DEAL WITH US: THE BUSINESS OF MEXICAN CULTURE IN POST-WORLD
WAR II HOUSTON
by
Chrystel Pit
_____________________
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
2011
2
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
GRADUATE COLLEGE
As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation
prepared by Chrystel Pit
entitled Deal with Us: The Business of Mexican Culture in Post-World War II Houston
and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
_______________________________________________________________________
Date: 04/13/2011
Oscar J. Martínez
_______________________________________________________________________
Date: 04/13/2011
Juan R. García
_______________________________________________________________________
Date: 04/13/2011
Michael Schaller
_______________________________________________________________________
Date:
_______________________________________________________________________
Date:
Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate‟s
submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College.
I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and
recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement.
________________________________________________ Date: 04/13/2011
Dissertation Director: Oscar J. Martínez
3
STATEMENT BY AUTHOR
This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an
advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library
to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library.
Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided
that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended
quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by
the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his or her
judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other
instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author.
SIGNED: Chrystel Pit
4
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Along my journey towards a Ph.D. in History, I have benefited from the advice
and assistance from many individuals. As my advisor and dissertation director, Dr. Oscar
Martínez provided guidance and support that helped me tremendously. I have greatly
appreciated his editorial comments and advice. For his counsel and encouragement
throughout my graduate career, I am grateful to Dr. Juan García. Dr. Michael Schaller
also provided helpful feedback on the manuscript. Other faculty members of the History
Department at the University of Arizona who have offered valuable professional advice
over the years include Bert Barickman, Julia Clancy-Smith, Richard Eaton, Benjamin
Irvin, Amanda Spieler, Paul Milliman, Katherine Morrissey, Roger Nichols, David Ortiz,
and Laura Tabili.
Many thanks also go to Houston‟s archivists who worked with me and made the
writing of this dissertation a rewarding experience. Dr. Thomas Kreneck receives my
greatest gratitude for his labors as the founder of the Mexican American Component at
the Houston Metropolitan Research Center (HMRC). His scholarly experience, insight,
and help securing important materials made the completion of this dissertation much
easier. I also wish to thank the HMRC staff for their help and support. Kemo Curry and
Amber Seely went out of their way to accommodate my needs, as did archivists
Marguerite Radhakrishnan and Erin Norris. Dr. Mark E. Young at the Hospitality
Industry Archives at the Conrad N. Hilton College provided me with access to all of the
library‟s collections even though the building was about to close down for summertime
construction. At the University of Houston‟s Special Collections, Dr. Terry TomkinsWalsh gave me full access to the newly-processed Ninfa Laurenzo Collection, which
proved invaluable for the fifth chapter of this dissertation.
For their moral and intellectual support, I wish to thank Kathleen Powers, Joseph
Dickinson, Amie Kiddle, Jonathan Jucker, Catherine Belshaw, Craig Calhoun, Julia
Hudson-Richards, Dylan Richards, Gretchen Raup-Pierce, James Lockhart, Ziad Fahmy,
Jane Haigh, Matthew and Veronica Furlong, Ziad Abi-Chakra, Kathryn Jasper, and Ryan
Alexander.
Last but not least, I wish to thank my families. To say that my parents, André and
Colette, supported me throughout my doctoral project barely begins to suggest their role.
They have always believed in me and have never ceased to encourage me to push myself
to my limits throughout my educational journey. I am also grateful for the
encouragement and love that I received from my husband‟s family. Finally, my husband,
Benjamin Kulas, contributed editorial help and research assistance. To all, thank you.
5
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to my parents, André and Colette Pit, and to my husband,
Benjamin Kulas. Their love and support have sustained me throughout this research
project and so much more.
6
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ………………………………………………………………………………7
INTRODUCTION ………………………………………………………………………. 9
CHAPTER 1 CELEBRATING MEXICAN INDEPENDENCE DAY: THE INCEPTION
OF THE MODERN FIESTAS PATRIAS IN HOUSTON, 1965-1972 …..………..……. 25
CHAPTER 2 HISPANIDAD FLIRTS WITH THE DOLLAR SIGN: THE BROADENING
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SEPTEMBER FIESTAS PATRIAS, 1972-1980s ………...…78
CHAPTER 3 “THE SPIRIT OF OUR PUEBLO”: FELIX AND ANGELINA
MORALES AND THE FIRST SPANISH-LANGUAGE RADIO STATION ON THE
GULF COAST, 1950-1980s …………………………………….……………………. 122
CHAPTER 4 “THEIR FIRST TASTE OF MEXICAN FOOD, THEIR FIRST WORDS
OF SPANISH AND THEIR FIRST CONTACT WITH MEXICAN-AMERICANS”:
FELIX TIJERINA AND THE FELIX MEXICAN RESTAURANT CHAIN, 1930s-2008
………………………………..…………………………………………………..……. 173
CHAPTER 5 “HOUSTON‟S FIRST LADY OF MEXICAN COOKING”: NINFA
LAURENZO AND THE REDEFINITION OF MEXICAN CUISINE, 1970s-1990s
………………………………………………………….……………………………… 221
CONCLUSION ……………………………………………………………………….. 267
REFERENCES ……………………………………………………………………...…273
7
ABSTRACT
This dissertation is an in-depth examination of cultural interactions between Mexican
Americans and Anglos in post-World War II Houston. Today, Houston‟s Mexican
American community ranks as the third largest in the United States. This thriving
metropolis offers an urban platform through which one can understand how acceptance
and celebration of ethnic cultural ways have come to form an intrinsic part of American
culture. While much of the past and current literature on Mexican American history in
the postwar period focuses on conflicts over desegregation and fights for equal treatment
under the law, my research offers a new perspective on less confrontational cultural
exchanges between Anglos and Mexican Americans. Ethnic festivals, Spanish-language
radio programming, and the Mexican restaurant industry in Houston illuminate how
Mexican American businessmen and women introduced aspects of Mexican culture to a
large array of Houstonians and, as a consequence, how Houstonians came to accept these
cultural manifestations as a natural part of the city‟s life. My use of English- and
Spanish-language newspapers, oral histories, personal papers, business records,
advertisements, photographs, and municipal, state, and federal documents allows me to
explore the regular cultural exchanges and syntheses of Anglo and Mexican cultures in
Texas, even during ongoing struggles for racial equality. Additionally, the surge in
celebrations of Mexican ethnicity in the postwar era led to a heightened interest from
national corporations in attracting and profiting from the Hispanic dollar. Ethnic
festivals, radio broadcasts, and the Mexican food industry gradually opened the way for a
repackaging of ethnicity as something to be consumed. By the 1980s, these cultural
8
manifestations remained emblematic of the Mexican heritage but had also become highly
marketable commodities; traditions that used to be associated solely with the Mexican
American community in Houston now pointed to their increased level of incorporation
into the city‟s cultural life. I conclude that this greater acceptance of certain aspects of
Mexican culture signaled the gradual penetration of Mexican American ethnicity into
American cultural ways.
9
INTRODUCTION
On 17 August 1978, Ninfa Laurenzo, one of Houston‟s most prominent Mexican
American business and civic leaders, wrote a letter to the city‟s mayor. In it, she
celebrated the recent victory of a citywide referendum that targeted many of the public
transportation needs of residents of Mexican descent. She reiterated that the Mexican
Americans for Better Transit committee, composed of local middle-class entrepreneurs
and civic leaders, had worked towards “organizing and mobilizing support for a concept
[Houston] vitally need[ed].” 1 Ninfa also reminded the mayor that Mexican-origin voters
had “played a significant role” in bringing about a revamping of the city‟s public
transportation system. 2 She closed her letter by bluntly stating her opinion of the current
social and political status of Mexican-origin voters in the city: “We are a force and no
longer a flock.” 3 Ninfa Laurenzo‟s sentiments about the newfound strength of the
Mexican-origin electorate resonate with the bulk of the scholarship that has been
produced about the gains made by minorities, especially African Americans and
Chicanos, in the latter half of the twentieth century. 4 Historians‟ analyses of these
1
Ninfa Laurenzo to Mayor Jim McConn, 17 August 1978, Mexican Americans for Better Transit
Collection, Box 1, Folder 1, Houston Metropolitan Research Center (HMRC), Houston Public Library,
Houston.
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
4
The scholarship on the African American and Chicano fights for civil rights is obviously rather
extensive. Some important works on the Chicano Movement include Ignacio M. García, United We Win:
The Rise and Fall of the Raza Unida Party (Tucson: MASRC, the University of Arizona, 1989); Juan
Gomez-Quiñonez, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, 1940-1990 (Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press, 1990); Armando Navarro, Mexican American Youth Organization: Avant-Garde of the
Chicano Movement in Texas (Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 1995); Richard Griswold del Castillo
10
struggles and confrontations remain fundamental to our understanding of changing race
relations. This dissertation, however, approaches that era differently. It explores how a
gradual process of acculturation and exchange between the Anglo and Mexican
communities of Houston in the second half of the twentieth century helped to shape a
new identity for an American city.
Houston‟s History
Founded by Anglos in 1836, Houston grew steadily until the 1940s. 5 Already at
the beginning of the twentieth century, it had become an important hub for the newly
and Richard A. García, César Chávez: A Triumph of Spirit, The Oklahoma Western Biographies Series, no.
2 (Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995); Francisco A. Rosales, Chicano! The History of
the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement (Houston: Arte Público Press, 1996); Alma M. García,
Chicana Feminist Thought: The Basic Historical Writings (New York: Routledge, 1997); Ignacio M.
García, Chicanismo: The Forging of a Militant Ethos among Mexican Americans (Tucson: University of
Arizona Press, 1997); Rodolpho Gonzales, Message to Aztlán: Selected Writings of Rodolfo “Corky”
Gonzales (Houston: Arte Público Press, 2001); Carlos Francisco Jackson, Chicana and Chicano Art:
ProtestArte (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2009); Mario T. García and Sal Castro, Blowout! Sal
Castro and the Chicano Struggle for Educational Justice (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina
Press, 2011).
Regarding the African American civil rights movement, see, among others, Anne Moody, Coming of Age in
Mississippi (New York: Dial Press, 1968); David J. Garrow, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr.,
and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (New York: W. Murrow, 1986); John Dittmer, Local
People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); William
H. Chafe, Civilities and Civil Rights: Greensboro, North Carolina, and the Black Struggle for Freedom
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1980); Charles M. Payne, I‟ve Got the Light of Freedom: The
Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1995); Samuel C. Hyde, Sunbelt Revolution: The Historical Progression of the Civil Rights Struggle in the
Gulf South, 1866-2000 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003); Taylor Branch, At Canaan‟s Edge:
America in the King Years, 1965-1968 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2006); Thomas J. Sugrue, Sweet
Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York: Random House, 2008);
Harvard Sitkoff, King: Pilgrimage to the Mountaintop (New York: Hill and Wang, 2008).
5
Works on Houston history include Marilyn McAdams Sibley, The Port of Houston: A History
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1968); David G. McComb, Houston: The Bayou City (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1969); George Fuermann, Houston: The Once and Future City (Garden City,
N.Y.: Doubleday, 1971); Chandler Davidson, Biracial Politics: Conflict and Coalition in the Metropolitan
South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972); Richard Murray, “Houston: Politics of a
Boomtown,” Dissent 27 (Fall 1980): 500-504; Cary D. Wintz, Blacks in Houston (Houston: Houston
Center of the Humanities, 1982); Barry Kaplan, “Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt,” in Sunbelt
Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II, Richard M. Bernard and Bradley R. Rice, eds. (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1983), 196-212; Susan A. MacManus, Federal Aid to Houston (Washington,
11
emerging petroleum industry after oil was discovered at Spindletop, ninety miles outside
of the city, in 1901.6 Aided by a generous grant from the federal government in 1910, it
deepened its ship channel, which attracted many oil-related industries to the area. 7 That
investment ensured Houston‟s future as a port city of vital importance both to the United
States and, later, the world economy.
D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1983); Joe R. Feagin and Beth Anne Shelton, “Community Organizing in
Houston: Social Problems and Community Response,” Community Development Journal 20, no.2 (April
1985): 99-105; Joe R. Feagin, “The Global Context of Metropolitan Growth: Houston and the Oil
Industry,” The American Journal of Sociology 90, no. 6 (May 1985): 1204-1230; Joseph A. Pratt, But Also
Good Business: Texas Commerce Banks and the Financing of Houston and Texas, 1886-1986 (College
Station, Tex.: Texas A&M University Press, 1986); Robert D. Bullard, Invisible Houston: The Black
Experience in Boom and Bust (College Station, Tex.: Texas A&M University Press, 1987); Joe R. Feagin,
Free Enterprise City: Houston in Political-Economic Perspective (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers
University Press, 1988); Beth Anne Shelton, Nestor Rodriguez, et al., eds. Houston: Growth and Decline in
a Sunbelt Boomtown, Comparative American Cities Series (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989);
Robert Fisher, “The Urban Sunbelt in Comparative Perspective: Houston in Context,” in Essays on Sunbelt
Cities and Recent Urban America, R. Fairbanks and K. Underwood, eds. (College Station, Tex.: Texas
A&M University Press, 1990), 33-58; Robert D. Thomas and Richard W. Murray, Progrowth Politics:
Change and Governance in Houston (Berkeley: Institute of Governmental Studies Press, 1991); Howard
Beeth and Cary D. Wintz, eds. Black Dixie: Afro-Texan History and Culture in Houston, The Centennial
Series of the Association of Former Students, Texas A&M University, no. 41 (College Station, Tex.: Texas
A&M Press, 1992); Chandler Davidson, Quiet Revolution in the South: The Impact of the Voting Rights
Act, 1965-1990 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994); Joseph A. Pratt and Jeffrey Share, eds.
The Oil Makers: Insiders Look at the Petroleum Industry (Houston: Rice University Press, 1995); Thomas
R. Coles, No Color Is My Kind: The Life of Eldrewey Stearns and the Integration of Houston (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1997); William Henry Kellar, Make Haste Slowly: Moderates, Conservatives,
and School Desegregation in Houston (College Station, Tex.: Texas A&M University Press, 1999); Barrie
Scardino, William F. Stern, and Bruce C. Webb, eds. Ephemeral City: Cite Looks at Houston (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 2003); Alan Cockrell, Drilling Ahead: The Quest for Oil in the Deep South,
1945-2005 (Jackson, Miss.: Published for the Mississippi Geological Society by the University Press of
Mississippi, 2005); Dwight Watson, Race and the Houston Police Department, 1930-1990: A Change Did
Come (College Station, Tex.: Texas A. & M. University Press, 2005); Joseph A. Pratt and Martin V.
Melosi, Energy Metropolis: An Environmental History of Houston and the Gulf Coast (Pittsburgh, Pa.:
University of Pittsburgh Press, 2007).
6
Beth Anne Shelton et al., Houston: Growth and Decline in a Sunbelt Boomtown, 5-8.
Since its rival port city, Galveston, had been devastated by the biggest hurricane disaster in American
history in 1900, Houston stood as the leading port facility in the Gulf Coast region. For further
examination of the Houston-Galveston competition, see David McComb, “The Houston-Galveston
Rivalry,” in Houston: A Twentieth Century Urban Frontier, Francisco A. Rosales and Barry J. Kaplan, eds.
(Port Washington, N.Y.: National University Publications, 1983), 7-21.
7
This 1.25 million dollar-grant represented the largest subsidy from the federal government to a
city at the time. Beth Anne Shelton et al., Houston: Growth and Decline in a Sunbelt Boomtown, 11-12.
12
The 1920s and 1930s witnessed an expansion of the city‟s economic and
demographic base, as gas- and oil-related industrial facilities established themselves
along the ship channel. Houston doubled to almost 300,000 residents during the 1920s,
while the population of Harris County reached close to half a million, making Houston
the largest city in the state. 8 The Great Depression brought difficult times, but the
discovery of new oil fields in Texas along with the influx of New Deal dollars expanding
the city‟s infrastructure helped it weather the crisis. 9 During World War II, Houston‟s oil
and petrochemical industries proved crucial, especially in the domains of aviation and
synthetic rubber supplies. Moreover, the area boasted vast reserves of oil, gas, and
sulfur.10 This bounty of resources ensured that Houston would become a major provider
of items in high demand both during wartime and after, as the American economy grew
increasingly dependent on a wide variety of petrochemical products, such as asphalt, jet
fuel, plastics, and synthetic consumer goods. 11
The period from the end of World War II until the 1980s earned Houston the
nickname of “Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt.” 12 Its booming economy propelled it to the
8
Ibid, 14.
9
Ibid, 12-16. Houston was abided by a well-entrenched “growth coalition,” composed of local
bankers, businessmen, developers, and state politicians with ties both to the Texas legislature and
Washington, D.C. These influential men had ensured that Houston received sustained state and federal
subsidies since the early years of the twentieth century and worked towards expanding the local economy.
By doing so, the local elite built a city that became a national hub for the oil and gas industries and whose
economic success relied on state and federal monies.
10
Ibid, 16.
11
Ibid, 17.
12
Stephen L. Klineberg, Houston‟s Economic and Demographic Transformations: Findings from
the Expanded 2002 Survey of Houston‟s Ethnic Communities, Rice University: The Houston Area Survey
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002), 4.
13
status of global city, both financially and with respect to its increasingly multicultural
population. Petrochemical industries attracted a flurry of companies in the sectors of
banking, construction, transportation, and the production of steel, aluminum, and other
metals. In the 1950s alone, Houston‟s population grew by fifty-seven percent, and by the
1970s 1,300 new residents arrived each week. Between 1970 and 1982, almost one
million newcomers settled in the metropolitan area. 13 These numbers included an
unprecedented influx of immigrants, making the city truly cosmopolitan by the early
1980s.14
Houston‟s Growing Multiculturalism in the Post-World War II Era
Houston‟s Mexican-origin community first began to increase during the Mexican
Revolution of the 1910s. 15 Nevertheless, by the 1950s, this ethnic group represented only
about seven percent of the city‟s population, or 65,000 residents. 16 Immigration from
13
Ibid. Home of the National Aeronautic and Space Administration (NASA) and a major
“technology-distribution center for the world‟s oil and gas market system,” the city comfortably established
itself as a major player in the world economy. Beth Anne Shelton et al., Houston: Growth and Decline in a
Sunbelt Boomtown, 24.
14
Ibid. Unlike other cities in the United States, Houston actually profited from the oil crisis of
1973-1975. Indeed, because OPEC countries acquired control over their crude oil in 1973, they
immediately engaged into exploration and drilling operations. As their main supplier of petroleum-related
engineering and equipment services, Houston‟s economy greatly benefited from a crisis that otherwise sent
the rest of the country into a recession. U.S. petroleum companies lost money on oil originating from the
Middle East, but the sharp rise in prices on the global market otherwise presented them with incredible
profits from oil fields in other places in the world. Shelton et al. also note that prior to the 1973 OPEC
crisis, local businesses were attempting to diversify Houston‟s economy by investing into non petroleumrelated ventures, especially real estate. The 1973 crisis, along with a second surge in oil prices in the late
1970s, proved such a financial boon, however, that local industries continued to pour money in oil-related
industries. The local economy would therefore be ill-prepared to face the recession of the early 1980s.
15
There were 2,000 Mexican-origin residents in Houston in 1910. By 1930, 15,000 had settled in
the city. Arnoldo De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt: Mexican Americans in Houston, 2nd edition,
University of Houston Series in Mexican American Studies, no. 4 (Houston: Texas A&M University Press,
2001), 7, 23.
16
Ibid, 147.
14
Mexico over the next three decades, however, reflected a change in Houston‟s linguistic
and cultural makeup. In the 1960s and 1970s, the number of residents of Mexican
descent doubled, and by the 1980s, about 100,000 Central Americans, mostly refugees
fleeing political instability and violence in their native countries, joined the ranks.
Overall, the Hispanic population again expanded by seventy-five percent in the 1980s. 17
Among Asians, Vietnamese refugees led a wave of immigration from Asia that started in
the mid-1970s and continued into the 1980s. Indeed, in the 1980s, the Asian population
grew by 129 percent. 18 By 1990, Harris County numbered 90,000 Asians, most of whom
hailed from China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Vietnam; non-Anglo residents constituted
17
Nestor Rodriguez, “Economic Restructuring and Latino Growth in Houston,” in In the Barrios:
Latinos and the Underclass Debate, Joan W. Moore and Raquel Pinderhughes, eds. (New York: Russell
Sage Foundation, 1993), 103; Stephen L. Klineberg, Houston‟s Economic and Demographic
Transformations: Findings from the Expanded 2002 Survey of Houston‟s Ethnic Communities, 7; Nestor
Rodriguez, “Hispanic and Asian Immigration Waves in Houston,” in Religion and the New Immigrants:
Continuities and Adaptation in Immigrant Congregations, Helen Rose Ebaugh and Janet Saltzman Chafetz,
eds. (Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira Press, 2000), 29-42.
18
Stephen L. Klineberg, Houston‟s Economic and Demographic Transformations: Findings from
the Expanded 2002 Survey of Houston‟s Ethnic Communities, 7; Nestor Rodriguez, “Hispanic and Asian
Immigration Waves in Houston,” 37.
New immigrants kept coming to Houston in the 1980s, even though that decade presented the city with its
first real economic challenge. Its oil-based economy survived the 1980s with difficulty as the country
suffered a recession, and OPEC nations dropped their oil prices sharply. Moreover, the combined effect of
lower domestic consumption of petroleum combined with a severe reduction in oil supplies in Texas
reserves to plunge the state into a “double dip” recession in 1981-1983, and then again from 1984 until
1987. This led to a 9.7 percent unemployment rate throughout the city in 1983; that number would reach
almost fifteen percent by 1986. This time around, Houston experienced the national recession in a much
more extended fashion than any other state. The depressed economy, however, did not keep Hispanic and
Asian immigrants from coming, as their numbers grew steadily in the 1980s. Instead of finding
employment in petroleum-related industries, they took service jobs and other low-paying tasks with little
guaranteed stability. By 1990, the local economy had recovered and re-oriented itself towards “a
knowledge-based, high-technology, truly worldwide economic system.” Beth Anne Shelton et al.,
Houston: Growth and Decline in a Sunbelt Boomtown, 25; Nestor Rodriguez, “Hispanic and Asian
Immigration Waves in Houston,” 34; Stephen L. Klineberg, Houston‟s Economic and Demographic
Transformations: Findings from the Expanded 2002 Survey of Houston‟s Ethnic Communities, 4.
