedy peace for us, though such an opinion I could only venture to
express to you, Sir, and one other correspondent in Philadelphia.
What, for example, would New England say to great Britain talking
about excluding us from trade beyond the cape of good hope, from
the West Indies, and from the Newfoundland fisheries? Though
not absolutely authentic, yet we have lately had intimations to this,
effect. The entry of Paris by the allies will place her at a still higher
pitch of exaltation and of exWtation, from which she may but the
more fiercely wreak herself upon us. Yet are there those among us,,
and of the peace party too, who hail this late news as glorious news.
We shall see the end of it. I can take no rational view of it that is not
likely to lead to a prolongation of our war.
As to Mr J. Q. Adams's destiny all I have to say at present is, that
I think it ought to be, and that the time must come when it will be, the
highest that a citizen of the American states can know. As to my
humble self, never meaning to act any other part but such as I believe
right I am happy that I can put at defiance newspapers, any set of men,,
or any man.
The lakes, the lakes, the lakes, O, how shocking is it that we have not
yet the command of the lakes!
I have digested all the preliminary observations about dreams, and
am, somewhat more anxiously than ever, your attached and respectfully devoted friend and Servant.
R. Rush.
Excellency John Adams.
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Washington May 24. 1814.
Extract from a manuscript volume of the late Doctor Rush in
which is recorded a narrative of some of the events of his life.
"During the first session of congress I spent a long evening at
General Mifflins in company with General Washington, the two
Mr Adams's, General Lee and several other gentlemen who acted
a conspicuous part in the American revolution. After supper several
of the company looked forward to the probable consequences of the
present measures and state of things. John Adams said he had no expectation of a redress of greivances and a reconciliation with great
Britain, and as a proof of this belief he gave" as a toast "Cash and gunpowder to the Yankees."
Dear Sir.
I have given the above extract exactly as I find it in a book of my
venerated parent that I have just been reading, and which is full
of interesting anecdote. I avow it in part as my motive, that I may ask
you what toast you would give now if I had the happiness of being
in your company at Quincy. That we shall have to fight longer is, as
I intimated to you a few days ago, highly probable. The Yankees, of
New England, at the present day want neither cash, nor gunpowder,
nor men, nor spirit. But will they, Sir, O will they use them.
Your constantly devoted Servt.
Richard Rush.
His Excellency John Adams.
Quincy June Ist. 1814
Dear Sir
I long to see the narrative of D r Rush's Life. I hope it will be
printed. The Anecdote relative to me, in 1774, and the Toast ascribed
to me, at Mifflin's Supper, is so exactly like me at that time, that I
dare take my Bible Oath, that it is litterally true.
My toast then was, as you say and as I believe 5 "Cash and Powder
to the Yankees ["]. You ask me what would be my Toast now? I assure
you, it would be a devout prayer, "A Restoration of common sense
and natural Feelings to New England"!
An Anecdote in my turn! In the same Year 1774, the Legislature
of Pensilvania, gave a dinner to the members of Congress. Strange
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to tell! Mifflin presided. He was then a mighty clever Fellow. He
gave Us a number of Toasts, which I would give Six pence to see again.
Among them was One 5 I cannot recollect it exactly. Somewhat
equivocal ; very benevolent in Appearance. The Quakers, among the
Assembly Men, who were sufficiently wetted to sup with Us, cryed
out} "this is not a Toast} it is a Prayer; let Us Offer it up!" And they
quaffed their Bumpers as cordially as the best Presbyterian, Congregationalist, Anabaptist, or episcopalian of Us all.
Alas! I was then marked as a black sheep; an Object of Jealousy, to
all Parties; except but a very little flock. Suspicion of sinister Views, of
Selfish Motives, and criminal designs have pursued me, through my
whole life, and are not yet extinguished!
Whatever anxiety they may have heretofore given me, at present
they do but sooth my sleep....
J Adams
Washington June 17. 1814.
Dear Sir.
Since you first allowed me the honor and gratification of corresponding with you, I have observed, that important events in the political
world have trodden so closely upon each other that they interpose
themselves between the successive favors I receive from you, and to
such a degree as often to bear out of view the subject of the last by
drawing the eye towards some new occurrence, or great battle, or
war, or revolution. This has been signally the case with your two last
favors of the 30th of May and first of this month. What events have
we not distinctly beheld in France since? Your reflections, Sir, I am always anxious to possess as these events move along. More than once
have they served to lift me up from a state of depression and half
dispair as to our own public affairs; and I have seen them lend their
aid towards working the same effect upon others.
Mr Crawford writes word, that he dined with M. Marbois, at a
large state dinner, after the provisional government was set up. He
sat between Marbois and count La Forest. Lord Castlereagh was close
by. Marbois proposed a toast for the four. It was "Universal peace. ["]
Castlereagh drank it adding "upon just conditions." Lord Cathcart
came to where they were, took his glass and drank it too, without the
commentary.