15
forty-six percent of the county‟s population. 19 The city had thus achieved a remarkable
ethnic diversity in only a few decades. This influx of new cultures fashioned Houston
into a metropolis of multilingual signage, with restaurants and groceries representing
ethnicities from around the world. Amidst this change, Mexican culture stood at the
forefront of the redefinition of the city‟s identity.
State of the Literature
This is a story about the role of an ethnic group and its culture in reshaping a
modern American city‟s sense of self. Since the early 1970s, historians studying
Mexican-origin communities have examined their interactions with Anglo American
culture. These scholars have exposed the complex processes by which life in an Anglo
American environment presented Mexican-origin people with the challenges of
acculturating to a foreign culture while preserving elements of their own ethnicity.
George J. Sánchez and others have looked at Americanization programs and campaigns
that sought to strip Mexican-origin immigrants of their most salient ethnic and religious
characteristics. 20 By analyzing how Mexican-origin groups refused to shed the aspects of
their culture that mattered the most to them, scholars have demonstrated how life in an
American setting transformed these communities over time, as the younger generations
developed bicultural identities. These sons, daughters, and grandchildren became deeply
19
Houston also welcomed a growing number of Filipino, Indian, Pakistani, Iranian, Japanese,
Lebanese, Cambodian, and Korean immigrants in the 1980s. Stephen L. Klineberg, Houston‟s Economic
and Demographic Transformations: Findings from the Expanded 2002 Survey of Houston‟s Ethnic
Communities, 7-8; Nestor Rodriguez, “Hispanic and Asian Immigration Waves in Houston,” 37.
20
George J. Sánchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture and Identity in Chicano
Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).
16
loyal to the United States over time, and in the process, managed to retain their own
ethnic identity. This scholarship provides us with a rich understanding of the
complexities of acculturation and identity formation among Mexican-origin people.
These studies also stress the role of continued immigration from Mexico in keeping the
Mexican American identity in a fluid state.21
Unlike cities that have received the most focus from historians of Mexican
Americans, Houston was never under Spanish rule. Moreover, it did not witness largescale Mexican immigration until the early 1900s. Consequently, immigrants and their
descendants engaged in the process of community-building in circumstances that
contrasted significantly from their counterparts in places such as San Antonio or Los
Angeles, where the cultural and social networks established during Spanish control
helped ease newcomers into their new surroundings. The scholars who have studied
Houston‟s Mexican-origin population have therefore started to examine how this group
21
Some of these works include Arnoldo De Leόn, Las Fiestas Patrias: Biographic Notes on the
Hispanic Presence in San Angelo, Texas, The Caravel Series on Fiestas Patrias (San Antonio, TX: Caravel
Press, 1978); Felix Padilla, Latino Ethnic Consciousness: The Case of Mexican Americans and Puerto
Ricans in Chicago (Notre Dame, Ind.: Notre Dame University Press, 1985); Lawrence Douglas Taylor
Hansen, “Las fiestas patrias y la preservación de la identidad cultural mexicana en California: una visión
histόrica,” Frontera Norte, 9, no. 18 (Julio-Diciembre de 1997): 29-44; Judith Berg Sobré, San Antonio on
Parade: Six Historic Festivals, Tarleton State University Southwestern Studies in the Humanities, no. 15
(College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 2003); Jeffrey Pilcher, “Tex-Mex, Cal-Mex, New Mex, or
Whose Mex? Notes on the Historical Geography of Southwestern Cuisine,” in On the Border: Society and
Culture between the United States and Mexico, Andrew Grant Wood, ed., Latin American Silhouettes
(Landham, MD: SR Books, 2004), 199-219; Richard Buitron, The Quest for Tejano Identity in San
Antonio, Texas, 1913-2000 (New York: Routledge Press, 2004); Albert Camarillo, Chicanos in a Changing
Society: From Mexican Pueblos to American Barrios in Santa Barbara and Southern California, 18481930 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979; reprint, Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press,
2005); Anthony Quiroz, Claiming Citizenship: Mexican Americans in Victoria, Texas, Fronteras Series, no.
3 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2005); José Alamillo, Making Lemonade out of Lemons:
Mexican American Labor and Leisure in a California Town, 1900-1960, Statue of Liberty-Ellis Island
Centennial series (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2006); Anthony F. Macías, Mexican
American Mojo: Popular Music, Dance, and Urban Culture in Los Angeles, 1935-1968 (Durham: Duke
University Press, 2008).
17
juggled cultural adjustments and affirmation of their ethnic heritage in a modern
American metropolis.
Scholars of Houston‟s Mexican-origin community have investigated the role that
an urban, Anglo-dominated environment played in shaping the Mexican experience in
that city. These historians have examined how Mexican-origin residents faced a series of
cultural adjustments. Their research has also shed light on this group‟s struggles to
achieve civic and social equality throughout the twentieth century. In an extensive
survey of the history of Houston‟s Mexican-origin community, Arnoldo De León has
documented its settlement patterns and the seminal role of the barrios‟ social and cultural
institutions in maintaining cultural ties to the homeland while also aiding adaptation to
American urban life. De León also has exposed the importance of a continuous flow of
Mexican immigrants in helping maintain the existence of Mexican culture in the city. 22
Other historians have analyzed how Mexican-origin residents overcame racial
discrimination and second-class citizenship in Houston. A biography of Felix Tijerina,
the city‟s most prominent Mexican businessman in the pre-civil rights era, traces the rise
and successes of an immigrant who carefully straddled Anglo and Mexican cultures in
ways that did not upset the prevailing racial status quo. 23 Finally, two other studies have
shown how ethnic identity, cultural pride, and grassroots organizations helped
Houstonians of Mexican descent to attain educational equality and recognition of their
22
23
Arnoldo De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt: Mexican Americans in Houston.
Thomas Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey: Felix Tijerina, Entrepreneur and Civic Leader,
1905-1965, University of Houston Series in Mexican American Studies, no. 2 (College Station, Tex.: Texas
A&M University Press, 2001).
18
particular brand of Catholicism. 24 Taken together, these findings give us an
understanding of the experience of a twentieth-century Mexican-origin community. 25
A subset of the historiography on Mexican-origin people has explored how public
manifestations of Mexican heritage and culture reinforced a sense of community for
immigrants and their children in the face of challenges and discrimination from Anglo
Americans. For instance, historians such as José Alamillo, Arnoldo De León, and Judith
Berg-Sobré have examined how the celebrations of Mexican patriotic holidays in towns
24
Guadalupe San Miguel, Jr., Brown, Not White: School Integration and the Chicano Movement
in Houston, 2nd edition, University of Houston Series in Mexican American Studies, no. 3 (Houston: Texas
A&M University Press, 2001); Roberto Treviño, The Church in the Barrio: Mexican American EthnoCatholicism in Houston (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006).
25
Kreneck also published Del Pueblo: A Pictorial History of Houston‟s Hispanic Community,
which was designed as a public history and was aimed at non-academic readers. Del Pueblo: A Pictorial
History of Houston‟s Hispanic Community (Houston: Houston International University, 1989). Other
scholars who have written about the Mexican-origin community in Houston include Mary Ellen Goodman
and Don Des Jarlais, Houstonians of Mexican Ancestry (Houston: Center for Research and Social Change
and Economic Development, Rice University, 1968); Mary Ellen Goodman and Alma Beman, The
Mexican American Population of Houston: A Survey in the Field, 1965-1970 (Houston: Houston Marsh
Rice University, 1971); Francisco Arturo Rosales, “Mexican Americans in Houston: The Boomtown‟s
Stepchild Society,” in Invisible in Houston: City! Our Urban Past, Present, and Future, Thomas H.
Kreneck, ed. (Houston: Houston Public Library, 1978), 7-15; Carlos B. Gil, “Lydia Mendoza: Houstonian
and First Lady of Mexican American Song,” The Houston Review: History and Culture of the Gulf Coast 3,
no. 2 (Summer 1981): 249-260; Francisco Arturo Rosales, "Mexicans in Houston: The Struggle to Survive,
1908-1975," The Houston Review: History and Culture of the Gulf Coast 3, no. 2 (Summer 1981): 224-48;
Francisco Arturo Rosales, “The Mexican Immigrant Experience in Chicago, Houston, and Tucson:
Comparisons and Contrasts,” in Houston: A Twentieth Century Urban Frontier, Francisco Arturo Rosales
and Barry J. Kaplan, eds. (Port Washington: Associated Faculty Press, Inc., 1983), 58-77; Francisco Arturo
Rosales, “Shifting Self-Perceptions and Ethnic Consciousness Among Mexicans in Houston, 1908-1946,”
Aztlán 16, no. 1-2 (1987): 71-94; Francisco Arturo Rosales, “La musica en Houston,” Americas Review 16,
no. 1 (Spring 1988): 12-25; Nestor Rodriguez, “Economic Restructuring and Latino Growth in Houston,”
in In the Barrios: Latinos and the Underclass Debate, Joan Moore and Raquel Pinderhughes, eds. (New
York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1993), 101-128; Nestor Rodriguez, “Hispanic and Asian Immigration
Waves in Houston,” in Religion and the New Immigrants: Continuities and Adaptation in Immigrant
Congregations, Helen Rose Ebaugh and Janet Saltzman Chafetz, eds. (Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira
Press, 2000), 29-42; Maria Cristina García, “Agents of Americanization: Rusk Settlement and the Houston
Mexicano Community, 1907-1950,” in Mexican Americans in Texas History: Selected Essays, Emilio
Zamora, Cynthia Orozco, and Rodolfo Rocha, eds. (Austin: Texas State Historical Society, 2000), 127-137.
19
across Texas and California served as both a tool for cultural resistance to and
collaboration with the Anglo establishment before the 1950s. 26 These studies emphasize
how the festivities presented the Mexican heritage in a favorable light and acted as
powerful means for community-building within Mexican-origin neighborhoods. This
scholarship concludes, however, that cultural events did not result in a lessening of
strident racial discrimination. Dolores Inés Casillas considers another form of cultural
expression, radio programming. 27 By analyzing the role of Spanish-language radio
stations in the contemporary U.S. ethnic media landscape, Casillas has highlighted the
dual function of this medium in exposing its Latino audience to mainstream corporations
through advertising and in serving as a site nurturing a sense of belonging and cultural
familiarity to Latinos. Studies such as these have contributed to our understanding of
how Mexican-origin and other Hispanic communities have defined their ethnic identity
and projected it to themselves and other ethnic groups. As well, these works offer
important insights into the role of Mexican culture in sustaining communities that
otherwise faced, and still experience, an environment mostly dominated by AngloAmerican norms.
Finally, historians and other social scientists have investigated how minority
entrepreneurs have played a historically significant role in the cultural, economic, and
26
Arnoldo De Leόn, Las Fiestas Patrias: Biographic Notes on the Hispanic Presence in San
Angelo,Texas; Judith Berg Sobré, San Antonio on Parade: Six Historic Festivals; José Alamillo, “More
Than a Fiesta: Ethnic Identity, Cultural Politics, and Cinco de Mayo Festivals in Corona, California, 19301950,” Aztlán 28, no. 2 (Fall 2003): 57-85.
27
Dolores Inés Casillas, “„¡Puuurrrooo MÉXICO!‟ Listening to Transnationalism in U.S. SpanishLanguage Radio,” in Beyond El Barrio: Everyday Life in Latina/o America, Gina M. Pérez, Frank A.
Guridy, and Adrian Burgos, Jr., eds. (New York: New York University Press, 2010), 44-62.
20
social lives of ethnic communities across the country. These scholars have emphasized
how self-employment gave agency to ethnic groups that otherwise faced discrimination
in the mainstream market economy. These studies also shed light on how partaking in
ethnic capitalism provided minority businesspeople with opportunities to achieve social
mobility and stability within their own ethnic and commercial niches. Moreover, the
literature on minority entrepreneurship informs our understanding of the role that
businesspeople played in the process of community-building and identity formations
within their own neighborhoods. This scholarship therefore emphasizes how by going
into business for themselves, minority entrepreneurs have provided for their own
families, catered to the special needs of ethnic markets, and played an essential part in the
U.S. economy. Finally, historians have started to uncover how minority entrepreneurs
used their middle-class status to engage in social and political activism in order to secure
greater civil rights for members of their own ethnic group. 28 As a whole, the literature
28
Some important works on minority entrepreneurship in the United States include Roger D.
Waldinger, Through the Eye of the Needle: Immigrants and Enterprise in New York‟s Garment Trades
((New York: New York University Press, 1986); Ivan Light and Edna Bonacich, Immigrant Entrepreneurs:
Koreans in Los Angeles, 1965-1982 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988); Roger Waldinger,
“Structural Opportunity or Ethnic Advantage? Immigrant Business Development in New York,”
International Migration Review 23, no. 1 (Spring, 1989): 48-72; Richard A. García, Rise of the Mexican
American Middle Class: San Antonio, 1929-1941 (College Station, Tex.: Texas A&M University Press,
1991); Nicolás Pineda Pablos, “Vincente Ortiz, Nineteenth-Century Alamos Entrepreneur,” Journal of the
Southwest 35, no. 3 (Autumn, 1993): 341-356; Robert Mark Silverman, “Ethnic Solidarity and Black
Business: The Case of Ethnic Beauty Aids Distributors in Chicago,” American Journal of Economics and
Sociology 58, no. 4 (October, 1999): 829-841; Rebeca Raijman and Marta Tienda, “Training Functions of
Ethnic Economies: Mexican Entrepreneurs in Chicago,” Sociological Perspectives 43, no. 3 (Autumn,
2000): 439-456; John Sibley Butler and George Kozmetsky, eds. Immigrant and Minority
Entrepreneurship: The Continuous Rebirth of American Communities (Westport, Conn.: Praeger
Publishers, 2004); Robert W. Fairlie, “Recent Trends in Ethnic and Racial Business Ownership,” Small
Business Economics 23, no. 3 (October, 2004): 203-218; Bárbara J. Robles and Héctor Cordero-Guzmán,
“Latino Self-Employment and Entrepreneurship in the United States: An Overview of the Literature and
Data Sources,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science613, Advancing Research
on Minority Entrepreneurship (September, 2007): 18-31; Robert W. Fairlie and Alicia M. Robb, Race and
Entrepreneurial Success: Black-, Asian-, and White-Owned Businesses in the United States (Cambridge,
21
examining minority entrepreneurship illustrates the role that these businessmen and
women have played in U.S. racial, social, and economic history.
A Tale of Exchanges
My dissertation builds on the existing scholarship to consider the role of Mexican
culture itself in molding American culture. It argues that, while racial discrimination and
acculturation to Anglo ways over the generations have played a significant role in
informing Mexican-Anglo relations, historians have neglected to study how these
interactions and the presence of Mexican-origin people have also participated in shaping
that blurry concept, American identity. The second half of the twentieth century, which
witnessed a surge in immigration from Mexico, offers a convenient timeframe to
undertake such a study. By examining the commemorations of an important Mexican
patriotic holiday, Spanish-language radio programming, and the evolution of Mexican
food in Houston, this dissertation adds a new dimension to the study of Mexican
American history. More pointedly, it explores the importance of exchanges between
Mexican and Anglo cultures and highlights how local history helps understand broader
national trends.
The emphasis here is on the efforts of middle-class civic leaders and
entrepreneurs to bring the Mexican heritage to the Anglo community in Houston in the
post-1945 era. These leaders cooperated with Anglos, shared their ethnic pride, and used
the city‟s public spaces to showcase aspects of Mexican heritage. The subjects of this
Mass.: The MIT Press, 2008); Hernán Ramírez and Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, “Mexican Immigrant
Gardeners: Entrepreneurs or Exploited Workers?” Social Problems 56, no. 1 (February, 2009): 70-88;
Suzanne E. Smith, To Serve the Living: Funeral Directors and the African American Way of Death
(Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 2010); Tiffany M. Gill, Beauty Shop Politics: African American Women‟s
Activism in the Beauty Industry (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2010).
22
dissertation infused Houston with a sense of the role that Mexican people and Mexican
culture had played in the city‟s history. The sources consulted for this study stress the
fact that these civic and business leaders not only boasted a strong bicultural identity, but
also actively sought to find common ground with the city‟s Anglo population. The
Mexican-origin community‟s main bilingual newspaper from the 1960s through the
1980s, El Sol, reflected this attitude in its editorials, most of which asked for or
celebrated collaboration between the Anglo and Mexican-origin communities.
Additionally, the personal papers of Mexican-origin Houstonians and oral histories also
emphasize cooperation with the city‟s political leadership and, more broadly, its Anglo
population. By focusing on avenues of cultural interactions and mutual understanding,
this dissertation explains Anglo Houstonians‟ increasing embrace of Mexican culture.
These encounters offer new ways to examine how the post-World War II era presented
opportunities not only for a vibrant and multi-ethnic civil rights movement, but also for
more subtle cultural exchanges between Anglos and Hispanics. Additionally, these
exchanges reveal how Mexican ethnicity itself became commercialized in the postwar
era. The commodification of Mexican culture led to its repackaging for consumption by
people with no Mexican heritage. The people behind the process built bridges that
proved essential to the incorporation of Mexican culture into the modern American sense
of identity.
This dissertation addresses three themes in five chapters. Chapters 1 and 2
document the evolution of the Fiestas Patrias (patriotic holidays) commemorations of
Mexican Independence Day in the streets and parks of Houston from the 1960s through
23
the 1980s. These two chapters chronicle how Mexican-origin civic leaders organized
festivities that exalted both the Mexican and American heritage of the city‟s Mexicanorigin residents. As the events quickly gained wide popularity among both Anglos and
Houstonians of Mexican descent, activities expanded in size. By the 1980s, the Fiestas
Patrias had become an integral part of Houston‟s cultural calendar and attracted national
corporations that perceived the celebrations as a platform for courting Hispanic
consumers. Within two decades, the Fiestas Patrias festivities developed into an annual
commemoration of the independence of Mexico that at the same time affirmed the loyalty
of the Mexican-origin community toward the United States.
Chapter 3 details the birth and rise of KLVL, the first Spanish-language radio
station in the Houston metropolitan area. The chapter describes the station‟s difficult
beginnings and the strategies that its founders, Felix and Angelina Morales, employed to
build a vibrant business that catered both to Spanish-speakers and Anglo listeners. By
examining the content of the station‟s programming and the Moraleses‟ vision of
KLVL‟s role in the city‟s life, this chapter shows how the radio station built bridges
between two communities of listeners who otherwise would unlikely have been aware of
one another‟s interests and cultural views.
Finally, Chapters 4 and 5 explain the role of food in exposing Anglo Houstonians
to Mexican culture. The chapters retrace the culinary approaches of two restaurateurs of
Mexican origin whose menu selections epitomized the evolving tastes and culinary
preferences of two generations of diners. While Felix Tijerina‟s establishments offered a
mild, accommodationist version of what Anglos perceived as Mexican food in the pre-
24
civil rights era, Ninfa Laurenzo‟s kitchen served spicier dishes by the 1970s. These two
entrepreneurs made millions of dollars by understanding and appealing to Anglo patrons‟
increasing appetite for foreign flavors. The growing hunger for an ethnically diverse
cuisine reflects Houston‟s gradual redefinition as a modern multicultural American city.
25
CHAPTER 1
CELEBRATING MEXICAN INDEPENDENCE DAY: THE INCEPTION OF THE
MODERN FIESTAS PATRIAS IN HOUSTON, 1965-1972
In the 1990s, Houston Chronicle articles about the September Fiestas Patrias1
regularly celebrated the event as “a part of Houston‟s fabric” and as an observance, no
longer simply of Mexican Independence Day, but rather of the role of Mexican culture in
Houston.2 The organizers chose the theme “Hispanics and the 21 st Century” for the 1990
Fiestas Patrias to “point out that the Latino community … [was] no longer a small
minority of the population but a sizable voting and buying force that … [was] shaping the
growth of the city.” 3 By the last decade of the twentieth century, Houston‟s ethnic
communities came together every September to celebrate the cultural, economic, and
political influence of Central and Latin American immigrants on the city and used the
festivities as a platform to laud Houston‟s multicultural makeup. The commemoration of
Mexico‟s history and of the Mexican American legacy, however, had not always thrust
Houston‟s ethnic groups together in the streets and city parks. It was not until the early
1970s that the Fiestas Patrias festivities became a means to build a good relationship
between Houston‟s Mexican Americans and the city‟s Anglo population.
This chapter traces the evolution of this civic holiday from a relatively isolated
1
In Mexico, the Fiestas Patrias encompass several civic holidays throughout the year. In the
United States, however, only Mexican Independence Day and 5 May (the defeat of French forces at the
battle of Puebla in 1862) are celebrated. This chapter examines solely the September commemorations in
Houston.
2
“Fiestas Patrias/Independence Celebration Is Part of Houston‟s Fabric,” Houston Chronicle, 10
September 1994, 22 (A); “Fiestas Patrias Festivities Start,” Houston Chronicle, 7 September 1990, 1
(Weekend Preview).
3
Ibid.