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He also writes, that it was the talk of the day that the emperor
Alexander was to be king of Poland, as well as emperor of Russia, and
that Austria was not to have Belgium. But how the great arrangements
of power for Europe were to be adjusted he was at a loss further to
speak of even as report.
He begs the secretary of state will send him six copies of Mr Jefferson's manuel, and as many copies of the rules of our house of
representatives} for that the french, although they have now had
what they have been calling deliberative assemblies for 20 years,
are utterly ignorant of the first principles of parliamentary routine
and order! A curious fact for the historian.
The antient nobles, he says, openly speak of Alexander and the
King of Prussia as jacobins, and are looking to the emperor of Austria
as their friend.
His despatches, so far as concerns us, are, as the newspapers state,
friendly. So of those communicated by the French minister. They have
an aspect at restoring the antient friendship that existed between the
two countries. But Louis the 18th had not been installed. Is it not
to be feared that he comes too fresh from England, and all the good
things with which his eyes and his ears and his stomach have there been
regaled, for us to hope for much courting from him—at least until the
impressions of the company he has lately been keeping wear down?
I fear so.
When I have the pleasure of again hearing from you, I shall be, as
ever, your instructed correspondent,—
R. Rush.
His Excellency John Adams.
Quincy June 25.1814
Dear Sir
I can write you little, but the history of my diseases and their symptoms. Your kind favour of the 17th found me ill in my bed, in which I
have passed the greatest part of my time for fifteen days. Our cruel
North, and North East Winds have given me a cold and fever so
distressing that I could neither read, write, speak or think, stand go,
sit or lye. What must have become of me? What and where could I be?
But here I am at present, writing in great tranquity to you.
Marbois Toast was as good natured and as silly as mine. After the
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signature of our provisional Articles in 1782, We all dined together.
When I was called upon for a Toast, I gave Universal and perpetual
Peace. All drank it but Oswald, He refused, and I thought him the
only Man of Sense in the Company. It is always foolish to toast the
things We know to be impossible as I did. Marbois and La Forest,
were my Companions de Voyage from L'Orient to Boston in 1779.
They have found their Way, through Chaos to sunshine, as adroitly
as Talleyrand and Seyeys.
What an Acquisition of the means of Commerce and Naval Power
will Poland be to Alexander? What an accession will Belgium be, to
any Power to which it can be added? to Holland to Austria or to
France? Are the noble Ports of Ostend Nieuport, Bruges and Antwerp to be annihilated with the River Scheld, by Treaty? It seems that
the maritime domination of Britain was never in greater Jeopardy.
This splendid Palace of Ice must melt away.
I am not surprised at M r Crawford's Request of M r Jeffersons
Manual, and the Copies of the Rules and order of the House, but
wonder he did not add those of The Senate, and the Quarto Volume
of the Rules and orders of the H. of C. in Great Britain
The Ignorance of the French, in every thing relative to free Government and their conceited Presumption that they had made great
discoveries has cost them all their revolutions for the last Thirty
Years and I fear they are not yet ended. Turgot and Condorcet and
Brissot were as ignorant as Marat and Robespierre. Had Russia Austria Prussia and England in 1779, seriously attempted what they have
now effected, they would have been cutt to Pieces; France was then
full of Men, Confidence and Ardor: but 15 years of incessant Waste
has exhausted their Men and their Spirits
There is something so grateful to my feelings in the restoration of
my old Friends the Bourbons, from all of whom I received invariably
the most kind and condescending treatment; that if I were twenty
Years younger I would solicit the office of Minister Extraordinary to
congratulate them in the Name of The President and the United
States. Yet I rejoice not without fears for them and for France. As I
am not loaded with all the Prejudices which the English have insinuated into the World against Napoleon, and by no means wish his
death, I think his retirement with Life is the greatest Action and most
fortunate Event of his Life. If he can and will write Commentaries
they will be worth many of Caesars. The Cause of religious Liberty,
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on which all other Liberties depend, there are reasons to fear, will be
no gainer by the Revolution.
That France will be friendly to Us there can be no doubt. Her
Friendship however, cannot be very efficacious for some time.
I apprehend nothing from the Influence of the great Event upon
our affairs. The annual Threats of thousands and tens and twentys
and thirtys and Fortys of thousands of Men, to be sent to America,
have sounded in my Ears, these forty Years.
My Answer is "How many Tons of shipping are necessary to transport one Soldier, with his Trimmings from Europe to America? And
as one is to three, What is 40,000 to a fourth Number?
Here! Tory! State your sum and try your skill in the rule of Three.
1 : 3 : : 40,000 : And when since Noah Ark was a fleet of 120,000
Tons of shipping seen upon the deep?