26
event in the mid-1960s to a full-blown, citywide fiesta by the early 1970s. It examines
the strategies that some Mexican American community leaders adopted to mobilize their
own people and to reach out to Houstonians who were not of Mexican extraction. It also
seeks to gauge the extent to which these civic rituals acted as vehicles for the expression
of cultural pride and acculturation for the Mexican-origin community in Houston during a
tumultuous period in American history. Finally, this chapter describes how community
leaders produced the blueprint for future, even bigger Fiestas Patrias celebrations in
Houston, while unwittingly exposing the events to the risks of corporate influence.
Historiographical Review of the Celebrations of the Fiestas Patrias in the United States
The Fiestas Patrias held throughout Mexico and in many Mexican American
communities commemorate the momentous events that began the movement for
independence in Mexico. On the night of 15 September 1810 some Mexican patriots
rode to the small town of Dolores, Guanajuato, to warn Father Don Miguel Hidalgo y
Costilla that their plan to overthrow the Spanish government had been discovered. Close
to midnight, Hidalgo gathered his parishioners and exhorted them to fight to end Spanish
rule in Mexico. After an impassioned speech denouncing three centuries of Spanish
tyranny and oppression, he issued the famous Grito de Dolores, or call to independence.
The Spaniards apprehended and executed Hidalgo the following year, and the struggle
lasted for another decade. Yet, 16 September 1810 is honored as Independence Day in
Mexico, and Hidalgo is recognized as a national hero. 4
4
Américo Paredes, “Meaning of El Diez y Seis,” (Houston) Papel Chicano, 16 September 1971,
27
Much of the history of these celebrations in Mexican American communities
remains to be explored, especially for the post-World War II period. The dearth of
scholarship proves especially problematic for the 1960s and afterwards, as this is when
American society underwent a strong revival of ethnic pride among its immigrant
communities. Civic holidays provide a helpful lens through which to understand those
broader currents. The case of Houston shows that Mexican American leaders sensed the
need for activities that would foster peaceful community-building and rally Anglos to
join the effort to make the Mexican American heritage a vital feature of Texan history
and identity. This endeavor proved successful in making Anglo businesses and
prominent politicians acknowledge gradually that the September festivities not only
served to recognize Mexican heritage but also represented an opportunity to enhance the
Anglo‟s image of an ethnic group with growing economic and political power in Texas
and the Southwest.
A few studies have described the commemoration of the September Fiestas
Patrias in several Mexican American communities in the United States. Lawrence
Douglas Taylor Hansen documented such festivities in California from the time of
American annexation of the Southwest after the Mexican-American War until the Second
World War.5 He chronicled how Californios celebrated Mexico‟s independence despite
the residential segregation and political and economic displacement that Anglo-
n.p.; Judith Berg Sobré, San Antonio on Parade: Six Historic Festivals, Tarleton State University
Southwestern Studies in the Humanities, no. 15 (College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 2003),
73.
5
Lawrence Douglas Taylor Hansen, “Las fiestas patrias y la preservación de la identidad cultural
mexicana en California: una visión histόrica,” Frontera Norte, 9, no. 18 (Julio-Diciembre de 1997): 29-44.
28
Americans imposed on them in the decades after 1848. Taylor Hansen explained that
physical concentration in barrios, coupled with a steady influx of immigrants, especially
during the Mexican Revolution, enabled Californios to preserve their cultural heritage
through activities such as Fiestas Patrias celebrations. The Spanish-language press that
emerged between the mid-nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth also
helped promote ethnic pride and heavily advertised the Fiestas to the whole community.
The festivities, which the Mexican consul from Los Angeles attended, targeted the youth
and families, whom the author considered the guardians of Mexican traditions. 6 By the
1870s, important Anglo officials participated in the Fiestas Patrias, fully aware that their
involvement served to enhance economic relationships with Mexico, where the
Porfiriato‟s policies proved most welcoming to American business interests. Taylor
Hansen indicated that by the 1920s, the increased flow of Mexican immigrants to Los
Angeles led to the creation of new neighborhoods that lay further away from the older
barrios; as Californios scattered across several sections of the city, the celebrations
became decentralized. 7 By the 1940s, the Mexican consulate was receiving many
complaints that Anglo corporations had taken control of the commemorations and had
thereby crippled the authenticity of the festivities. Taylor Hansen concluded that the
Fiestas Patrias in California had increasingly lost their genuine character after World
War II because of Anglo commercial takeover. 8
6
Ibid, 39.
7
Ibid, 41.
8
Ibid, 43-44.
29
Arnoldo De Leόn reported a similar trajectory for the Fiestas Patrias in San
Angelo, Texas. 9 He traced the first celebrations back to the first decade of the twentieth
century and documented their evolution until the early 1970s. The festivities expanded in
the 1920s and reached their apex in the mid-1950s, when many dignitaries from
surrounding towns attended an activities-filled three-day event. By the end of the 1950s,
however, the spirit and community enthusiasm guiding the Fiestas began to fade
significantly. 10 By the 1970s, the celebrations were commemorated outside the barrio
with much less patriotic fervor. De Leόn attributed this steady decline in San Angelo to
several factors. First, the forces of assimilation combined with the rise of new leisure
activities to decrease the interest of third- and fourth-generation Mexican Americans in
their forebears‟ history. Second, the construction of a new freeway fragmented the old
barrio and caused the Mexican-origin population to disperse throughout the city, thereby
decentralizing the Fiestas Patrias festivities. And finally, the old guard of event
organizers failed to ensure that younger heirs would rise up and sustain the half-centuryold Fiestas traditions in San Angelo. 11
Margarita Melville, on the other hand, found evidence of a resurgence of
celebrations of Mexican Independence Day in most cities with a sizeable Mexican-origin
population by the late 1960s. 12 She asserted that the Chicano Movement, whose
9
Arnoldo De Leόn, Las Fiestas Patrias: Biographic Notes on the Hispanic Presence in San
Angelo, Texas, The Caravel Series on Fiestas Patrias (San Antonio, TX: Caravel Press, 1978).
10
Ibid, 7-19.
11
Ibid, 25.
12
Margarita B. Melville, “The Mexican American and the Celebration of Fiestas Patrias: An
30
participants strove to reclaim pride in their indigenous heritage, coincided with an
expansion of the Fiestas Patrias in the Southwest. In San Antonio, Texas, for instance,
Mexican Americans disliked the fact that the city‟s biggest festival, the Battle of the
Flowers Parade, which was held each April, actually commemorated the Texan victory
over Mexico at the Battle of San Jacinto on 21 April 1836. They decided to boycott the
event and organized a three-day festival of their own in September for Mexican
Independence Day. They named it La Feria del Rio and successfully encouraged Anglo
participation in the parade and in the Mexican-themed entertainment that followed it. 13
The extant scholarship thus has established the existence of fluctuating levels of
activity among Mexican-origin people with regard to celebrations of Mexican
Independence Day throughout the Southwest. These studies also highlight the
importance of local conditions in enabling communities to garner sufficient support and
cohesion to sustain such efforts for long periods of time. Houston in the mid-1960s
offered such a favorable environment. Indeed, while the city‟s Chicano activists focused
their attention on local politics and school desegregation within the Houston Independent
School District, Mexican American community leaders took steps to formalize the
Fiestas Patrias celebrations and keep militancy at bay.
The Celebrations of Mexican Independence Day in Houston, 1900s-1965
Houston had been witness to Mexican festivities since the first decade of the
Ethno-Historical Analysis,” Grito Del Sol 3, no. 1 (1978): 107-116.
13
Ibid, 111. Melville does not provide a specific date for this.
31
twentieth century. Arnoldo De Leόn traced the first 16 September commemoration back
to 1907. The Mexican consul, then based in Galveston, attended the occasion one year
later.14 By the 1920s, the larger number of immigrants, social clubs, and mutual aid
societies conduced to greater enthusiasm for the local celebration of Mexican
independence, and organizers had little difficulty receiving the support of Mayor
Holcombe and permission to hold the festivities at the City Auditorium. 15 The 1925
gathering, for instance, featured a downtown parade, and four thousand people
participated in the events. 16
The Great Depression years did not hinder the celebratory spirits of the Fiestas
Patrias. The downtown parade, with its floats and brand new cars, disappeared, but a
Comité Patriόtico Mexicano (Mexican patriotic committee) brought together the various
social clubs under the aegis of the Mexican consulate. 17 Each group, in turn, held special
events in the months leading up to September in order to raise the necessary funds to pay
for the venues‟ rentals. 18 The Grito ceremony united all Mexicans, rich and poor, under a
14
Arnoldo De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt: Mexican Americans in Houston, 2nd edition,
University of Houston Series in Mexican American Studies, no. 4 (Houston, Texas: Texas A&M University
Press, 2001), 10.
15
Mexicans were allowed access to the City Auditorium thanks to the support of the Mexican
Consulate that would file the rental application on their behalf. In the 1920s and 1930s, Mexicans were not
permitted to rent most of Houston‟s social facilities. John J. Herrera Oral History, 27 December 1983,
HMRC.
16
De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 38.
17
De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 65.
18
It was not uncommon for the Mexican consul to attend these events in order to increase the
number of admissions, thus collecting further funds. The members of the respectable Comité Patriόtico
Mexicano (CPM) also participated. See “Mexicans to Hold Kermesse to Raise Funds for Fête,” Houston
Chronicle, 18 August 1935, 4.
32
common cultural heritage, but associations also organized different activities according to
the socio-economic status of their members. In 1933, for instance, Mexican businessmen
could choose to celebrate at the upscale City Auditorium, Rice Roof, or the Brazos Hotel,
while those of more humble means attended the two-day festival held at Magnolia Park
Settlement in a mostly lower-class barrio. That year, more than three thousand celebrated
Mexico‟s independence in Houston. 19
The September festivities remained under the leadership of the Mexican consul‟s
committee throughout the 1940s and 1950s. The two-day events continued to draw large
crowds, and the members of the Comité Patriótico Mexicano (CPM) enlisted the
cooperation of social and cultural clubs. In 1948, for instance, the CPM collaborated
with the Club Cultural Recreativo México Bello; the organizers rented the City
Auditorium and drew two thousand people. 20 In 1954, the CPM and KLVL, the only
Spanish-language radio station in the Houston area, worked together to present a two-day
celebration at the Rusk Settlement House in the Second Ward and on KLVL airwaves. 21
19
“Mexicans Observe Independence Day,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 15 September 1933,
Melesio Gómez Family Collection, Box 1, Folder 18, HMRC, 23.
20
A group of ten Mexican men formed The Club Cultural Recreativo México Bello, to which it
will be referred as (Club) México Bello for the rest of this work, in Houston in 1924. Its emblem boasted
the green, red, and white colors of Mexico and its motto, Raza-Patria-Idioma (Race, Country, Language),
conveyed the club‟s aspirations to perpetuate love and allegiance to the Mexican nation and culture.
México Bello sought not only to provide a recreational outlet for its members, but also to present a positive
image of Mexicans to Anglo Houstonians so as to combat the rampant prejudice and racism of the time.
The Club is still active today. See Richard Vara, “Social Club Has Helped Battle Discrimination,” Houston
Post, 21 January 1979, 8 (D); Thomas Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey: Felix Tijerina, Entrepreneur
and Civic Leader, 1905-1965, University of Houston Series in Mexican American Studies, no. 2 (College
Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2001), 62, 98-99; De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 33-34, 98-99.
21
The Second Ward, also known as El Segundo Barrio, became the “heart of the Mexican
community” in Houston during the 1910s and 1920s, according to De León. It stretched from the Buffalo
Bayou to Congress Avenue. De León, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 12. For social programs offered by the
Rusk Settlement House during those decades, see De León, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 12-13. KLVL radio
33
Rusk Settlement offered patriotic speeches, delivery of the traditional Grito de Dolores,
and performances by local school students in the evenings. KLVL entertained its
audience for two days with presentations on the history of the Mexican flag and the
national anthem; the Mexican consul also hosted a special program honoring Mexico‟s
war dead.22 Between the Great Depression years and the early 1960s, the CPM thus
stood in charge of the celebrations of Mexican Independence Day in Houston and
succeeded in drawing large crowds to its various events.
The Decentralization of the Celebrations in Individual Barrios after the Demise of the
CPM, Mid-1960s
By the mid-1960s, however, the CPM had disintegrated. Along with its demise,
the traditional ceremonies that sought to uphold memories of the motherland by means of
patriotic speeches and historical re-enactments had disappeared. 23 Various organizations
ensured that the Fiestas Patrias continued, but solely on a neighborhood level. It would
take several years and a few dedicated Mexican American leaders to rebuild and expand
the community‟s enthusiasm. By the last years of the decade, Houston‟s Mexican
Americans would come together to organize the September Fiestas Patrias again in order
to celebrate a bicultural identity that reflected the levels of acculturation that most of
will be the subject of Chapter 3. It remained the only Spanish-language radio station in the Houston
metropolitan area until the late 1970s.
22
Ann Hodges, “Mexicans Observe Independence Day,” Houston Chronicle, 15 September 1954,
14 (A).
23
The reasons for its dismantling are unknown. The last event on record for the CPM is a
performance at the Houston Music Hall on 15 September 1965. Club México Bello to Luis Orcí, Mexican
consul, 27 July 1965, Club México Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 12, HMRC; De León, Ethnicity in the
Sunbelt, 153-154.
34
them shared.
After the disintegration of the CPM, several social clubs planned their own
commemorations in individual barrios. In 1966, for instance, the neighborhood of El
Dorado, situated northeast of Houston, celebrated its 9 th annual Fiestas Patrias on the
grounds of San Felipe Church. Bishop John L. Morkovsky, a white Catholic leader
deeply supportive of the spiritual and cultural needs of the Mexican-origin community,
attended the festivities for the first time and crowned the elected queen on 15
September.24 El Dorado had its own Fiestas committee, and its chairwoman read the
traditional Grito de Dolores. Additional attractions included the presence of a popular
local television personality, Carlos García, who acted as master of ceremonies for the
three-day event, and a thirty-foot-high replica of the front of the Church of Dolores,
where Father Hidalgo had given his famous Grito in 1810. Sponsored by the local Men‟s
Social Club, the commemorations attracted great crowds and generated revenue for the
Church Building Fund. 25 The mostly working-class neighborhood beamed with pride at
such a high turnout but did not seem intent on including other clubs and barrios in its
celebrations.
Simultaneously, the thirty-four-year-old mutual aid society Sociedad Mutualista
Obrera Mexicana organized a Grito ceremony of its own in one of its branches in
northwestern Houston, which Mayor Louie Welch and the Mexican consul, Luis F. Orcí,
24
Roberto R. Treviño, The Church in the Barrio: Mexican American Ethno-Catholicism in
Houston (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 41, 99, 173.
25
“El Dorado Plans Annual Fiestas,” El Sol clipping, 16 September 1966, J.A. „Tony‟ Alvarez
Collection, Box 1, Folder 1, HMRC, 1.
35
attended.26 A special representative of Mexico‟s president, Under Secretary of Labor
Tristan Canales Valverde, delivered the Grito, and members of some popular social
clubs, such as México Bello, were there as well. 27 While the presence of high dignitaries
at an occasion hosted by a mostly working-class Mexican American club should have
enhanced the repute of the event, one Mexican journalist who witnessed the celebration
wrote about it in a Mexico City newspaper in negative terms. According to Houston‟s
bilingual newspaper El Sol, a journalist from Mexico City‟s Últimas Noticias “bravely
sounded the drums of battle against Houston Mexican Americans who dared to celebrate
Mexican Independence Day in such drab surroundings.” 28 The article in Últimas
Noticias “described the club as an „old, filthy, smelly and badly lit wooden shack on a
back street in the Negro district that looked like a honky-tonk in a red light zone.‟”29 The
El Sol reporter countered that the father of Mexican independence would have been
thankful for the Sociedad‟s building and its convenient electrical light, air conditioning,
and sturdy roof and floor. Moreover, the building was not in a black neighborhood, but
rather on the edges of it. The El Sol writer later claimed that this nuance did not matter
26
Sociedad Mutualista Obrera Mexicana to Club Cultural México Bello, 31 August 1966, Club
México Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 15.
27
While Tristan Canales Valverde gave the Grito at the Sociedad Mutualista Obrera Mexicana at
8 in the evening that day, he performed the same ceremony, also in the presence of Houston‟s mayor and
the Mexican consul, at the Sembradores de Amistad club at one o‟ clock that same afternoon. Mexican
American clubs around Houston clearly did not unify in their efforts to hold celebrations together by the
mid-1960s. See “Bishop to Crown Queen of Mexican Independence,” Houston Chronicle, 15 September
1966, 2 (1); Sociedad Mutualista Obrera Mexicana to Club Cultural México Bello, 31 August 1966, Club
México Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 15.
28
“Newsman Blasts Houston‟s Latins for Ceremony in „Filthy Shacks,‟” El Sol clipping, 30
September 1966, J.A. „Tony‟ Alvarez Collection, Box 1, Folder 1, 1.
29
Ibid.
36
whatsoever, reflecting his sensitivity towards the subject of racism and segregated
neighborhoods. Finally, the El Sol reporter added that “the club … [was] not designed
for reading, but for dancing and drinking and relaxing.”30 The one hundred and eighty
members of the Sociedad were hard-working people with mostly blue-collar jobs and
kept the premises as well as they could. 31 According to the El Sol journalist, the Mexico
City reporter did not have a good understanding of the social and living conditions of
Houston‟s Mexican-origin residents.
While there is no evidence of a reply from the Últimas Noticias reporter to El Sol,
the articles suggest a clash of interpretations of the meaning of the Fiestas Patrias. By
emphasizing the physical aspects of the celebration, namely hygiene and the geographical
location of the facility, the Mexican journalist stressed the importance of the appearances
of the event. As an outsider, he felt that the poor conditions of the site conveyed a
negative image of Houston‟s Mexican community and, by extension, of the Mexican
civic holiday. To El Sol, on the contrary, festivities on the premises of a locally respected
Mexican mutual aid society with basic amenities sufficed to provide a convivial
atmosphere and allowed the community to focus on the meaning of the commemoration
itself. Mexican expatriates and their children felt that residence in the United States did
not preclude their right to hold such rituals. In fact, to many of them, doing so allowed
them to honor their bicultural identity. 32 The celebration of ethnic heritage for a few days
30
Ibid.
31
Ibid. Many page numbers for El Sol clippings or articles taken from the newspaper itself are not
available, especially until the mid-1970s. Page references are given when available.
32
Incidentally, an article in Últimas Noticias reported that fifty thousand Mexican nationals were
37
out of the year, after all, was a quintessentially American thing to do. 33
El Sol also published an editorial on 16 September 1966 echoing the level of
biculturalism that many in the Mexican American community had reached.34 The
September celebrations served as a means to rekindle pride in ethnic heritage more than
to mourn the absence of prospects of going back to Mexico, as they had in the pre-World
War II period. 35 The editorial started with a reminder of the importance of the 156 th year
of Mexican independence, equating Mexico‟s long-fought battle against Spanish colonial
rule with the American colonies‟ revolution against Great Britain. The bulk of the
column, however, emphasized the loyalty of Americans of Mexican descent to the United
States and stressed their noted record of wartime service and military decorations. It also
celebrated the great cultural legacy of Mexican Americans to the Southwest and declared:
We are indeed American Citizens [sic], but we must never forget our past.
Because our ancestors gave us a number of things for which we can be proud.
They gave us a beautiful language which we should not forget, they gave us a
tremendous culture which we should know more about, they gave us surnames
expected to visit the United States on Mexico‟s independence day. The main destinations were New York
City, Washington, D.C., Chicago, Los Angeles, San Francisco, San Diego, Dallas, Houston, San Antonio,
and Galveston. This suggests that many Mexicans visited their family members who lived in the United
States during this holiday. “50,000 Mexicans Plan U.S. Visits,” Houston Chronicle, 13 September 1966, 9
(1).
33
For discussions of Saint Patrick‟s Day in Irish-American communities, see Kenneth Moss,
“Saint Patrick‟s Day Celebrations and the Formation of Irish-American Identity, 1845-1875,” Journal of
Social History 29, no. 1 (Autumn 1995): 125-148, and Jane Gladden Kelton, “New York City‟s Saint
Patrick‟s Day Parade: Invention of Contention and Consensus,” The Drama Review: TDR 29, no. 3,
Processional Performance (Autumn 1995): 93-105. For festivals celebrating Nisei children (second
generation) among Japanese American communities, see Lon Kurashige, “The Problem of Biculturalism:
Japanese American Identity and Festival before World War II,” The Journal of American History 86, no. 4
(March 2000): 1632-1654.
34
“Editorial,” El Sol clipping, 16 September 1966, J.A. „Tony‟ Alvarez Collection, Box 1, Folder
35
De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 153, 163.
1, 3.
38
which we should be proud to say and spell correctly, and they gave us the spirit to
protect the dignity and freedom of the individual. This 16 th of September
remember the courage and spirit of our ancestors. We are proud to be Americans,
but we should be equally proud of something no man can buy. HIS HERITAGE
[sic].36
The need to acknowledge the importance of Mexican influences to the cultural makeup of
the United States echoed both the tone of the civil rights era, when minority groups
endeavored to raise public awareness of their contributions to American history, and the
demographic realities in Houston in the mid 1960s. Indeed, new immigrants from
Mexico increased the colonia‟s ranks every month. Between 1960 and 1970, the city‟s
Mexican American population doubled in size and increased from 7 percent of Houston‟s
total population in 1960 to 12 percent in 1970.37 Two-thirds of all Houstonians of
Mexican extraction lived in several barrios in the inner city, where “the compactness …
allowed for cultural values and traditions rooted in the Mexican past to be transmitted to
younger generations.” 38 Yet, as Arnoldo De Leόn has demonstrated, “The community
itself preferred the notion of bilingualism and a way of life combining „lo mexicano‟ and
„lo americano.‟”39 During the second half of the 1960s, local Mexican American leaders
endeavored to unite the barrios by tapping into this strong bicultural spirit. The Fiestas
Patrias represented the perfect opportunity to organize public festivities that honored the
36
“Editorial,” El Sol clipping, 16 September 1966, 3.