But I must conclude these profound nautical and mathematical
speculations with assurances of the good Will, and Esteem of
John Adams
Richard Rush Esqr
Atty. Gen. U. S.
Washington July 11. 1814.
Respected Sir.
The pleasure I usually derive in opening a letter from you, was
considerably abated at the receipt of your last favor, because it spoke
of your indisposition. I hope the cessation of your north and north
east winds, with a return of dryer weather, will have restored you
to health. I hope that years of tranquility and happiness are yet to
shine upon you before the close of your illustrious life. That you are
yet to live a blessing to your friends, an ornament to your country.
I ventured to put this last favor from you into the hands of the
President for I knew it would give him pleasure. Nor was I mistaken.
He returned it to me yesterday saying with what satisfaction he had
read it. After dwelling on its contents his remark was "that opinions
from such a quarter had the smack of rich and old wine." He was much
struck with the calculation of three tons for every soldier, and thought
it not only good arithmetic but good logick. He begged that when
I next wrote I would present you his best respects, with his most
cordial wishes for the restoration of your health. I believe, Sir, that he
would be more gratified than you could be at your being the bearer of
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congratulations to the Bourbons! Joining him in his wishes for your
health and happiness, I conclude, for the present, with my accustomed
tribute of attachment and respect.
R. Rush.
His Excellency John Adams.
Washington September 5. 1814.
Dear and venerable Sir.
The last kind favor that I had from you, mentioned your indisposition, and as it is a great while since, I am not without my apprehensions
that you may be still unwell. Out of your own immediate family there
is no one, Sir, in America, or the world, who feels a livelier interest
in your health and happiness than I do. I know how old you are in
service, in honors, and in years. But years of health may yet be in
store for you, and I fondly hope are. I shall anxiously wait to hear,
from under your own hand, of your restoration.
What a dreadful time we have had of it here lately 3 and yet not
dreadful, were it not for the national disgrace. We cannot mince the
matter $ there is, I fear, no other view to take of it. What will America
say to it? What Europe?
To a Bostonian, or a Philadelphian, Washington appears like, what
it really is, a meagre village; a place with a few bad houses, and extensive swamps, hanging upon the skirts too of a thinly pleopled[w],
weak, and barren country. Yet it was the capital of the nation, and
six thousand troops have laid its best parts in ashes. How it will
agonise your son in Europe when he hears of it? How it will make
all our commissioners blush, when the British commissioners hand
them general Ross's dispatch? But if good comes out of it, by rousing
the country to exertion, and from its dreams of certain peace, we shall
take some consolation.
I offer you the usual tribute of my attachment, and highest respect.
Richard Rush.
His Excellency J. Adams.
Quincy 14 Sept 1814.
Dear Sir
There is an height, beyond which the proudest Wave cannot ascend:
there is a depth, at least a bottom, from which no Waters are left to
rise or retire. There is a tide in the Affairs of Men.
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ADAMS-RUSH LETTERS, I 8 I I —I 8 I 6
53
It is a trite observation of Historians, that there is in human affairs,
an ultimate point of depression, from whence, Things naturally but
gradually rise and return to their Level.
Our american Affairs are not yet fallen, but arc rapidly falling to
that extremity. I see nothing to prevent the English from obtaining
the command of all the Lakes and as many Posts, as they please upon
our side of them. I see little to prevent them from demolishing as
many of our Seaport towns as they choose. We have no regular Army
and We cannot get one, for our Men will not enlist. The Militia will
fight when they please, and run when they please. Our Revenue is
inadequate, our Credit is fallen, our dignity lost. The English have
guilotined Us. They have studiously inflicted upon Us, the most daring and insolent mark of Contempt. Every Thing has a tendency to a
dissolution of the general Government. The defence of each State, in
that case will fall upon its own Government. How many of the States
the English will conquer, I know not: but they will not subdue them
all. When they carry the War into the Interior of the Country, the
Pendulum will begin to swing the other Way.
There is an Appearance of some little AWAKENINGS AND REVIVALS
in this Neighborhood: Amid the low murmurs of submissive fear and
mingled Rage, Governor Strong was heard to say "The Town of
Boston shall be laid in Ashes before the 74 and Frigates shall be
surrendered" and so glowing a speech from so cool and orator has infused a little electrical Warmth into some of the Inhabitants in and
about the Capital. But I understand all is to be done by state Exertions,
Never, my Friend, was a flock of Pidgions, allured by flutterers and
flyers, under a Net more compleatly than We have been by that ruse
de Guerre the negotiation for Peace.
But my patience will not hold out.
My health is restored to its usual Tone, and my Esteem has never
been abated. It has been increased by an able and judicious Letter to
our District Attorney, which has been read with much pleasure
by your friend
John Adams
Richard Rush Esq.
(To be continued)