37
The 1960 United States Census recorded 75,000 residents of Mexican extraction in Houston.
Their numbers stood at 150,000 a decade later. Such figures do not include undocumented immigrants
whom the census typically did not count. Houston‟s total population grew from 938,000 in 1960 to 1.2
million people in 1970. De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 147, 150.
38
Ibid, 150.
39
Ibid.
39
Mexican heritage but also strongly asserted the group‟s sense of belonging in American
society.
John Coronado, the Downtown Parade, and the Mobilization of Mexican American
Unity: Laying the Foundations for the Modern Day Fiestas Patrias, 1965-1968
In 1965, John Coronado, editor of another local bilingual newspaper, El
Observatorio Latino, noted the absence of coordination for the celebrations of Mexican
Independence Day among the various barrios and social clubs and set out to organize a
parade through downtown Houston. His efforts were met with great resistance at first.
He later analogized the prevailing atmosphere that year to crabs in a bucket: as one tries
to get out, the others ensure that it does not. 40 Looking back twenty years later, he
explained that he “had much opposition with the first parade; the Mexican Consul [sic]
and many other [sic] turned their back on … [him], but [he] … did not give up.” 41 He
also recalled struggling to attract people to march in the procession. 42 Yet, Coronado
persevered and chose Macario García as parade Grand Marshal in 1965. 43
The selection of Macario García served as a conspicuous reminder of Mexican
Americans‟ courage and patriotism. García, one of twelve Mexican Americans to receive
40
John Coronado, “¡Fiestas Patrias! Historia del primer desfile de las Fiestas Patrias,” El Sol, 15
September 1977, 7. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
41
John Coronado, “A Salute and Toast to the History of the Mexican-American in Houston,”
speech given at the “Hispanics in Houston/Harris County: Symposium,” 1 February 1986, Mexican
American Small Collection, Box 4, Folder 22, HMRC, 2.
42
Ibid. For instance, Coronado recalled having trouble finding volunteers to ride horses in the
43
John Coronado, “¡Fiestas Patrias!” El Sol, 15 September 1977, 7.
parade.
40
the Congressional Medal of Honor for valorous service during World War II, epitomized
the picture-perfect immigrant story: Mexican by birth, but a naturalized American citizen,
his bravery and loyalty to his adopted country earned him the highest military reward in
the land.44 As head of the parade, he embodied the non-threatening and courageous
immigrant of Mexican descent who espoused American values. He thus fulfilled El Sol‟s
September 1966 editorial call for Mexican Americans to nurture their love for both
nations.45
The parade slowly gained momentum. While other Mexican American social
clubs continued to hold separate functions, groups and associations from the Mexican
American community gradually saw participation in the downtown procession as a
rewarding experience that offered public exposure and a sense of cultural unity. In 1966,
members of high school Spanish clubs took part in the parade, applying their knowledge
of the Spanish language and the history of Mexico as they participated in the construction
of floats.46 Local Mexican American businesses, such as Merinos Lounge, displayed
American and Mexican flags on their floats, which they also decorated with advertising
signs. Women, men, and children of Mexican extraction dressed in traditional costumes
rode on the floats. The crowd greatly enjoyed such sights. 47
44
“Parade Celebrates Mexico‟s Independence,” Houston Chronicle, 16 September 1966, 1 (1); De
Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 93; Lorena Oropeza, ¡Raza si!¡ guerra no!: Chicano Protest and Patriotism
during the Vietnam War Era (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 42.
45
This editorial is analyzed in further detail earlier in this chapter. See footnote 36.
46
“Parade Celebrates Mexico‟s Independence,” Houston Chronicle, 16 September 1966, 1 (1).
47
“Recuerdo del DESFILE DEL [sic] 16 de Septiembre, Merinos Lounge fueron los mas
aplaudidos,” El Observatorio Latino clipping, 30 October 1966, John Coronado Collection, El
Observatorio, vol. 2, no. 55, 30 October 1966, HMRC, n.p.
41
By 1967, the parade started to attract attention from important local organizations.
John Coronado, who then served as secretary of the Houston Mexican Chamber of
Commerce, persuaded that association to sponsor the event that year. 48 Macario García
served as Grand Marshal for the third time in a row, and the University of Nuevo Leόn‟s
team and the former Texas champions, “Club Mexico,” played a much-anticipated soccer
game that highlighted the three-day festivities.49 Coronado‟s drive had started to pay off.
A Houston Chronicle column published on the day of the parade put a damper on
the event by highlighting some problems, however. Houston‟s most widely read
newspaper decried the city‟s loose permit policy regarding downtown parades. 50 It stated
that, at the request of Mayor Louie Welch, the Houston Police Department (HPD) had
submitted a review of the frequent processions that wound their way through downtown
and their cost to the city taxpayers. Overtime pay for police officers needed to supervise
the streets was estimated in the thousands of dollars per event. The report did not
account for other city departments‟ expenditures or the money lost from taking HPD
officers off from other duties, such as issuing citations in other neighborhoods. Parades
also created great inconveniences for motorists and downtown businesses. It was
therefore reasonable for the Houston City Council to ask sponsors to help with the fees
incurred for police services and post-parade cleaning. 51 The Chronicle urged the
48
“Parade Will Mark Mexico‟s Independence,” Houston Chronicle, 15 September 1967, n. p. (7).
49
“Cheers Independence,” Houston Chronicle, 17 September 1967, 18 (1).
50
“We Love a Parade, but…” Houston Chronicle, 16 September 1967, 12 (1).
51
Coronado and his successors received no corporate sponsorship for the first six years. Two
local beer companies, La Jax and Lone Star Brewery, offered early support, but contributed no money.
42
Houston City Council to give attention to the issue:
We love a parade! And we agree that the populace is entitled to a certain number
of “circuses” along with its “bread.” But in view of the over-all cost to hardpressed taxpayers, in a city whose police department already is woefully
undermanned, perhaps more judgment should be exercised in granting parade
permits.52
This column‟s timing and choice of words raise questions regarding the Chronicle‟s
views towards the Mexican-origin community. In light of John Coronado‟s expressed
difficulties rallying prominent local personalities and businesses in the first years of the
downtown parade, which had started to attract a few thousand by 1967, such an article
might indicate some establishment resistance to the event. 53 Moreover, the words
“populace,” “circuses,” and “bread” connote the writer‟s condescending attitude towards
the nature of the parade, at least in its first few years of existence. Notwithstanding
reservations on the part of many Houstonians, Coronado‟s downtown event gained
momentum in September 1968, when forty Mexican American organizations participated
in the parade. 54 Macario García agreed to act as Grand Marshal for the fourth year in a
row, and Coronado also encouraged all Mexican American social clubs to invite their
respective elected queens to ride in the downtown parade. 55
John Coronado, “A Salute and Toast to the History of the Mexican-American in Houston,” 2.
52
“We Love a Parade, but…” Houston Chronicle, 16 September 1967, 12 (1).
53
This assertion remains purely speculative at this point, despite the timing of the column‟s
publication. Further research is needed to clarify the position of the Houston Chronicle on the impact of
the Fiestas Patrias parade on downtown Houston and its strain on HPD forces, at Houston taxpayers‟
account.
54
Richard Vara, “Mexican Freedom to Be Celebrated,” Houston Post, 2 September 1973, 8 (B).
55
Ibid.
43
In light of the resistance that Coronado initially encountered, the 1965-1968
stretch represented significant progress in the engagement of Houston‟s Mexican
Americans towards community-building activities. From a trickle of support in 1965,
Coronado‟s parade had attracted more than three dozen Mexican American organizations
and several thousand spectators three years later. Moreover, one must not overlook the
symbolic nature of the event. While decorated World War II veteran Macario García‟s
assigned role in the procession lent credence and probity to the event, the itinerary also
held symbolic value. As some architecture scholars have suggested, parade organizers
choose routes that convey specific messages—the selected streets and neighborhoods
through which crowds wind their way bear cultural meanings embedded in the city‟s
history.56 In the case of the Fiestas Patrias, the itinerary has not changed since 1965,
save for some minor alterations. Each year, Houstonians celebrate Mexico not in the old
barrios as one might expect, but in the center of the city. Coronado‟s choice of
downtown suggests that he sought to root Mexican Americans symbolically in the city‟s
heart and financial soul. 57 As the hub of the energy and banking industries that gave
Houston its “Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt” nickname, the downtown district represented
post-World War II capitalistic strength. There, commoners had turned millionaires in
short periods of time. There lay the epitome of the American Dream. More importantly
56
Sarah Bonnemaison, “City Policies and Cyclical Events,” Design Quarterly, Celebrations:
Urban Spaces Transformed, no. 147 (1990), 24-32.
57
The specific route of the 1965 parade is unknown. The 1966, 1967, and 1968 itineraries
originated from Main Street and ended either at Fannin Street or Bell Street. “Parade Celebrates Mexico‟s
Independence,” Houston Chronicle, 15 September 1966, 2 (1); “Parade Will Mark Mexico‟s
Independence,” Houston Chronicle, 15 September 1967, n. p. (7); “Parade in Downtown Houston,” El Sol,
13 September 1968, 1.
44
for Coronado‟s project, downtown Houston moved Mexican-origin residents out of the
decrepit barrios and anchored them instead in a narrative of success. After all, Mexican
immigrants had been among the prime builders of Houston‟s financial accomplishments,
working for its railroad companies and in industries along the ship channel, and they had
provided the bulk of cheap manual labor throughout the city since the second decade of
the twentieth century. Perhaps as unmistakable, downtown Houston and its soaring
skyscrapers represented Anglo wealth and power. By choosing to hold a parade that
celebrated Mexico‟s heroes in such a strategic place, Coronado effectively linked the
city‟s Mexican-origin population to a narrative of success and pride. It provided a
powerful and peaceful means to use a public space to symbolically re-place them into the
American urban landscape.
John Coronado can therefore be credited for laying the foundations of the
modern-day Fiestas Patrias in Houston. His hard work, resilience, and faith in the need
for Mexican Americans to display their pride in their ethnic heritage fueled the desires of
the community to show a united, yet non-confrontational front to a city that had
welcomed them and their forebears. School and residential segregation were undeniably
still rampant in Houston as well as the rest of Texas, and Mexican Americans‟ political
weight still went largely unrecognized by the late 1960s. But Coronado had tapped into a
civic, joyful, and bicultural enthusiasm that had been waiting to be channeled.
The Birth of the Fiestas Patrias Committee, 1969
The year 1969 represented a fundamental turning point for the Fiestas Patrias
45
festivities in the city. Building on Coronado‟s groundwork, Justice of the Peace
Armando V. Rodriguez created an organization, appropriately named the Fiestas Patrias
Committee (FPC), after Juanita Vera, a social worker, pleaded for a community-wide
commemoration of Mexican Independence Day. 58 Why Vera made the request at a time
when Coronado‟s event had been gaining momentum remains unclear. The result,
however, was the emergence of Armando Rodriguez and a handful of other middle-class
Mexican Americans as leaders of the celebrations. 59
Rodriguez formed the FPC with the goal of improving the image that the
Mexican-origin community was projecting to itself and to the rest of Houston. He saw
the creation of the organization as the answer to a lack of unity among Mexican-origin
residents. His sister, Dolores Gallegos (born Rodriguez), who also took an active part in
the festivities, later explained their intentions:
We wanted to take the true meaning of the word barrio … and project it through
our activities. … They say the Hispanic community is in the barrio. Well, we
think the barrio is in the whole darn county, the whole darn state. My brother‟s
idea was to gather and unite not only the Mexican people but all Houston. By
celebrating this important event in our history with us, they would get to know us
better, instead of having them turn away from us because they did not understand
our culture. It was also good for the community. The younger generation was
growing up without knowledge of their cultural heritage and this was the cause
for their identity problems. 60
The FPC thus intended to bring the barrio culture and heritage to Houston‟s streets and
58
Richard Vara, “Mexican Freedom to Be Celebrated,” Houston Post, 2 September 1973, 8 (B).
59
As of September 2010, Rodriguez was still participating in the parade. He may be seen here:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F8NRu5BV4vM, accessed on 10 February 2011.
60
Carole Juarez, “Fiestas Patrias Embraces Celebration of Independence for All Hispanics,”
Houston Post clipping, 11 September 1992, Viva Magazine, supplement of the Houston Post, Vertical File,
“H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics-1992,” HMRC, 1-2.
46
parks. The organization‟s ultimate goal, however, sought to make the city aware of the
important legacy of residents of Mexican origin to its history. This desire to conduct a
public and inclusive celebration of Mexican American identity in the late 1960s
contrasted with the prevalent mood in many other American cities, where the youth,
Vietnam War protesters, and African American and Chicano militants clashed with the
political and social establishment, either rhetorically or physically. 61 While Houston did
witness Chicano activism, expressing one‟s ethnic pride did not necessarily have to
equate with confrontation to the majority of its Mexican American population. 62
John Coronado joined Rodriguez‟s project for two years. His involvement with
the FPC disappears from the public record after the 1970 celebrations, however. He
nonetheless worked closely with the members of the organization to broaden the Fiestas
events in 1969. That year, he created the Most Distinguished Mexican American Award
by asking his newspaper‟s readers to vote for the person whom they thought had
61
The Fiestas Patrias in East Los Angeles on 16 September 1970, for instance, started peacefully,
with many spectators spontaneously joining the parade. Yet, as the march came to its end and wound
towards Belvedere Park for further celebrations, some participants decided to go to East Los Angeles
College Stadium instead. They intended to protest the “police riot” that had occurred two weeks earlier and
during which a beloved local Mexican American television reporter, Rubén Salazar, had been killed.
Tempers flared and a riot erupted. As Margarita Melville asserted, “It was the period of the Vietnam War
and civil rights struggles. The Fiestas Patrias parade, on this occasion, became a vehicle for the expression
of militancy as well as ethnic pride.” Melville, 111; “Deputy, Civilian Shot, in Mêlée, at East L.A.:
Violence Follows Mexican Day Parade; 33 Hurt, 41 Arrested,” Los Angeles Times, 17 September 1970, 1,
3, 26; Jeff Perlman, “Deputies Opened Fire, Wounded Monitor Says,” Los Angeles Times, 18 September
1970, 30; Robert Young, “Board‟s Battle over Use of Stadium for Parade Rally Told,” Los Angeles Times,
19 September 1970, 1 (B).
62
The Chicano Movement came to Houston in 1967 and reached its peak in the early years of the
1970s over school desegregation. The most militant group in Houston was the Mexican American Youth
Organization (MAYO), which splintered into two organizations. The community-oriented MAYO chapter
functioned out of the University of Houston campus, while the activist “Barrio MAYO” held protests and
ran its own militant newspaper, the politically oriented Papel Chicano. These groups also opposed the
Vietnam War and held rallies in barrio parks, condemning the conflict as a “gringo‟s war.” De Leόn,
Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 178-181.
47
contributed the most to the welfare of the Mexican-origin community of Houston.
Attorney Alfred J. Hernández received the honor. 63 Born in Mexico, Hernández came to
Houston in 1917 and fought in the African and European theaters during World War II.
He obtained a law degree in the 1950s and became the first Mexican American appointed
as a municipal court judge in Houston in 1960.64 He also served as national president of
the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) from 1965 to 1967. 65 A
prominent civil rights activist throughout the Southwest, Hernández, like Macario García,
extolled the virtues of biculturalism: he defended and respected the United States, yet he
fought arduously for Mexican Americans‟ advancement and equal rights. 66
The efforts of the FPC members at rallying the whole Mexican-origin community
led to a successful weeklong celebration around town. While the organization supervised
63
John Coronado, “¡Fiestas Patrias!” El Sol, 15 September 1977, 7; John Coronado, “A Salute
and Toast to the History of the Mexican-American in Houston,” 3; “Week-Long [sic] Mexican Fiesta Starts
Today,” Houston Chronicle, September 14, 1969, 6 (4).
64
De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 170-174.
65
John Coronado supported Hernández‟s election to LULAC‟s national presidency in his
newspaper. He ran a column reading, in capital letters, “ Houston the Only City in Texas without Latin
American Leaders?” Soon afterwards, Hernández won the election. Coronado felt elated by the victory
and gained confidence that Houston could produce leaders and role models for its Mexican American
community. Hernández became LULAC national president, incidentally, the same year as Coronado
organized the first downtown parade. John Coronado, “A Salute and Toast to the History of the MexicanAmerican in Houston,” 3.
66
In a 1970 article in Papel Chicano, Armando Rodriguez, chief organizer of the Fiestas Patrias,
reported that the 1969 Most Distinguished Mexican American Award went to himself. Other longer
established newspapers such as the Houston Chronicle and El Sol reported that Alfred Hernández was the
first recipient of the award in 1969, and so claimed other Fiestas Patrias Committee (FPC) members in
later interviews. Judge Rodriguez may have tallied the second highest number of votes from Coronado‟s
readers, and he may have received a similar, if slightly less prestigious, award that year. Such became the
case in the 1970s for other meritorious Mexican American community leaders, when two or three
personalities received plaques at the same time, with only one Most Distinguished Mexican American
Award winner. “Revolución en 1810-Fiestas Patrias en 1970,” Papel Chicano, 26 September-October 9,
1970, 8-9.
48
the much-advertised parade and the Most Distinguished Mexican American Award
ceremony following it, Mexican American neighborhoods, associations, and businesses
organized a flurry of events of their own that week, to which all Houstonians were
invited. On 15 September, the Mexican consul, Luis F. Orcí, held the traditional Grito
ceremony at the Club Sevilla in downtown Houston and hosted a dance afterwards. 67
Additionally, two Mexican restaurants, Las Posadas and Las Cazuelas, offered a
“Mexican Night” for six days at Allen‟s Landing, also near downtown. Patrons could
enjoy traditional Mexican food and dance to baile ranchero (ranch-style Mexican music)
every evening. El Dorado barrio, an early supporter of Coronado‟s parade, continued its
own tradition with a two-day event on 15 and 16 September at San Felipe de Jesus
Church and in Zavala Park. 68 Denver Harbor, another Mexican barrio northeast of
downtown Houston, also joined in the festive spirits by presenting a historical pageant at
Miller Theater in Hermann Park, just a few miles south of downtown. Mary Ellen
Goodman, a Rice University anthropology professor and scholar of Mexican culture,
wrote a dramatic presentation that children from the Denver Harbor area performed in
67
Dolores Gallegos, Armando Rodriguez‟s sister, claimed in a 1992 interview with the Houston
Post that when the FPC came to life in 1969, the Grito ceremony was “dormant,” and that the organization
reinvigorated the event that same year at Our Lady of Guadalupe Church. Primary evidence, however,
suggests that the Mexican consul held the Grito ceremony every year prior to 1969, even though it is
unknown how many attended, and that Our Lady of Guadalupe Church hosted the event in 1970, not 1969.
Carole Juarez, “Fiestas Patrias Embraces Celebration of Independence for All Hispanics,” Houston Post,
11 September 1992, 2; “Week-Long [sic] Mexican Fiesta Starts Today,” Houston Chronicle, 14 September
1969, 6 (4); “Fiesta Mexicana Will Begin Monday,” El Sol, 19 September 1969, 1; Dolores Rodriguez/FPC
to Club México Bello, 1970 (day and month unspecified), Club México Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 23;
Ludivina Salazar, “Se comenta de ustedes,” El Sol, 4 September 1970, 4.
68
El Dorado barrio cooperated with John Coronado as early as 1965, especially with his endeavor
to elect a queen for the Fiestas Patrias. “Viva Mary Ellen,” Houston Chronicle, 17 September 1965, 7 (1);
“Festival Queen in Parade,” Houston Chronicle, 14 September 1968, n.p.
49
beautiful native costumes. 69
Rodriguez and Coronado also worked to maintain the involvement of the forty
organizations that had joined the 1968 parade and to enlist the official support of the City
of Houston. As a result, Mayor Louie Welch issued an official proclamation on the
behalf of the city, declaring the week of the fifteenth to the twentieth of September
“Fiestas Mexicanas Festival Week.” 70 On 16 September 1969 the local press attended
the signing of the document at City Hall, and the mayor showed Houston‟s enthusiasm
for the significance of Mexican Independence Day by wearing a charro (cowboy) jacket
and a sombrero. John Coronado and Armando Rodriguez, also donning the traditional
Mexican hat, proudly posed with Welch for photographs of the memorable, if only
symbolic, event. 71
The proclamation emphasized the friendship between Houston and Mexico. It
equated 16 September with America‟s Fourth of July, stressing both nations‟ birth from
European colonies, love of freedom, and patriotism. It then mentioned the various
celebrations around the city that week, which would conclude with the parade through the
downtown commercial district on 20 September. The text closed with Mayor Welch
“join[ing] with leaders of the Mexican American communities of the city in urging full
participation of all Houstonians in the festivities.” 72 The official support of the city,
69
“Fiesta Mexicana Will Begin Monday,” El Sol, 19 September 1969, 1; “Week-Long [sic]
Mexican Fiesta Starts Today,” Houston Chronicle, 14 September 1969, 6 (4).
70
Louie Welch, “Proclamation,” El Sol, 19 September 1969, 1.
71
Photograph captions, El Sol, 19 September 1969, 1.
72
Louie Welch, “Proclamation,” El Sol, 19 September 1969, 1.
50
complete with a proclamation declaring that a week of Houston‟s cultural calendar would
be dedicated to the commemoration of Mexican heritage, thus lent credence to the
endeavor of the FPC.
As planned, the parade held on Saturday morning of 20 September in downtown
Houston brought the celebration to its highest point. While John Coronado had attracted
an unprecedented two thousand people just a year prior, fifty thousand attended in
1969.73 Macario García served as the Grand Marshal yet again, and Judge Alfred J.
Hernández, the first recipient of the Most Distinguished Mexican American Award, rode
at the front of the parade in a car titled “El Indio” (The Indian), celebrating the
indigenous heritage of the Mexican American. Mariachi bands and prominent members
of the local Mexican American community also participated in the joyous procession. 74
Attorney Angel Fraga, one of several activist brothers in the city, Maria Reyna, a
successful florist and prominent community member, and Reverend James Novarro,
editor of El Sol newspaper and social activist, all gaily waved to the crowds from their
floats and decorated cars. 75 Local Mexican American clubs also sent their elected queens
to represent them, thereby gaining citywide visibility. After the parade, crowds gathered
at Moody Park to watch Mayor Louie Welch present Alfred J. Hernández with his award
for service to the community and to enjoy cold drinks and sandwiches. 76
73
Photograph caption, El Sol, 26 September 1969, 1.
74
Ibid.
75
Ibid; “Cherloc Holmes, El Detective Amistoso,” El Sol, 26 September 1969, 4; Photograph
caption, El Sol, 17 October 1969, 1.
76
Richard Vara, “Mexican Freedom to Be Celebrated,” Houston Post, 2 September 1973, 8 (B).
51
The 1969 celebrations of Mexican Independence in Houston had never been so
encompassing. Armando Rodriguez and John Coronado successfully attracted the
official support and participation of Houston‟s mayor and more than three dozen Mexican
American social clubs. Rodriguez and Coronado also obtained the cooperation of sixtyfive volunteers to help coordinate the parade and the Moody Park festivities. 77
Additionally, the newspaper El Sol heavily advertised the FPC‟s activities and ran
extensive columns on the history of Mexican independence, complete with the Mexican
national hymn on its front page. 78 El Sol also openly invited the non-Mexican
community to participate by claiming, “If you don‟t have a sombrero, get one if you want
to be an amigo to Houston‟s Mexican-American community during their big
independence celebration September 15-20.” 79 Mayor Louie Welch himself donned a
sombrero at the signing of “Fiestas Mexicanas Festival Week” proclamation.80
The participation of the United States Marine Corps in the parade also signaled
that American institutions had started to take note of the growing significance of the
event. Reu Aguilar, a recruiting officer, rode in a car in the procession in 1969 and
77
Ibid.
78
El Sol and other publications aimed at the Mexican American readership of Houston ran articles
on the history of Mexican independence every September, while no such columns appeared near 4 July.
This suggests that the majority of their readers showed strong familiarity with the meaning of American
Independence Day, but might have lacked basic knowledge of Mexican history. These articles, along with
the work of the Fiestas Patrias organizers, helped educate the Mexican American population and
reinforced their biculturalism.
79
“You Need Sombreros!” El Sol, 29 August 1969, 3.
80
Photograph caption, El Sol, 19 September 1969, 1.
52
1970.81 The FPC never made any public statement in support of or against the Vietnam
War. Nonetheless, the presence of one of America‟s most symbolic organizations,
admired for its courage and patriotism, but also highly emblematic of the United States‟
controversial involvement in Vietnam, highlighted the importance of the parade itself.
The Marine Corps might have deemed the presence of a Mexican American officer a
positive gesture that might entice enlistment. Or perhaps the Corps grasped the
opportunity to thank the Mexican American community for its service among its ranks,
thus recognizing their loyalty to the United States. While the intent of the Marine Corps
is not known, their presence shows that American institutions acknowledged that the
celebrations of the Fiestas Patrias in Houston‟s streets bore both symbolic and political
weight. As the next decade unfolded, more and more institutions and corporations would
take notice of the growing public presence of Mexican Americans on a local, regional,
and national level.
The Fiestas Patrias Celebrations Expand and Become an Integral Part of Houston‟s
Cultural Calendar, 1970
Community Events and the Parade
In 1970, the FPC wished to organize an even bigger celebration and started
planning in the late winter. John Coronado, in charge of the parade, published a column
on the front page of El Sol announcing an organizational meeting for 7 March at Martin‟s
Café, a popular place among community leaders. He asked all civic and social
81
The American Legion also sponsored a float in 1970. “Cherloc Holmes, El Detective
Amistoso,” El Sol, 26 September 1969, 4; photograph caption, El Sol, 25 September 1970, 1.
53
organizations to send representatives to the gathering in order to “make arrangements,
enter floats, and formulate policies for the Gigantic [sic] 16th of September Parade.” 82
Later that spring, Dolores Rodriguez, president of the Fiestas Patrias organization, sent
out a letter to Mexican American clubs that explained the committee‟s mission and
planned activities. In the missive, she thanked those associations for their united efforts
in September 1969 and declared that the committee had “been working for several
months in planning events to create one celebration” with the hopes of “uniting all
organizations‟ events to have a week long [sic] celebration for the whole community of
Houston.” 83 She indicated that the Fiestas Patrias of 1970 would revolve around three
core events: the downtown parade and the “Moody Park Fiesta” afterwards, the
traditional Grito ceremony, and a newly instituted beauty pageant. In the closing
paragraph, she mustered up enthusiasm by declaring, “„We are proud to be MexicanAmericans.‟ This we tell ourselves and we tell each other. NOW [sic] let us tell everyone
else and prove it by having a magnificent celebration.” 84
Coronado‟s and Rodriguez‟s efforts at early planning paid off. Sixty-nine
organizations came together to coordinate the festivities under the year‟s theme,
mexicano de corazόn (Mexican at heart). For the first time, the FPC also collaborated
with the Mexican consulate to give the traditional Grito on 15 September, Mexico‟s
82
“Juan Coronado Founder of Fiestas Patrias, Calls Meeting [sic],” El Sol, 20 February 1970, 1.
83
Dolores Rodriguez/FPC to Club México Bello, 1970 (day and month unspecified), Club México
Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 23. While this item of correspondence bears no date, the specific schedule
of activities that Mrs. Rodriguez presented suggests that the letter was written after Coronado‟s
organizational meeting at Martin‟s Café in March. The August 1st deadline for entering candidates in the
beauty pageant hints that the FPC sent this letter some time between March and July of 1970.
84
Ibid.
54
160th birthday. Mayor Louie Welch and Consul Luis Orcí performed the ceremony at
Our Lady of Guadalupe Church, nestled in the heart of the Second Ward. Armando
Rodriguez had worked closely with Welch to ensure that the event could take place in a
public site, where people would not have to pay an entrance fee. It attracted a large
crowd and united the efforts of City Hall, the Mexican consulate, and the FPC for the first
time.85 On 19 September 1970 Mayor Louie Welch, whose staff had collaborated with
the FPC, also participated in the parade, and Armando Rodriguez acted as honorary
marshal.86 Afterwards, crowds gathered at Moody Park, where the organization allowed
non-profit organizations to sponsor a booth selling refreshments, food, or games. 87 While
enjoying Mexican cuisine and drinks, people could watch the awards ceremony for best
floats and for the Most Distinguished Mexican American Award. The mayor presented
the latter to John E. Castillo, one of the founders of the FPC, a prominent local political
activist in the Political Association of Spanish-Speaking Organizations (PASSO), and a
previous board member of the Houston/Harris County Economic Opportunity
Organization. 88 Three of the parade‟s twenty-two floats also received prizes for
85
Dolores Rodriguez/FPC to Club México Bello, 1970 (day and month unspecified), Club México
Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 23; Ludivina Salazar, “Se comenta de ustedes,” El Sol, 4 September 1970,
4.
86
Ludivina Salazar, “Se comenta de ustedes,” El Sol, 4 September 1970, 4.
87
Dolores Rodriguez/FPC to Club México Bello, 1970 (day and month unspecified), Club México
Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 23.
88
John Castillo‟s lifelong accomplishments also included director of LULAC‟s Council Number
60, judge of Houston‟s forty sixth district, president of Senate district number fifteen, member of the
executive board of Governor Dolph Briscoe‟s Good Neighbor Commission, coordinator of the Bicentennial
Anniversary of the United States for Houston‟s Northside, and recipient of the Benito Juárez medal of merit
from the Mexican government. “Sensible fallecimiento del líder Hispano JOHN E. CASTILLO [sic],” El
Sol, 12 March 1986, 1-2. The translation is mine. For his earlier achievements, see Thomas Kreneck, Del
Pueblo: A Pictorial History of Houston‟s Hispanic Community (Houston: Houston International University,
55
originality and festiveness. 89
Just a year after its creation, the FPC had gained enough traction to develop a
strong organizational strategy capable of garnering the support of over sixty local
Mexican American associations to create a successful eight-day celebration. The 1970
parade continued to rally prominent local Anglos and Mexican Americans and registered
an increasing number of Mexican-themed floats. The committee also successfully
collaborated with the Mexican consulate, an association that had theretofore worked on
its own and adhered to more Mexican-oriented celebrations. The cooperation between
the two organizations for the Grito ceremony thus represented the increasing acceptance
of biculturalism among a growing number of Houstonians of Mexican descent. As
importantly, the FPC managed to support itself financially and only allowed non-profit
organizations to participate in its festivities. Local Mexican American social and civic
clubs could thus sustain the Fiestas Patrias without the intervention of commercial
sponsorship, at least in their current size. This seclusion from corporate monies allowed
the committee to establish firmly the format of the celebrations for years to come.
The Miss Fiestas Patrias Beauty Pageant
One momentous decision on the part of the Fiestas Patrias organization resided in
the creation of the Miss Fiestas Patrias beauty pageant in 1970.90 The contest rivaled the
1989), 155.
89
Armando and Dolores Rodriguez, “Revolución en 1810-Fiestas Patrias en 1970,” Papel
Chicano, 26 September-October 9, 1970, 8-9; “Gran „Parade‟ con motivo independencia de México,” El
Sol, 11 September 1970, 1; “Mexican-Americans Kick Off 8-Day Festival Saturday,” El Sol, 18 September
1970, 1.
90
The FPC built upon a long tradition among Houston‟s Mexican-origin community. As early as
56
parade in popularity early on and still enjoyed great success through 2009.91 Dolores
Rodriguez presented the project to Mexican American clubs in the spring 1970. She
urged them to sponsor their respective queens for this contest and added that the
organization would help locate a benefactor among all the contributing associations if a
young lady who wished to participate could not find one. The committee would also
sponsor the winner in the Miss Houston contest and, should she win that title, in the Miss
Texas pageant as well. Rodriguez indicated that, “This would be of pride to not only the
young lady fortunate to be the winner and to the organizations involved but also and of
more value to the whole Mexican American community.” 92 The contestants had to be
Mexican American, between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five, have never wed, speak
Spanish, and have resided in Houston or within a fifty-mile radius for the preceding six
months.93 Such requirements ensured that the queen of the Mexican-origin community
the 1920s, most Mexican social clubs elected queens for Cinco de Mayo celebrations or during Mexican
Independence Day festivities and developed their own rituals. One consisted of inviting the elected young
lady to plant her feet in fresh concrete on barrio sidewalks. This specific custom did not prevail after
World War II, however. John Coronado used his own newspaper to advertise the election of the first
Fiestas Patrias queen in 1965, and continued to do so until at least 1968. The FPC thus adopted an
otherwise well-established barrio tradition and used it to highlight the community‟s bicultural identity.
Barbara Flanagan, “Fiesta Queen Recalls,” Minneapolis Star clipping, 15 July 1966, Melesio Gómez
Family Collection, Box 1, Folder 23, HMRC, 1 (B); F. Arturo Rosales, “Mexicans in Houston: The
Struggle to Survive,” The Houston Review: History and Culture of the Gulf Coast 3, no. 2 (1981): 224-249,
236; John Coronado, “A Salute and Toast to the History of the Mexican-American in Houston,” 2; “Viva
Mary Ellen!” Houston Chronicle, 17 September 1965, 7 (1); John Coronado, “¡Fiestas Patrias!” El Sol, 15
September 1977, 7; “El desfile de las fiestas patrias,” El Observatorio Latino clipping, 4 July 1965, J.A.
„Tony‟ Alvarez Collection, Box 1, Folder 2, n.p.; “Festival Queen in Parade,” Houston Chronicle, 14
September 1968, n.p.; “Concurso festival Miss México,” El Observatorio Latino clipping, 4 August 1968,
John Coronado Collection, “Unspecified, 1968,” n.p. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
91
“Fiestas Patrias: She‟ll Put on a Happy Face,” Houston Chronicle, 7 September 2009, 1 (B).
92
Dolores Rodriguez/FPC to Club México Bello, 1970 (day and month unspecified), Club México
Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 23.
93
Ibid.
57
would embody bicultural attributes through her American citizenship and mastery of the
Spanish language. By registering the Miss Fiestas Patrias winner in the Miss Houston
beauty pageant, in which most candidates were likely of Anglo extraction, the FPC
indicated that the Mexican American community had a stake in Houston‟s growing
multicultural makeup. A potential win or a place near the top would represent a symbolic
recognition of Mexican Americans‟ legitimate place in Houston‟s identity and selfimage.
The pageant attracted much enthusiastic support from the Mexican American
community. Twenty-two clubs enrolled their respective queens, all hailed as “very
respected in social circles, and especially in the Mexican colony.” 94 El Sol‟s social
column declared, “Get ready because we will have a Queen [sic] who will represent
Mexican Americans.”95 The ten finalists competed on 12 September 1970, a week before
the scheduled parade downtown, so that the new Miss Fiestas Patrias could reign over
the procession. The young ladies were judged on their poise, grace, beauty of face and
figure, and talent at a well-attended event. 96 Mexican consul Luis F. Orcí crowned Sylvia
Salazar, who would go on to make Mexican Americans proud in the Miss Houston
pageant by tying the winner and earning “recognition for the Mexicano” in the spring of
94
“Gran Parade con motivo independencia de México,” El Sol, 11 September 1970, 1. The
translation from Spanish to English is mine.
95
Ludivina Salazar, “Se comenta de ustedes,” El Sol, 4 September 1970, 4. The translation from
Spanish to English is mine.
96
“Mexican-Americans Kick Off 8-Day Festival Sunday,” El Sol, 18 September 1970, 1.
58
1971.97
The beauty pageant gained instant popularity because, like the parade, it served as
a unifying act for the city‟s Mexican-origin residents. The elected queen represented all
Mexican-origin people for one year and, as such, had to project a positive image of the
community to all its members and to Anglo Houstonians as well. The pageant
represented an arena where the dynamics of social class, race, and gender intersected. As
the literal and figurative head of people of Mexican heritage, the queen embodied a
commitment to middle-class values, chief among them aspirations to civic mindedness,
educational achievement, and upward mobility. Every year, El Sol emphasized the
contestants‟ educational background and stressed their forthcoming or current college
attendance and major. Moreover, the candidates‟ biographies, also published in El Sol,
always included their professional occupations. When the women were no longer
students, their jobs usually placed them firmly in the middle class. While Sarah BanetWeiser, a scholar of the Miss America pageant, asserted that only after the feminist
movement of the 1970s could the candidates present themselves as women who proudly
chose to place their career before traditional homemaking, the same did not hold true for
Houston‟s Miss Fiestas Patrias contest.98 Since its inception in 1965 and with its
formalization under the aegis of the FPC in 1970, the pageant strove to emphasize the
candidates‟ drive for educational and professional achievement.
97
Ibid; John A. Castillo/FPC to Club México Bello, 1971 (day and month unspecified), Club
México Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 23.
98
Sarah Banet-Weiser, The Most Beautiful Girl in the World: Beauty Pageants and National
Identity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 25.
59
JoAnna Villone found a similar trend among the Mexican American community
in post World War II Minnesota, where one of the goals of a pageant was to:
Mobilize their members to pursue scant resources and power in society. A ritual
celebration represents not only the cultural traditions to be incorporated into the
new society but also statements and symbols about how each immigrant group
identifies itself and seeks to relate to the wider society. 99
By emphasizing the aspirations to, or achievements of, middle-class status of the
candidates, the pageant organizers and the participants themselves projected an image of
ambition and accomplishment, characteristics ascribed to a successful assimilation.
Additionally, the image of social mobility acted as a powerful symbol and stimulant to
adopt American ways for the newly arrived Mexican immigrants. In Villone‟s words,
“The vision of a festival queen in tiara, robes and scepter among a community of
primarily poor Mexican-American immigrants was a very powerful image.” 100 The
pageant therefore conveyed a bicultural identity. On the one hand, the candidates upheld
Mexican cultural traditions by speaking Spanish and often performing Mexican-inspired
numbers for the talent part of the contest. On the other hand, the event served as a public
platform to extol the values of education and upward mobility, both to newer and older
immigrants, their children, and to the city at large.
The pageant also acted as a place where gender turned into cultural performance
in a highly public space. In the same vein that the celebrations for Mexican
Independence Day in the United States have not received much scholarly attention,
99
JoAnna Villone, “The Construction of Ethnic Identity Among Mexican Americans in St. Paul,
Minnesota in the Post-WWII Era,” JSRI Working Paper #xx, The Julian Samora Research Institute,
Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, 1997, 13.
100
Ibid, 17.
60
however, Miss Fiestas Patrias pageants have benefited from little academic analysis.
Sarah Banet-Weiser explained academia‟s initial reaction to her desire to study beauty
contests and the Miss America competition in particular:
[They] are often and easily dismissed as frivolous, meaningless, or carnivalesque
and therefore unworthy of serious and sustained intellectual scrutiny—or, at the
other end of the spectrum, pageants and other forms of mass commodified culture
are seen as simply reiterating and reproducing dominant ideology. 101
While the Miss America pageant bears its own controversial dynamics with regards to
race, class, and gender on a national scale, Banet-Weiser‟s comment on the perceived
frivolity of the event and its commodification of the female body brings up important
elements of reflection for the study of the Mexican-origin community in Houston. The
pageant in Houston gained popularity and support from neighborhood Mexican American
social clubs and the general public right away because of a perceived need for a positive
image on the part of the community. While the parade treated Houston to a joyous
display of themed floats, processions of high school bands and prominent Mexican
Americans, the event may have conveyed a somewhat diffused image of the community
to the spectators. The queen, however, acted as their unique public representative. She
projected the image of a people that aspired to use education to achieve economic success
and to assimilate into society by setting its goal towards a middle-class status.
Besides intelligence, the queen also possessed the traditional feminine attributes
of poise, grace, and beauty, which enhanced her culturally syncretistic image to newly
arrived Mexican immigrants, Mexican Americans, and Anglos alike. A noteworthy
point, moreover, lies in the lack of sexualization of the Miss Fiestas Patrias contestants.
101
Banet-Weiser, The Most Beautiful Girl in the World, 4.
61
Most of the press accounts, whether from the Houston Post, the Houston Chronicle, El
Sol, or the more militant Papel Chicano, did not commodify the Mexican American
female body, except for occasionally publishing pictures of candidates in shorts or
bathing suits, and only listing their name, occupation and their sponsor. A 1973 El Sol
coverage of the pageant, showing the contestants in their long flowing white gowns at the
crowning of the queen, exemplified the public interpretation of the event:
She was chosen from a galaxy of Mexican American beauties that could compete
at any level in the state. Houston and the surrounding area is [sic] beginning to
show the academic, cultural, economic and sophisticated escalation of the
Mexican people at all levels. One day from Houston will come a Miss America,
USA, or a Miss Universe. 102
This emphasis on personal and social refinement shows that the organizers‟ original
intent remained intact as the years unfolded. Indeed, when Dolores Rodriguez announced
the FPC‟s schedule of events in the spring of 1970, she specified that the pageant was not
a bathing beauty contest, unlike the Miss Houston and Miss Texas competitions. 103 She
thus indicated that the Miss Fiestas Patrias event sought not to commodify Mexican
American females. Feminist groups or members of the Houston Mexican American
community did not accuse the Miss Fiestas Patrias competition of objectifying Mexican
American women, which attests to its popularity and deep cultural meaning.
The Success of the Fiestas Patrias Draws Political Attention
In fact, by 1970, almost sixty percent of the Mexican-origin population reported
102
103
Photograph caption, El Sol, 28 September 1973, 1.
Dolores Rodriguez/FPC to Club México Bello, 1970 (day and month unspecified), Club
México Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 23.
62
participating in the Fiestas Patrias in Houston.104 This again bears witness to the
organizers‟ skills at rallying Mexican American social clubs to the planning and
implementation of activities. State politicians started to take notice of the burgeoning
civic enthusiasm among Houston‟s Mexican Americans, too. For instance, George H. W.
Bush, who decided to run for a seat in the United States Senate that year, ran a full page
advertisement in the 18 September issue of El Sol. The headline, written in Spanish,
read:
“One hundred and sixty years of freedom and sovereignty, Don Miguel Hidalgo y
Costilla, the Mexican hero, left us this heritage.” For this reason, our candidate
for Texas Senator, George Bush, who understands Mexican Americans,
congratulates very warmly the Mexican colonia of Houston and its surrounding
area.105
The central part of the advertisement also stated in Spanish, “Onwards with Bush,” and
five photographs depicting him at work as a member of the United States House of
Representatives framed the page. 106 The two-column text, however, did not carry the
politics-as-usual rhetoric that one might have expected from such a campaign ad.
Instead, Bush selected his address to the Mexico-United States Interparliamentary
Conference held on 5 May 1970 in Washington, D.C., in which he praised the meaning
and legacy of the Mexican defeat of invading French forces at the Battle of Puebla in
104
Melville, “The Mexican American and the Celebration of Fiestas Patrias: An Ethno-Historical
Analysis,” 110.
105
“Adelante con BUSH [sic]-Congratulations to Mexican-Americans!” El Sol, 18 September
1970, 10. The translation is mine.
106
One photograph captured George H. W. Bush decorating Mexican American Lanier High
School Cadets for outstanding services, while another showed him standing in a San Antonio classroom,
looking on as students followed a bilingual lesson, which his sponsorship of the Bilingual Bill in the United
States House of Representatives made possible.
63
1862. In his speech to the chairman of the Mexican delegation, Bush reiterated his
support for strong cooperation between Mexico and the United States and declared that
“the spirit of pride and independence which resulted from that event is even greater in the
people of Mexico today.” 107 The former Chairman of the Republican Party for Harris
County had perceived the growing presence of the Fiestas Patrias in the Houston
calendar and decided to engage with the Mexican American voters during the
celebrations of Mexican Independence Day.
1970, therefore, deserves particular scrutiny because of its central role in defining
the modern Fiestas Patrias in Houston. The consolidation of the FPC‟s activities brought
popular events, such as the parade, the Most Distinguished Mexican American Award,
and the beauty pageant, to the city‟s residents in a most orchestrated fashion, and they
remained central occasions through 2009. But the organization also substantially
changed how some of the more conservative, Mexico-oriented social clubs perceived the
celebrations of Mexican Independence Day. Club México Bello stands as a case in
point.108 In 1970, it held a Gran Baile de Noche Mexicana (Mexican Night Grand Ball)
107
108
Ibid.
Between 1967 and 1969, Club México Bello, Club Familias Unidas, and Club Verde Mar
pooled their resources to organize a Gran Baile (Grand Ball) at the Shamrock-Hilton Hotel on the Saturday
closest to 16 September. The black-tie event attracted many dignitaries and proved successful. The three
clubs seized their cooperation in the summer of 1970, however, because of financial and organizational
disputes. Club México Bello then set out to hold its own Gran Baile de Noche Mexicana at the Knights of
Columbus. See meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 1967-1970, Box 3, Folders 17, 18, 21, 23; Betty
Ewing, “Lively Fiesta and Calm Surf,” Houston Chronicle, 14 September 1967, 2 (6); “Three Clubs
Cooperate to Celebrate,” El Sol, 6 September 1968, 1, 2; Club Familias Unidas, Club México Bello, and
Club Verde Mar to Mariano Rosales Y Piña, invitation to the third Gran Baile, 3 September 1969, Mariano
Rosales Y Piña Collection, Box 2, Folder 1.
64
at the Knights of Columbus hall, featuring the locally famous Eloy Pérez band. 109 The
entrance fee of $3.50 per person ensured that the occasion was affordable even to those of
humble means. 110 México Bello departed from its usual black-tie dress code and instead
requested that guests wear traditional Mexican dress. This switch exemplifies the
embrace of biculturalism that the FPC had insufflated into the public celebrations of
Mexican Independence Day. Indeed, since its inception in 1924, Club México Bello had
striven to “display … proper deportment in all its functions and endeavors [and] …
wanted to improve the image of the Mexican in the minds of Anglo Houstonians.” 111
Such “proper deportment” meant the shunning of ethnic garb and the adoption of the
business suit or tuxedo, attires usually associated with white middle-class professional
status. That a social club so self-conscious about its image felt confident to abandon its
strict formal dress code for an event honoring a Mexican civic holiday reflected the level
of acceptance for public displays of Mexican ethnic pride in Houston by the early
1970s.112
The Fiestas Patrias Shun Chicano Militancy
Because the FPC was formed with the intent to “gather and unite not only the
109
Invitation to Gran Baile de Noche Mexicana, 11 September 1970, Club México Bello
Collection, Box 3, Folder 23.
110
Ibid; meeting minutes of Club Familias Unidas, n.d., Mariano Rosales Y Piña Collection, Box
1, Folder 6.
111
112
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 62.
Club México Bello continued to hold its meetings and record its minutes in Spanish until the
late 1970s. The last available club records housed at the HMRC date back to 1978.
65
Mexican people but all Houston,” the organization shunned involvement with the local
Chicano militancy that had sprung up in 1970. 113 In the winter and spring of 1970, one
of the main militant Chicano groups in Houston, the Mexican American Youth
Organization (MAYO), staged the occupation of two Presbyterian churches to protest the
lack of community services to the barrios‟ poor and the absence of Spanish-language
worship. The activists also demonstrated at the ceremonies held at the San Jacinto
Battleground on 21 April, denouncing the Texas War for Independence as an act of
aggression by outside gringo invaders,” and proceeded to interrupt a conference on
Mexican American affairs a day later. 114
The most contentious issue to rally the Mexican American community, however,
revolved around school desegregation. In August 1970, the United States Fifth Court of
Appeals declared that Mexican Americans could not claim the status of a minority group,
thereby allowing the Houston Independent School District (HISD) to desegregate African
Americans with Mexican American children, while leaving Anglo schools unaffected. 115
Community organizations and barrio residents quickly formed the Mexican American
Education Council (MAEC) to protest the decision and organized huelga (strike) schools
for two weeks with volunteers offering substitute classes. 116 The dispute came to a
113
Carole Juarez, “Fiestas Patrias Embraces Celebration of Independence for All Hispanics,”
Houston Post clipping, 11 September 1992, Viva Magazine, supplement of the Houston Post, Vertical File,
“H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics-1992,” HMRC, 1-2.
114
De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 178-180.
115
Guadalupe San Miguel, Brown, Not White: School Segregation and the Chicano Movement in
Houston, 2nd edition, University of Houston Series in Mexican American Studies, no. 3 (College Station,
Texas: Texas A&M University Press, 2005), 84-87; De Leόn, 185-187.
116
Arnoldo De León points out that Leonel Castillo, the leader of MAEC, translated huelga
66
temporary halt at the end of September but would not be resolved until 1973, when the
United States Supreme Court acknowledged the separate legal status of Mexican
Americans, thus forcing the school district to design plans for racial integration. 117
The Fiestas Patrias celebrations resisted politicization in 1970. Several
prominent Mexican Americans actively participated in the school boycott and could have
chosen to use the parade or the Moody Park events to give speeches or display placards
decrying HISD‟s blatant segregation. Instead, the festivities remained peaceful and
apolitical, and all united around the themes of Mexican history, ethnic pride, and the
contributions of Mexican-origin people to Houston‟s identity.
While the records of the Fiestas Patrias organization are not available, it is
difficult to gauge the extent to which its members actively sought to ensure that the
celebrations transcend local racial problems. Historical records indicate, however, that
the conciliatory tone of some Fiestas Patrias events occasionally drew strong criticism
from local militants. Papel Chicano, the journalistic arm of Houston‟s Chicano activists,
derided the Fiestas Patrias organization as a “little committee [that] behaved badly”
because, the author declared, “the fiestas are … [for] the humble people.” 118 The writer,
Eduardo López, accused the members of Fiestas Patrias of spending their time in
schools to “freedom schools” for the English-speaking media. He worked as the community relations
director of the Galveston-Houston Roman Catholic Diocese at the time of these protests. De León,
Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 187-189.
117
For a full analysis of the 1970-1971 school boycott, see San Miguel, chapter 6; De Leόn,
Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 188-189, 207-209. School desegregation in Houston remained a contentious issue
well into the 1980s.
118
Eduardo López, “Comité Fiestas Patrias: La vuelve a regar,” Papel Chicano, 20 December-5
January 1972-1973, n.p.
67
“aristocratic salons, drinking champagne and kissing the Gringos on the cheek.” 119
López also disapproved of the appearance of the parade, which, according to him,
“look[ed] more like a 4th of July parade [because] there were more gringos than
Mexicans.” 120 Furthermore, López saw the fact that the governor of Texas rode in a car
with Armando Rodriguez at the front of the procession while Ramsey Muñiz, a local
politician, followed further behind in the forty-second vehicle as “barbaric.” 121 López
illustrated his disapproval of the presence of Anglos in the Fiestas Patrias activities with
the photograph of a car that had participated in the parade with a rather distasteful
decoration: atop its hood lay an overweight figure napping against the windshield, a
sombrero tipped over its head; the caption read, “This is the gringos idea [sic] of a
Chicano.” 122 While such a photograph and the writer‟s accusations might have cast a
shadow over the growing popularity of the work of the FPC, the success of its members
in placing the celebration of Mexican heritage firmly in the city‟s cultural calendar could
not be denied.
The Bicultural Message of the Fiestas Patrias Attracts Corporate Monies and
Continued Success, 1971-1972
In 1971, the FPC formalized its status by obtaining a state charter thanks to the
leadership of Rita and Armando Rodriguez, John Castillo, Johnny Mata, and Rita
119
Ibid.
120
Ibid.
121
Ibid.
122
Ibid.
68
Villanueva.123 The organization also opened its own headquarters in the Second Ward in
July. At the ceremony, a representative of the Mexican Tourist Department cut the
ribbon alongside Miss Fiestas Patrias 1970, Sylvia Salazar. 124 More significantly, the
committee changed its three-year-old policy of preventing corporate sponsorship of its
events. Fiestas Patrias founders had made that decision out of a fear that such financial
support “would obligate them in some way.” 125 By 1971, however, they had successfully
established a sturdy blueprint for the festivities that they felt could prevent too strong an
influence from large companies. Armando Rodriguez later recalled laughingly that the
committee “allowed” big businesses to “participate in a supportive and equal manner, not
as the dominant factor.” 126 John Castillo, president of the committee that year, explained
the organizers‟ reasoning as follows: “For years Mexican Americans have helped big
business by buying their products and not getting anything in return. … The business
community says it has never been asked for help by Chicanos.” 127 The Houston Post
further indicated that “large corporations and institutions” had been invited to “participate
by sponsoring floats in the parade or a contestant in a beauty pageant….” 128 By late
123
“Grandes preparativos para el desfile Fiestas Patria [sic],” El Sol, 23 July 1971, 1; Kreneck,
Del Pueblo, 164.
124
Photograph caption, El Sol, 23 July 1971, 1. As Chapter Two will examine, officials of the
Mexican Tourist Bureau would clash with the FPC members over the celebrations of Mexican
Independence Day in the city in 1973.
125
Carole Juarez, “Fiestas Patrias Embraces Celebration of Independence for All Hispanics,”
Houston Post clipping, 11 September 1992, Viva Magazine, supplement of the Houston Post, Vertical File,
“H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics-1992,” HMRC, 1-2.
126
Ibid.
127
Richard Vara, “Mexican Independence Fête Set,” Houston Post, 30 August 1971, n. p.
128
Ibid.
69
August 1971, “several companies … [had already] stepped forward and through
contributions … [were] helping to offset some expenses such as the $2500 parade permit
fee.” 129 Because parade floats cost up to approximately one hundred dollars and the
expenses for one candidate to the Miss Fiestas Patrias pageant amounted to two hundred
and fifty dollars, the committee hoped that large corporations would help cover the
expenditures. 130 Recognizing the public exposure that these events offered, businesses
such as Sears-Roebuck and Humble Oil Company jumped on the wagon early on and
were among the first sponsors of Miss Fiestas Patrias candidates. 131 An El Sol article in
August 1971 asserted that corporate sponsorship of the pageant provided “organizations
and businesses [with] a fine opportunity to project a positive image before a growing
target market and cilentele [sic] of more than 175,000 Mexican Americans in
metropolitan Houston.” 132 Judge Rodriguez liked to point out that the cooperation of
business and industry proved so helpful in raising awareness of Mexican heritage that
some local companies gave their employees the day of 15 September off so that they
129
Ibid.
130
These figures are those charged for the 1973 events. Most of the fees that the FPC charged for
1971 are not available. However, it is not unreasonable to speculate that they changed very little for the
first few years of the 1970s. For instance, while an organization paid ten dollars for a car to ride in the
parade in 1973, México Bello records show that the club paid twenty dollars for their queen to represent
them in an unspecified vehicle in the 1971 parade. Moreover, the FPC charged the following in 1973:
Entry in the beauty pageant cost one hundred and fifty dollars, the bathing suit and talent portions each cost
twenty five dollars, and the gown cost fifty dollars, amounting to a total of two hundred and fifty dollars for
each candidate. As for the parade, the FPC asked that big businesses pay one hundred dollars, small
business fifty dollars, non-profit organizations were asked to give fifteen dollars, and single cars cost ten
dollars. Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 1971 (unspecified day and month), Box 4, Folder 1; price
list for sponsorship of the beauty pageant, parade, and booth at park festivities, 1973 (unspecified day and
month), Club México Bello Collection, Box 4, Folder 5.
131
“Fiestas Patrias Plans Presentation,” El Sol, 20 August 1971, 1.
132
Ibid.
70
might enjoy the festivities. 133 Moreover, corporate sponsorship enabled the FPC to print
out a brochure for the first time since the organization had come to life in 1969. 134 Such
booklets circulated among Mexican-origin residents, informing them of upcoming events
and exposing them to the new corporate advertisements that specifically targeted their
ethnic group.
The celebrations had thus expanded beyond the barrios not only to include Anglo
Houstonians but also powerful symbols of American capitalism. By allowing national
companies to sponsor parts of the Fiestas Patrias events, the organizers explicitly sought
to present the Mexican-origin community as a full participant in American society.
Moreover, casting themselves as prominent consumers gave Mexican Americans strong
leverage to claim equal treatment in American society.
The 1971 celebrations proved felicitous again. The FPC ran advertisements of
their scheduled events on television and radio stations, ensuring a broad public
awareness.135 In a formal ceremony at City Hall, Mayor Louie Welch proclaimed
“Fiestas Patrias Week”:
Urging all citizens to join with [him] in paying tribute to this important
celebration and in commending its participants for the vital role they hold in
133
Richard Vara, “Mexican Freedom to Be Celebrated,” Houston Post, 2 September 1973, 8 (B).
134
“Fiestas Patrias of Houston,” El Sol, 17 September 1971, 1. The earliest FPC brochure
available in archival records dates from 1978. The brochures that have been preserved for the late 1970s
and 1980s celebrations of Mexican Independence Day featured a schedule of events, brief biographies
and/or messages from FPC members, and a majority of advertisements from local politicians and local and
national businesses congratulating the Mexican American community for its celebration of Mexican
Independence Day. The following chapter examines these brochures in further detail.
135
John A. Castillo/FPC to Club México Bello, 1971 (day and month unspecified), Club México
Bello Collection, Box 3, Folder 23.
71
making this city a better place in which to live for persons of all heritage. 136
The FPC collaborated with the mayor, the newly appointed General Consul of Mexico in
Houston, Mario Romero Lopetegui, and Ripley House community center to hold the grito
de independencia (cry for independence) on 15 September with traditional Mexican
songs and dances and the presentation of the new Miss Fiestas Patrias and her court to
the public. The downtown parade remained one of the central events and boasted twenty
floats and eight high school bands. Moody Park hosted trophy-awarding ceremonies and
a Mexican-themed bazaar, while charreadas (Mexican rodeo) acts and an international
soccer game between Houston and Monterrey, Mexico, closed the festive week. 137
The 1972 celebrations extended over eleven days and proved so successful at
rallying crowds that the city‟s events were “the largest outside of Mexico running ahead
of San Antonio and even California,” as Judge Rodriguez later recalled with pride. 138
Club México Bello collaborated with the FPC to host the traditional Grito ceremony at
the University of Houston Cullen Auditorium. 139 Mexico‟s president, Luis Echeverría,
136
Louie Welch, “Proclamation,” El Sol, 17 September 1971, 1.
137
“Grandes preparativos para el desfile Fiestas Patria [sic],” El Sol, 23 July 1971, 1; “Beauty
Pageant Fiestas Patrias,” El Sol, 6 August 1971, 1; “Houston Fiestas Patrias Beauty Pageant-Parade
Shaping Up,” El Sol, 13 August 1971, 3, 5; “Fiestas Patrias of Houston,” El Sol, 17 September 1971, 1, 5;
“Fiestas Patrias Schedule,” El Sol, 17 September 1971, 5; “Cynthia Tellez Crowned Queen,” Papel
Chicano, 16 September 1971, 1.
138
139
Richard Vara, “Mexican Freedom to Be Celebrated,” Houston Post, 2 September 1973, 8 (B).
The Club had originally planned to hold an event of its own on 14 September at the Civic Hall.
After some reconsideration throughout the months of April and May, however, the members decided that
the FPC would present much “competition” and proceeded to cooperate with the association in a joint event
at Cullen Auditorium. Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 15 February 1972, Club México Bello
Collection, Box 4, Folder 3; Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 18 April 1972, Club México Bello
Collection, Box 4, Folder 3; Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 15 May 1972, Club México Bello
Collection, Box 4, Folder 3; Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 20 June 1972, Club México Bello
Collection, Box 4, Folder 3; Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 1 August 1972, Club México Bello
72
sent Under Secretary of the Treasury, Mario Ramón Beteta, to represent him at the event.
Mayor Welch and the Mexican consul attended as well, as had become customary. 140
Club México Bello committed $3,000 of its coffers to sponsor the event and coordinated
most of the program. 141 The Ballet Folklorico entertained an audience of five hundred
invited guests with an almost hour-long show of traditional Mexican dances. Mario
Ramón Beteta then gave the Grito, and the American and Mexican national hymns closed
the evening.142 Club México Bello also allotted the FPC a thirty-minute segment in
which Gabriel Jiménez, a local musical and television personality, acted as master of
ceremonies. 143 He presented the Miss Fiestas Patrias candidates and then announced the
Most Distinguished Mexican American Award winner of the year: Leonel Castillo, the
first Mexican American to be elected City Comptroller in 1971. 144
The 1972 parade boasted the presence of political figures such as the Houston
mayor, the Mexican consul, Mexico‟s Under Secretary of Treasury Mario Ramón Beteta,
Collection, Box 4, Folder 3.
140
“Mexican Treasury Official to Represent President Luis Echeverría in Houston,” El Sol, 15
September 1972, 1; “Mexican Independence Is Celebrated,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 13 September
1972, Vertical file “H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics 1989,” HMRC, n.p.
141
Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 15 February 1972, Club México Bello Collection, Box
4, Folder 3.
142
Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 18 July 1972, Club México Bello Collection, Box 4,
Folder 3; Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 1 August 1972, Club México Bello Collection, Box 4,
Folder 3; Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 15 August 1972, Club México Bello Collection, Box 4,
Folder 3; Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 5 September 1972, Club México Bello Collection, Box 4,
Folder 3.
143
Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 5 September 1972, Club México Bello Collection, Box
4, Folder 3.
144
Photograph caption, El Sol, 22 September 1972, 1. Castillo also became the first Mexican
American to be appointed as head of the United States Immigration and Naturalization Services in 1977.
De Leόn, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 216.
73
and Democratic candidate for Texas governor Dolph Briscoe. In fact, Dolph Briscoe was
the first state-level political aspirant to attest to the importance of the Mexican American
population of Houston by using the parade as a public platform to rally voters to his side
in his gubernatorial race. A beloved Mexican American religious leader, Bishop Patricio
Flores, also served as Grand Marshal of the procession, helping to make the event an
important venue to court the Mexican American public for prominent state
personalities.145
The popularity of the Miss Fiestas Patrias beauty pageant continued to expand as
well. The contest, which had moved to the Albert Thomas Convention Center in order to
accommodate the increasing number of spectators, attracted twenty-five candidates and
now offered a $1,000 scholarship fund, among other awards. 146 The new scholarship
prize helped reinforce the importance of education for the betterment of the Mexicanorigin community and fostered awareness that educational achievement translated into
upward social mobility.
In many ways, 20 September 1972 culminated the Fiestas Patrias celebrations of
the year thanks to the achievements of a native Texan and long-time Houston resident,
Carlos Conde. Mayor Louie Welch issued an official City of Houston proclamation
declaring that date “Carlos Conde Day” and commended his recent nomination as the
first Mexican American to serve as a staff assistant in the Office of Communications for
145
146
Photograph caption, El Sol, 22 September 1972, 1.
“Fiestas Patrias Plans Big,” El Sol, 11 August 1972, 2; photograph caption, El Sol, 22
September, 1972, 1.
74
the Hispanic Affairs Department at the White House.147 El Sol announced that a special
banquet in Conde‟s honor would be held at the Houston Oaks Hotel on 20 September. 148
Carlos Conde Day was declared a “non-partisan and non-political” occasion in order to
present a “unified, constructive and inspirational image of the potential for leadership and
accomplishment inherent in all Mexican-Americans [sic].” 149 To El Sol, partisanship
worked to the detriment of the community because the “destiny and wellbeing [sic] of all
Mexican Americans” depended upon no particular political party, but rather on a national
consensus. 150
A week later, a telegram addressed to Reverend James Novarro greeted the
readers on the front page of El Sol. President Richard Nixon sought to congratulate the
City of Houston for honoring Carlos Conde as “a fine example of the dedicated American
we have sought to attract to positions of responsibility in this administration.”151 The
message praised the political role of the Mexican American community in the life of the
nation:
In singling out one man for such a tribute, we intend also to honor the many
147
The proclamation appeared on the front page of El Sol. Louie Welch, “Proclamation,” El Sol,
15 September 1972, 1. For Carlos Conde‟s work experience, see his personal message to students at the
San Benito High School, which he himself attended, at:
http://www.sanbenito.k12.tx.us/schools/bertacabaza/hssb/famous_san_benitians_8th/Carlos_Conde.html.,
accessed on 29 November 2009. Very little is otherwise available about Carlos Conde‟s role in President
Richard Nixon‟s White House. He still contributed journalistic pieces to well-respected newspapers such
as the New York Times through 2009.
148
El Sol did not mention the names of the specific individuals and associations responsible for
organizing this banquet.
149
“Carlos Conde Day,” El Sol, 15 September 1972, 1.
150
Ibid.
151
Richard Nixon, telegram, El Sol, 22 September 1972, 1.
75
outstanding Mexican-Americans [sic] who have joined this administration eager
to take up the challenge of making government responsive to the needs of all
Americans and at the same time to represent minority viewpoints within the
counsels of government. Their good work increases our determination to open
new opportunities to the Spanish-speaking so that all may share the exciting
challenge of making this good land even better. 152
President Nixon‟s outreach to the Houston community through its main Mexican
American newspaper demonstrated a growing awareness of the political role of this
ethnic group on a national level. Echoing concern for an inclusive government, Nixon
alluded to their bicultural identity by referring to Americans of Mexican descent as
“Spanish-speaking.” Such a gesture on the part of the president of the United States gave
“Carlos Conde Day” political overtones despite its organizers‟ intent. Perhaps for this
reason, or because President Nixon was unpopular with Houston‟s Mexican Americans,
less than half of the expected guests attended the banquet in Conde‟s honor at the
Houston Oaks Hotel. 153
Conclusion
The lack of enthusiasm for Carlos Conde Day and its potential political
ramifications notwithstanding, the years spanning from 1965 to the early 1970s
represented a significant switch in Houston‟s racial identity politics. The early efforts of
152
153
Ibid.
Besides this document, El Sol did not cover the banquet nor publish any explanation for the
reasons behind the lack of success of the reception dinner. This suggests that the regular events of Fiestas
Patrias week had gathered unprecedented amounts of public support but that the Mexican American
community, however proud of Carlos Conde‟s symbolic achievements, may have felt divided over
displaying public support for the Nixon administration. Moreover, one may only speculate about the
timing of such a missive since President Nixon‟s role in the Watergate scandal had already started to
transpire. “Carlos Conde Day Banquet Report,” El Sol, 7 October 1972, 1.
76
John Coronado, and later of the FPC members, succeeded in involving most strata of
local society in the celebration of a Mexican civic holiday. The Fiestas Patrias festivities
joined together the youth, local Mexican American leaders and social clubs, state
politicians, government officials of both nations, and local and national businesses in an
annual weeklong series of public events. The emphasis on biculturalism conveyed a
reassuring message of syncretism and allowed Mexican-origin residents to claim public
space in a non-antagonistic fashion. Thanks to this approach, the Fiestas Patrias
organizers ensured that they could secure a platform for cultural exchange between the
city‟s Anglo and Mexican-origin population.
The September celebrations did not constitute an expedient for racial equality in
the city, as lingering civil rights issues would continue to come to the fore for the next
decade or so. Yet, those few days during the year represented an opportunity for
residents to come together and acknowledge Houston‟s Mexican heritage. The parade,
award ceremony, beauty pageant, and community gatherings in parks and theaters
throughout the city helped Houston‟s Mexican-origin people gain public acceptance in a
harmonious fashion. As Chapter Two will examine, however, the invitation of corporate
sponsorship altered the genuinely reconciliatory spirit of the Fiestas Patrias and
challenged their original goal of bringing Mexican heritage to the fore of Houston‟s
consciousness. Instead, commercial interests capitalized on the celebrations‟ potential for
financial gain and occasionally created tensions within the Mexican American
community. The irony nevertheless lies in the fact that such commercialization of an
ethnic event both reinforced the public presence of Hispanics in Houston and the state of
77
Texas and furthered the festivities‟ popularity.
78
CHAPTER 2
HISPANIDAD FLIRTS WITH THE DOLLAR SIGN: THE BROADENING
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SEPTEMBER FIESTAS PATRIAS, 1972-1980s
In the 1970s and 1980s, the Fiestas Patrias expanded both in size and meaning.
Thanks to a booming economy throughout the 1970s and a simultaneous demographic
explosion, Houston became a truly multicultural city during that period. The organizers
of Mexican Independence Day festivities adapted to this new local dynamic by inviting
increased corporate sponsorship and by broadening the significance of the Fiestas
Patrias, first to include all Hispanic groups, then to celebrate Houston‟s cosmopolitan
makeup. Leaders accomplished this shift towards a progressively inclusive definition of
the commemorations relatively easily, but the intrusion of commercial interests proved
quite contentious at first. This chapter examines the changing significance of Mexican
Independence Day in Houston and the emerging role of corporations at the heart of the
celebrations of this ethnic holiday.
The 1973 Rift between the FPC and the Comité Patriótico Mexicano: Negotiating the
Meaning of Mexican Independence Day and the Role of Corporate Influence
Antagonistic Relations between the FPC and the Comité Patriótico Mexicano
Houston‟s Mexican-origin community divided into two camps in 1973: the
supporters of the FPC, who wished for bicultural festivities, and those who sided with the
Comité Patriótico Mexicano (CPM) for events celebrating the culture and arts of Mexico.
Whereas the FPC had theretofore managed to prevent American corporations from taking
over the programming and character of its festivities, the Mexican consulate set out to
79
revive the CPM by obtaining sponsorship from the Mexican Government Tourist Bureau
and Mexican commercial firms. This decision not only deeply offended the FPC
members and frustrated their efforts, but it also upset the cultural calendar of Houston‟s
Mexican Americans.
On 13 April 1973 Ramón Meade, the Mexican consul in Houston, sent out a letter
composed in English and Spanish inviting all the Mexican American social clubs to join
him at a meeting in the World Trade Building Auditorium in order to form “El Comité
Civico Patriótico de Houston” (Mexican Civic Patriotic Committee of Houston). 1 The
members in attendance elected as its first president Gabriel Jiménez, a prominent local
television and music celebrity, and granted the consul honorary membership. 2 The
Comité Patriótico Mexicano, as it became known, formally announced its founding to the
mayor of Houston, Louie Welch, in July. 3 El Sol promptly reported that this “special
committee of distinguished citizens representing the Houston Mexican-American
community” would work with City Hall to plan “all activities during the [September]
week-long [sic] celebration, which … [would] include a visit by leading government
officials representing Luis Echeverría, president [sic] of Mexico.” 4 The CPM quickly
recruited many Mexican American organizations. For instance, Club México Bello,
which had been cooperating with the FPC for the previous several years, decided to
1
Consul Ramón Meade to Club México Bello, 13 April 1973, Club México Bello Collection, Box
4, Folder 5.
2
Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 15 May 1973, Club México Bello Collection, Box 4,
Folder 7. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
3
“Mexico Independence Day Celebration Committee Formed,” El Sol, 27 July 1973, n.p.
4
Ibid.
80
decline the invitation of the FPC to participate in their September festivities because of
the association‟s prior engagement with the consul‟s organization. 5 By the summer of
1973, the Mexican-origin community stood divided about which group deserved
allegiance for the continuing success of the September Fiestas Patrias.
The FPC went on the offensive as soon as they sensed this new competition. On
11 June, John Castillo, Johnny Mata, and Armando Rodriguez, chairman and cochairman of the organization and chairman of the festivities, respectively, sent a missive
to Mexican American social clubs and invited them to an upcoming organizational
meeting on 20 June. 6 The message boasted that the Fiestas Patrias celebrations in
Houston ranked as the largest in the State of Texas, and that, “With events such as the
Fiestas Patrias parade, the … Beauty Pageant, … the Distinguished Mexican American
Award, and the Fiestas Patrias Park Festivities [sic], … [they] were rated number one in
the nation for this type of celebration.” 7 Moreover, the letter also explained that a
volunteer would be in charge of approving float proposals before the committee accepted
registration forms that year. 8 The Fiestas Patrias organization might have implemented
this new policy in order to ensure that its message would stay on course in light of its
competitor‟s interference. The two organizations spent the next two-and-a-half months
vying for the Mexican-origin community‟s attention and support.
5
Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 19 June 1973, Club México Bello Collection, Box 4,
Folder 7. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
6
FPC members to social clubs, 11 June 1973, Club México Bello Collection, Box 4, Folder 5.
The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
7
Ibid.
8
Ibid.
81
The antagonism between the FPC and the CPM soon grew into bitter animosity
and spread into the local press. Both El Sol‟s coverage and the Houston Post‟s regular
column on local Mexican American issues reported on this escalating hostility and
sometimes took sides. In his Houston Post column, “Espejo” (Mirror), Richard Vara
wrote on 6 August that, “The annual celebration of Mexican Independence Day may find
local officials declaring „independence‟ from [the] Mexican Consulate and tourist
officials.”9 Vara conveyed Armando Rodriguez‟s allegations against the consul and the
Mexican National Tourist Council director, Oscar Villareal Jones. The founder of the
FPC “charg[ed] that Mexican government officials … [were] simply taking advantage of
a well established [sic] community project and … [were] trying to take over its activities
for the benefit of Mexican commercial enterprises.” 10 Rodriguez added that the CPM
was competing with the Fiestas Patrias organization by soliciting the same city parks,
misleading some major sponsors into supporting their endeavor, and “asking for
advertisement revenue from the same companies, organizations, and persons that [had]
patronized Fiestas Patrias without stating that they … [were] not Fiestas Patrias
officials.”11 Rodriguez also asserted that the FPC‟s main purpose was to “promote
Mexican American unity and not necessarily Mexico.” 12 Consul Meade and Tourist
Council Director Jones denied Rodriguez‟s claim that the Mexican government had
9
Richard Vara, “Mexican Independence Day Sparks Controversy,” Houston Post, 6 August 1973,
4 (C).
10
Ibid.
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid.
82
ordered the Tourist Council and the consulate to organize “Mexico Week” during the
same time as the Fiestas Patrias events. Moreover, Jones stated that some corporate
sponsors had joined the CPM because they preferred being under the “guidance of the
Mexican [tourist] council.” 13 According to him, the CPM had not attempted to rent some
city parks, and its sole intention was to conduct the Grito ceremony. He insisted that,
“From the very beginning when they (Fiestas Patrias) started, we stated that in no way
were we competing with them.” 14 While conciliatory in tone, this statement proved
inaccurate because the CPM did not exist at the time of the creation of the FPC, in
1969.15 Moreover, the absence of the officers of the CPM in this exchange in the press
suggests that, as members of the Mexican-origin community themselves, they might have
felt uneasy with the tensions that arose within their ranks. The fact that Mexican officials
decided to steer away from the calendar of events of the FPC in order to focus on
Mexico‟s heritage divided the local community over the meaning of the patriotic holiday
in the United States.
Vara‟s article informed the Post readers about the hostile climate surrounding the
1973 Fiestas Patrias and exposed the risks that outside forces could pose to the unity of
the Mexican-origin community. In fact, a day after the publication of this column, Club
México Bello convened and decided neither to donate money for the CPM‟s brochure nor
13
Ibid.
14
Ibid.
15
As Chapter One argued, the previous Comité Patriótico Mexicano (CPM) became defunct by
the mid-1960s.
83
to participate in their September events so as to remain “unnoticed.” 16 México Bello
members also rescinded an earlier decision not to join the FPC‟s celebrations and voted
for the club to pay the $10 fee for their queen to ride in the parade. 17 Archival records do
not indicate whether the CPM had misled the club into believing that they acted as the
official organizer of the Mexican independence festivities that year. Club México Bello‟s
change of schedule, however, suggests that several well-respected social clubs might
have felt uncertain about the CPM‟s intentions, and that supporting either side bore
important implications for the public image of those associations.
Armando Rodriguez did not limit his public denunciation of the CPM‟s agenda to
Richard Vara‟s column. On 10 August, he penned a statement on behalf of the FPC in an
open letter that ran a full page in El Sol.18 He reiterated that the Mexican Tourist Council
and the Mexican consulate, acting under the orders of the Mexican government, had
attempted to book venues that the Fiestas Patrias organization normally used, and that
the CPM had solicited monies from companies and social clubs that had theretofore
cooperated with Fiestas Patrias. But he went further, recounting parts of a conversation
he had held with Meade and Jones earlier that spring. According to Rodriguez, when he
asked Jones about the motives behind the creation of a new organization to orchestrate
16
Meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 7 August 1973, Club México Bello Collection, Box 4,
Folder 7. The translation from Spanish to English is mine. The 1973 CPM‟s brochure may be found in the
Mexican American Small Collection, Box 6 of 5, HMRC. The 1973 Fiestas Patrias brochure is not
available. Yet, should Club México Bello have decided to place an advertisement in its brochure, the club‟s
meeting minutes would indicate such an endeavor because its members had to vote on such issues. The
CPM‟s and FPC‟s brochures will be discussed later in this chapter.
17
Ibid.
18
FPC chairmen, “Fiestas Patrias Statement,” El Sol, 10 August 1973, 4.
84
the September celebrations:
He answered that not all 69 organizations that participated last year were happy
with the festivities of Fiestas Patrias and with Fiestas Patrias. When asked how
many organizations he was talking about, he named one. Upon request to name
or state in number the others, if any, he could not. He stated that he knew no
others—just one out of approximately 69 organizations that participated and have
participated over the last five years. 19
According to Rodriguez, Jones then indicated that the CPM sought to unite “all of the
people and all of the organizations,” which had been the primary incentive for the
creation of the FPC in the first place. 20 Rodriguez pointed out that the CPM‟s actions had
actually achieved the opposite results. He also recounted another part of the conversation,
which proved equally contentious:
Then the question was asked what criticism they had of Fiestas Patrias, the
organization that engineered and co-ordinated [sic] that celebration. The answer
was—“There are too many barrio people.” I was astonished so I paused and asked
again, “Too many what?” And the answer was repeated. I stated at that time—
“Mr. Jones, do you realize that this is exactly what Fiestas Patrias is all about?
To allow the barrio and all people to work hand in hand with industry, large
companies, and corporations on an equal basis, to show the positive in the
Mexican American culture instead of the negative.” 21
Richard Vara‟s column had also quoted the remark about the prevalence of “too many
barrio people,” but did not elaborate. 22 In the same manner, Rodriguez refrained from
making a comment on the declaration in his El Sol address, perhaps speculating that it
conveyed enough condescension to turn people away from the CPM‟s events. After all,
4 (C).
19
Ibid.
20
Ibid.
21
Ibid.
22
Richard Vara, “Mexican Independence Day Sparks Controversy,” Houston Post, 6 August 1973,
85
if the CPM represented Mexican business interests, its members could not identify with
Houston‟s Mexican-origin community and claim to represent it since these corporations
were outsiders to the colonia. In order to emphasize this point, Rodriguez put great
emphasis on the themes of unity and inclusiveness in his statement. He presented the
motivations of the CPM as a threat to the city‟s Mexican-origin community and to the
good image of Mexico as well. He wrote:
Let me state here in all fairness to the President of Mexico, Sr. Luis Echeverría
and to the Mexican Government, that I and all people of Fiestas Patrias believe
that the officials in Mexico are not aware of the animosity and ill will that a hand
full [sic] of individuals have created here in the name of the Government of
Mexico. It is my belief that there is a certain faction with commercial interests
that are dominating the activities of the Mexican Government locally without the
Mexican Government in Mexico being aware of what is happening. …
… In at least one of last week‟s papers it was stated that this Comité Patriótico
represents the Mexican American community although the majority, if not all, of
the officers of their committee are Mexican nationals, Mexican government
officials, or Mexican businessmen. 23
Rodriguez then clarified that the FPC did not oppose the involvement of Mexican
companies or public servants. Its organizers felt, however, that the “American people
and the Mexican American communities” needed to be aware that the CPM, because of
the nationality and professional occupation of its members and sponsors, prioritized
Mexican, rather than American interests. 24 As such, they threatened the bicultural nature
of the Fiestas Patrias festivities.
In order to emphasize the solid relationship that the FPC had developed with city
officials, Rodriguez also published an open letter to the mayor and city council on the
23
Ibid.
24
Ibid.
86
same page as his statement. In his missive, he thanked them for their support over the
years and informed them of the FPC‟s request, on behalf of the Mexican-origin
community, for a parade permit and two city parks. 25 His closing paragraph extended a
formal invitation to the mayor and councilmen to “be on a receiving line … at a public
reception to be held … at the Rice Hotel [after the parade] so that the public … [could]
personally and informally meet and shake the hand of each of … [them].” 26 The FPC had
never published such a document in the local press before, which suggests that the
chairmen felt anxious to show El Sol‟s readers that Mexican independence festivities
directly involved city officials, and that such was the result of the FPC‟s work.
Furthermore, the invitation to meet the public in a casual setting offered another
opportunity to strengthen ties between Anglos and Mexican Americans and reasserted the
importance of this constituency to local and state politicians.
Not all Mexican-origin residents concurred with Rodriguez‟s accusations about
the CPM‟s intentions towards the Fiestas Patrias celebrations. In the same El Sol edition
as Rodriguez‟s statement, the weekly column “La voz del pueblo” (The Voice of the
People) declared as “unnecessary demagogy” his assertions about the role of the Mexican
government in the creation of the CPM and expressed concern that he had stirred
“antagonistic polemics.” 27 The author explained that Mexicans who settled in the United
States belonged to the “México de afuera” (Mexico abroad) community, and that it was a
25
FPC chairmen, “Honorable Mayor and City Councilmen,” El Sol, 10 August 1973, 4.
26
Ibid.
27
Guillermo Aguayo, “La voz de pueblo [sic],” El Sol, 10 August 1973, 2. The translation from
Spanish to English is mine
87
right, and indeed an obligation, for the Mexican government to create Comités
Patrióticos wherever a diaspora had established itself. 28 The responsibility for finding
local Mexican residents to lead those Comités customarily fell on the consul. Such had
been the tradition for decades, and so Houston‟s CPM proved a legitimate endeavor. 29
The author concluded that ascribing another meaning to the formation of the CPM
distorted the goals of good-willed Mexican nationals who sought to preserve Mexican
history and heritage for future generations in the Houston area. 30
This column thus conveyed the feelings of the CPM‟s supporters and exposed
how its agenda spoke to their vision of the Fiestas Patrias. Two aspects of the author‟s
argument especially stand out. First, he voiced deep discontent with the fact that the FPC
so forcefully expressed a sense of betrayal from local Mexican government officials. In
the view of the Fiestas Patrias organizers, the CPM‟s planned events threatened to outdo
their hard work since the late 1960s. To the columnist, however, the tradition of Comités
Patrióticos and the importance of celebrating Mexican heritage in settlements outside of
Mexico remained a prerogative to which nobody should object. The fact that the Fiestas
Patrias organization had claimed that right several years before and had used the
September holiday to build a bridge between Houston‟s Anglo and Mexican-origin
population seemed of minor importance to him. Secondly, while Rodriguez had
28
Ibid.
29
For an examination of the relationship of Mexican consuls with Mexican nationals living in the
United States before World War II, see F. Arturo Rosales, ¡Pobre Raza! Violence, Justice, and
Mobilization among “México Lindo” Immigrants, 1900-1936 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999),
especially chapter three.
30
Guillermo Aguayo, “La voz de pueblo [sic],” El Sol, 10 August 1973, 2.
88
forcefully argued that one of the FPC‟s biggest contentions with the CPM was its strong
relationship with Mexican business interests, the columnist did not address that issue at
all. This suggests that he might have welcomed such sponsorship because it benefited
Mexican firms or perhaps that he did not perceive this commercial agenda as a threat to
the authenticity of the celebrations.
Yet, the CPM‟s ties to corporate powers proved quite significant. For instance, in
the form that local associations were asked to fill out in order to participate in its
festivities, the CPM announced that it enjoyed financial support from a substantial
number of Mexican and international companies. The application stated that:
We are being sponsored by the Mexican Government Tourist Bureau, the State of
Jalisco, several hotels and also by the following airline companies: Aero México,
Air France, Braniff, Mexicana, Pan America and Texas International.
… “Mexico Week” is a unique and grand opportunity for all Mexican-American
organizations to unite as ONE [sic] and express to Houston our mutual civicism
[sic] and our feelings of patriotism.
… Let us unite and be acknowledged! Honor must be given those deserving
honor! Viva México! Viva México! 31
The themes of unity among Mexican-origin residents and love for their Mexican heritage
were strongly reminiscent of the FPC‟s message. The CPM thus adopted the FPC‟s
public relations strategy because the FPC had successfully rallied most Mexican
American social clubs and had attracted an increasing number of Anglo companies and
politicians thus far. With business interests in tow, the CPM hoped to capture a similar
momentum. Because it claimed that paying homage to the mother country remained its
31
“Mexico Week in Houston” application form, n.d., Club México Bello Collection, Box 4, Folder
5. While the CPM was composed mostly of Mexican nationals and received financial support from
Mexican companies, the form was composed in English, not Spanish. This suggests that the CPM
recognized the level of acculturation of the Mexican American population in Houston.
89
primary function, as it had been a traditional role for Comités Patrióticos throughout the
United States for decades, Houston‟s new CPM seemed confident that the September
activities could accommodate two versions of the holiday. The 1973 Mexican
Independence Day celebrations therefore served as a gauge of the level of assimilation of
Houston‟s residents of Mexican descent: if the CPM‟s festivities attracted great crowds,
then, perhaps the Fiestas Patrias organization had overestimated the community‟s desire
for a celebration of bicultural identity.
The Two Organizations’ Festivities in September 1973
The CPM‟s events ran for six days. A “Fiesta Mexicana” at Miller Outdoor
Theater in Hermann Park featured folkloric dancers from the states of Jalisco and
Yucatán for three consecutive evenings. 32 CPM members also appeared on two local
television shows with special Mexican themes, hosted several cocktail receptions,
organized two softball tournaments, and cooperated with the Comité Patriótico Mexicano
of Galveston for a community event and the Grito ceremony on the island. 33 The CPM
also hosted the representative of President Echeverría in Houston, the Under Secretary of
Environmental Improvement, Francisco Vizcaíno Murray. The latter attended the Grito
ceremony in Jones Hall on 15 September as well as a reception at the World Trade Club,
at which mayor Louie Welch and several Mexican officials and executives of Mexican
companies were present. 34 The participation of the latter, along with the fact that the
32
“Fiestas Mexicana [sic] Highlights Mexico Week in Houston,” El Sol, 7 September 1973, 4.
33
“Comité Patriótico México,” El Sol, 14 September 1973, 1. The translation from Spanish to
English is mine.
34
Guillermo Aguayo, “Candilejas,” El Sol, 21 September 1973, 3. The translation from Spanish
90
CPM replaced the FPC as the host of the Mexican president‟s representative, showed that
the consulate‟s goal to bolster interest in Mexico‟s culture, arts, and business proved
successful in 1973.
The diversion of advertising dollars could have shrunk the extent of the FPC‟s
festivities that year. Indeed, the CPM had taken ownership of the traditional Grito
ceremony and hosting the representative of the Mexican president. Apart from these two
important symbolic occasions, however, none of the FPC‟s past activities was cancelled,
save for the traditional soccer games. The FPC‟s schedule of events stretched only for
three days, perhaps to ensure that the Mexican-origin community would not lose
enthusiasm in the face of the competing calendar of the CPM. The Fiestas Patrias
organization participated in the taping of two of the popular “Dialing for Dollars”
television morning shows at Ripley House and Saint Patrick‟s Catholic Church on 13 and
14 September, both of which charged no admission fee and entertained the public with
mariachi music. 35 The Moody Park Fiesta featured homemade Mexican food, music, and
the Distinguished Mexican American of the Year Award. In 1973, the honors went to
two of the most respected Second Ward community leaders: Felix Fraga and María
Torres Reyna. Fraga was the director of Ripley House, a community center catering to
the needs of Mexican-origin residents, and “was cited for his work with Mexican-
to English is mine. This article also indicated that the Mexican officials who attended the reception at the
World Trade Club belonged to the Mexican Tourist Council and the Health Department of the state of
Nuevo León. A member of the Mexican Baseball League, along with a representative of Mexicana
Airlines, were also in attendance.
35
“Fiestas Patrias 1973,” El Sol, 14 September 1973, 1.
91
American children.” 36 Together with her husband, the florist María Reyna had “boosted
civic, social, and religious causes in the Magnolia area of Houston‟s East End” for the
previous forty years. 37 The popular beauty pageant attracted seventeen candidates and
tremendous crowds again. The elected queen that year hailed from Galveston, which
showed the growing appeal of the contest to Mexican-origin communities outside of
Houston‟s metropolitan area. 38 The FPC‟s flagship event, the parade in downtown
Houston, drew the most enthusiasm. Despite a competing CPM festivity with mariachi
music and folkloric dancers at Sharpstown shopping center, located southwest of
downtown Houston, the procession drew one hundred thousand spectators. 39 The newly
elected Texas governor, Dolph Briscoe, acted as parade Grand Marshal, testifying once
more to the importance of the Mexican independence celebrations in Houston for state
politicians.40 In spite of the many challenges that the CPM had presented to the FPC, the
latter had thus succeeded in maintaining the momentum it had worked so hard to build up
for the previous five years.
36
“Fiestas Award Winners,” La Vida Latina en Houston, November 1973, n.p.; Kim Jackson,
“East End Activists Overhaul Youth Baseball Field: Felix Fraga Spearheads Campaign to Renovate
Space,” Houston Chronicle, 29 January 2009, 2 (This Week). Fraga worked at Ripley House, a member of
Neighborhood Centers Inc., through 2009.
37
Shirley Pfister, “For a Change, the Bouquet Goes to Mary Torres Reyna,” Houston Chronicle,
23 September 1973, 8 (6). María Reyna also became the first female president of the CPM in 1979. See
“Nombran a María Reyna presidenta del Comité Patriótico Mexicano,” El Sol, 27 June 1979, n.p.
38
“Candidatas en pro de Srta. Fiestas Patrias 1973,” El Sol, 7 September 1973, n.p.; photograph
caption, El Sol, 28 September 1973, 1. Candidates to the pageant could live up to fifty miles away from
Houston. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
39
“Comité Patriótico México,” El Sol, 14 September 1973, 1; photograph captions, El Sol, 21
September 1973, 1. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
40
Ibid.
92
As stated above, the splintering of the September patriotic calendar between the
two organizations had created confusion and, in some cases, anger among Houston‟s
Mexican-origin people. Articles in El Sol and the Houston Post, however, indicated that
these intense feelings gave way to calmer interpretations as the month of September
progressed. On 14 September El Sol announced the schedule of both committees on its
first page and presented the flurry of upcoming events as a positive development for the
Mexican-origin community. The newspaper sought a reconciliatory tone by stating that
“the rich cultural heritage and the great spirit of the Mexican people in Mexico” and
Americans of Mexican descent deserved “the recognition and the concentrated efforts of
both groups to lift high with pride and dignity the origin and identity of a great people.” 41
El Sol concluded that, as a result of the hard work of the two groups, “Houston citizens
… [had] been exposed to one of the most concentrated, extensive, intensive” Fiestas
Patrias in Houston‟s history, and that “the people of Houston and surrounding areas …
[would] be the beneficiaries of the impact of all these efforts and festivities.” 42 As the
main bilingual newspaper of the city, El Sol thus conveyed the hopes of the Mexicanorigin community that the antagonism expressed by the FPC would abate and that the
definition of Mexican independence could indeed accommodate both groups.
Reconciling Different Meanings of the Fiestas Patrias
Richard Vara again used his Houston Post column to summarize the divisive
effect of the emergence of the CPM, but he also sought to heal wounds and to look
41
“Houston Fiestas Celebrate Mexico Independence [sic],” El Sol, 14 September 1973, 1.
42
Ibid.
93
forward to the future of the community‟s cultural life. He explained that some “headon
[sic] clashes particularly in the scheduling of events” had created unnecessary friction. 43
Because the Most Distinguished Mexican American Award and the preliminaries for the
beauty pageant happened at the same time as the Miller Outdoor Theater festivities, and
the Miss Fiestas Patrias‟ final competition was held during the CPM‟s Grito ceremony,
Vara concluded that “the loser in the long run … [would] surely by [sic] the Mexican
American community.” 44 Moreover, he reasoned that while “it … [was his] first thought
to fault the [CPM] and the Mexican consulate, saying they … [were] Johnny-ComeLatelies, who recognize[d] a good thing and want[ed] to horn in on the action,” he also
felt that the promotion of Mexican tourism and industry could not “be described as lowly
or undesirable goals.” 45 Instead, Vara urged all parties involved to recognize that:
… The promotion of the Mexican-American, his culture and heritage are the goals
of the Fiestas Patrias, and it would be foolish to downgrade or impede their
attainment. In between, there are a lot of common goals such as the history, the
heritage, the language, and other indivisible bonds that will always keep Mexican
in front of American. We may never go home again but we can remember. 46
Vara expressed concern that the past efforts of the FPC to use the September patriotic
festivities as a means to foster unity might have been jeopardized, but he concluded with
a plea for future cooperation between the CPM and the Fiestas Patrias organization.
Nonetheless, the emergence of a more traditional, Mexico-oriented CPM in 1973
43
Richard Vara, “Conflicting Events, Groups Produce Confusion, Division,” Houston Post, 30
September 1973, 4 (DD).
44
Ibid.
45
Ibid.
46
Ibid.
94
prompted distress among some Mexican-origin community members who had grown
accustomed to citywide celebrations of Mexican Independence Day that favored a
bicultural identity. The CPM revived nationalistic feelings with which the more U.S.acculturated residents of Mexican descent might not have felt strongly associated. The
1973 rift between the two organizations thus showed a Mexican-origin community
fragmented by differing levels of acculturation to U.S. culture. The cooperation between
the two committees, however, did not materialize until the early 1980s, and even then,
they worked together on a rather limited scale. 47
The CPM after 1973
Over the next decade and a half, the activities of the CPM remained successful,
but the organization gradually decreased the number of festivities it hosted. In 1974, it
organized at least seven events during “Fiestas Patrias Week.” 48 Despite the Mexican
consul‟s assurances that the CPM only existed to ensure that Mexican independence
would be celebrated with “dignity, brilliance, and enthusiasm,” it still benefited from the
sponsorship of the Mexican National Tourist Council and numerous private corporations
47
The evidence for cooperation between the two organizations is slim, but two copies of El Sol
show that members of both committees had established some level of communication by the early 1980s.
In 1982, the FPC advertised its schedule of events and included the Grito ceremony as part of its nine-day
calendar of events for the first time. And in 1984, El Sol published an article that reported on the CPM‟s
recent activities. One of them included a meeting, which the president of the FPC, Salvador Esparza,
attended with his wife. Esparza extended his best wishes to the board members of the CPM and declared
that the union between the two organizations “must prevail because both … [had] the same goal, the
celebration of Mexican independence.” He then congratulated the CPM for their enthusiasm and hard
work. No other evidence is available, but this does suggest that the two organizations came to reconcile
their common interests and agreed that they catered to the cultural needs of different subgroups among
Houston‟s residents of Mexican origin. “Fiestas Patrias 1982 Schedule of Events,” El Sol, 25 August
1982, 16; “El Comité Patriótico Mexicano,” El Sol, 15 August 1984, 2. The translation from Spanish to
English is mine.
48
“Mexico Independence Week,” El Sol, 13 September 1974, 1; “Comité Patriótico Mexicano,”
El Sol, 6 September 1974, 3.
95
that year.49 After the mid-1970s, the CPM still played an important part in the September
celebrations, but it scaled down its activities to two specific events. The CPM sponsored
a few popular evenings featuring folkloric dancers and mariachi performers from both
Houston and various states in Mexico at the Miller Outdoor Theater in Hermann Park and
hosted a representative from the Mexican government for the Grito ceremony on 15
September at the Music Hall. Both occasions attracted large crowds through 2009.50
While the CPM was made up of Mexican nationals, it nevertheless drew
occasional criticism from other Mexicans regarding the nature of its festivities. In 1981,
for instance, a Mexican who was visiting Houston during the September Fiestas Patrias
49
Ramón Meade, “A todos los mexicanos, estadounidenses de origen mexicano, ciudadanos de
países latino-americanos, y amigos de México en general,” La Vida Latina en Houston, September 1974,
n.p.; “Comité Patriótico Mexicano,” El Sol, 6 September 1974, 3. The latter article mentions the sponsors
as follows: “Aeroméxico Airlines, Texas International Airlines, Mexican Airlines, the Houston Chronicle,
the Houston Post, El Sol, Texas Catholic Harold [sic], La Crónica, and many other organizations, all of
which in one way or another have helped make this week possible.”
50
For the CPM‟s schedule of events between the mid-1970s and mid-1980s, see Gabylyn McGee,
“Fiesta Marks Mexican Fight for Freedom,” Houston Post, 9 September 1976, 2 (B); “El Comité Patriótico
Mexicano celebra el 15 y 16 de Septiembre,” El Sol, 8 September 1977, n.p.; “Independencia de México,”
La Voz Del Barrio, September 1977, 4; “Fiestas Patrias Celebration,” El Sol, 8 September 1977, 1;
Photograph caption, “Nuestra ciudad al día,” El Sol, 21 September 1978, 11; “Grito de la Independencia
en el Music Hall,” El Sol, 21 September 1978, 12; José Ortiz, “ Celebrando el 15 y 16 de Septiembre,” El
Sol, 12 September 1979, 5; Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: radio, cine y televisión,” El Sol, 19 September
1979, 5; José Ortiz, “Houston conmemora,” El Sol, 19 September 1979, 10; “Fiestas Patrias 1981 Calendar
of Events,” El Sol, 16 September 1981, 1; Pamela Lewis, “Fiestas Patrias: Wide Variety of Events—From
Pageant to Parades—Slated,” Houston Post, 14 September 1981, 3 (B); Juan Vega, “Comité pro-Fiestas
Patrias anuncia calendario de actividades,” El Sol, 25 August 1982, 16; Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios:
cine, radio y televisión,” El Sol, 15 September 1982, 5; “El Comité Patriótico Mexicano,” El Sol, 15
August 1984, 2; METRO, “Vamos con Metro a nuestras Fiestas Patrias,” El Sol, 4 September 1985, n.p.;
“El Comité de Fiestas Patrias ‟85,” El Sol, 11 September 1985, 16; “Fiestas Patrias horario de eventos,”
El Sol, 3 September 1986, 3. The CPM organized the Grito ceremony at Miller Outdoor Theater through
2009. It should be noted that it held it at the Music Hall from 1974 to 1985 but continued to host an
evening of folkloric dances at Miller Outdoor Theater during that time period as well. The CPM switched
the Grito ceremony back to Miller Outdoor Theater in 1986 and has held it there ever since. For instance,
the schedule of the 2007 Grito ceremony at Miller Outdoor Theater may be found here:
http://www.milleroutdoortheatre.com/schedule/calendar.asp?Mode=CalendarViewDetails&date=9/1/2007
&ID=323, accessed 18 January 2010. For the 2010 bicentennial Grito ceremony, see:
http://www.houstoncelebratesmexico2010.com/index.php/ceremonies/155-el-grito-festival-delbicentenario-de-la-independencia-200th-anniversary-of-mexicos-independence, accessed 18 January 2010.
96
sent a vitriolic open letter to the CPM members via El Sol.51 Attorney Joaquín Gómez de
la Cortina listed a series of grievances with the form and content of some of the CPM‟s
activities. He decried the “total lack of the most elementary knowledge of the history of
Mexico” on the part of the CPM‟s president, María Reyna, who had appeared on a
Spanish-language radio show. 52 The Grito ceremony at Miller Theater received the
brunt of his criticism. He called the event “a fiasco” and “a disaster” and the presentation
of the Mexican flag to the representative of the Mexican president a “SHAME [sic],”
adding that, “in any shantytown in Mexico, this act would have been done as the canons
of respect” towards Mexico demanded it. 53 The author also expressed “anger,”
“disillusion,” and “fury” at the fact that most of the night‟s events looked like “circus
numbers” to him. 54 He proceeded to chide the CPM members for having a rudimentary
knowledge of Mexican history and urged the Mexican consul in Houston to provide them
with “a few little classes on Mexican history” so that, “when they talk[ed], they … [did
not] sound so ridiculous.”55 Before signing his name, an angry De la Cortina added, “For
the love of our country, for Mexico, and for yourselves: Don‟t put us in more shame! Do
something!” 56 This letter does not offer enough substantial evidence to support the
51
Joaquín Gómez de la Cortina, “Carta abierta a los miembros del Comité Patriótico Mexicano,
Houston, Texas,” El Sol, 23 September 1981, n.p. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
55
Ibid.
56
Ibid.
97
charges regarding the historical inaccuracies in the historical events that the CPM
presented that year. Nonetheless, De la Cortina‟s impressions suggest two possible
interpretations. First, his frustrations might have stemmed from the fact that he lived in
Mexico City, the nation‟s capital, where the Fiestas Patrias were cloaked in a much more
official atmosphere. Or perhaps this letter might indicate that the members of Houston‟s
CPM, while seeking to celebrate Mexico‟s history and heritage, might have lived in the
United States long enough to have become closer than they perceived to the bicultural
identity that the FPC extolled.57
Criticism from Mexican visitors notwithstanding, Houston‟s Mexican-origin
residents developed a fairly keen understanding of the role that both committees played
in showcasing the community‟s varying levels of acculturation over the years. An El Sol
editorial summarized both organizations‟ views of the proper ways to celebrate Mexican
heritage in the city in 1975:
Each group is made up of a different set of personalities around whom a cluster
… of organizations revolve … Each organization … fills a vital need at different
levels … that no one single organization could do. The one draws the older
generation and the newly arrived immigrants with yet strong emotional ties to the
nation of their origin; while the other organization involves the first, second, and
third generation of Mexican-Americans who‟s [sic] principal emotional roots are
in this country but who pay tribute to Mexico as the origin of their ancestry,
cultural and linguistic background. 58
The definition of the September activities therefore spanned broadly enough to
accommodate both the Mexican consulate‟s traditional Mexican approach and the FPC‟s
57
For instance, María Reyna, the 1973 recipient of the Most Distinguished Mexican American
Award and the president of the CPM, had lived in Houston for over forty years.
58
Editorial, “Fiestas Patrias,” El Sol, 26 September 1975, 2.
98
promotion of a bicultural identity. Yet, American commercial interests further defined
the meaning of the Mexican independence celebrations in Houston. As the following
section of this chapter will show, American corporations, like their Mexican counterparts
before them, saw the Fiestas Patrias as a lucrative avenue and a convenient platform to
advertise their products. Sponsorship of these events joined together Mexican
immigrants, Americans of Mexican descent, and recently arrived Central Americans into
a newly found market and encouraged them to seek the utmost American value:
consumerism. Such corporate involvement helped make the celebrations even more
popular but also ran the risk of altering the genuine character of the patriotic festivities by
commercializing them.
The Consumer Power of Hispanics and the Commercialization of Mexican Independence
Day
National Corporations’ Lack of a Marketing Strategy and the Hispanic
Demographic Boom
As Nestor Rodriguez and Barry Kaplan have shown, the 1970s were Houston‟s
“Golden Economic Age.”59 The city remained one of the few places in the United States
that managed to stay aloof of the nationwide recession because of its reliance on the oil,
gas, and petrochemicals industries; Houston actually enjoyed great economic prosperity
while most other cities and states sank into deep deficits. 60 Indeed, as the price of oil shot
59
Nestor Rodriguez, “Economic Restructuring and Latino Growth in Houston,” in In The Barrios:
Latinos and the Underclass Debate, Joan W. Moore and Raquel Pinderhughes, eds. (New York: Russell
Sage Foundation, 1993), 101-127, 109; Barry Kaplan, “Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt,” in
Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II, Richard M. Bernard and Bradley R. Rice, eds.
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983), 196-212.
99
upward in a drastic fashion after 1973, the city‟s corporations made large profits and in
turn stimulated local growth. Houston‟s long history of minimal taxes, small local
government, low unionization rates, and moderate cost of living combined with the
absence of state taxation of personal or corporate income to turn the city into a haven for
capitalistic gains. 61 Kaplan shows that Houston‟s private sector led the local economy
forward in the 1970s and helped propel the metropolis “from the seventy-sixth to
sixteenth place in national per-capita income ranking.” 62 Furthermore, over 200
corporations moved their headquarters to Houston, and an average of one thousand
people arrived in the city every week in hopes of finding employment. 63
Along with the injection of new economic opportunities that anchored Houston in
a growing global economy, the manufacturing, construction, and service sectors fulfilled
the needs of new residents and attracted cheap labor. Mexican immigrants and lessereducated Mexican Americans supplied the bulk of this workforce. The 1970 and 1980
censuses showed that 50 percent of Latinos in Houston held blue-collar jobs, and an
additional 22 percent worked in sales or clerical positions. 64 While the black population
in the city only increased from 21 percent to 27.6 percent between 1950 and 1980, the
bulk of low-skilled workers needed to sustain this economic boom came either from
60
Kaplan, “Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt,” 196.
61
Ibid, 198.
62
Ibid, 201.
63
Ibid.
64
Rodriguez, “Economic Restructuring and Latino Growth in Houston,” 110-111.
100
Houston‟s barrios or Mexico. 65 In contrast, the Hispanic population in Houston grew by
anywhere between 87.9 percent to 100 percent between 1970 and 1980—estimates vary
because of the uncertain number of undocumented immigrants, who were typically
difficult to count exactly. 66
Whereas Mexican-origin residents constituted a significant proportion of
Houston‟s population, few corporations targeted them as a specific group of customers by
the early 1970s. A 1972 editorial in El Sol commended Sears Roebuck Company for its
local efforts to hire more Mexican Americans and for recognizing their importance as a
pool of consumers. The article also chided the city‟s businesses for not courting Mexican
American customers enough:
On the local scene Sears has projected a positive image with the Mexican
American community in the employment of Mexican Americans in its various
stores throughout the area and in its own effort to use channels of communication
to definitely project itself … [to] the growing Mexican-American market in
Houston … Many other business enterprises in Houston need to become aware of
the potential growing dollar of the Mexican-American community of Houston of
more than 175,000. The Mexican-American community is growing in numbers
and in dollar power and is becoming more sophisticated and discriminating in its
buying and trading. 67
That same year, city officials partnered with the Houston Regional Minority Council, a
non-profit organization, to host a “Minority Purchasing Day” at the Albert Thomas
65
Kaplan, “Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt,” 202.
66
Rodriguez estimates that Houston‟s Hispanic population grew by 100 percent whereas Kaplan
assesses that the growth rate stood at 87.9 percent. Rodriguez, “Economic Restructuring and Latino
Growth in Houston,” 110; Kaplan, “Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt,” 202. Kaplan explains
that the Hispanic population accounted for 7 percent of Houston‟s population in 1960, 12 percent in 1970,
and jumped to at least 17 percent in 1980, again, not taking into account undocumented residents.
Rodriguez gives the following figures for Houston‟s Latino population: 149,727 in 1970, 281,331 in 1980,
and 450,483 in 1990. Rodriguez, “Economic Restructuring and Latino Growth in Houston,” 103.
67
Editorial, “Positive Image,” El Sol, 18 February 1972, 2.
101
Convention Center. 68 The event sought to help minority entrepreneurs in the
metropolitan area to establish professional relationships with executives of major
corporations in order to expand their business activities beyond the traditional ethnic
markets to which they had theretofore catered. 69 Between 1973 and 1974, this initiative
helped boost the business of Houston corporations with minority-owned companies from
almost $4 million to $17 million. 70 Major firms recognized the lucrative promises of
such businesses, but it took them somewhat longer to reach out to Hispanic customers
and to learn how to craft a message that would ensure their loyalty.71
By the late 1970s, Houston‟s Mexican-origin residents had grown fully aware that
large corporations still did not court their dollars. For instance, an opinion column in La
68
Photograph caption, El Sol, 24 October 1975, n.p. The Houston Regional Minority Council was
renamed the Houston Minority Business Council at an unknown later date. See
http://www.hmbc.org/DynamicPage.aspx?Id=30 and http://www.hmbc.org/DynamicPage.aspx?Id=31
(under “Houston Business Council,”) accessed 23 January 2010.
69
Ibid.
70
Ibid.
71
For instance, Adolph Coors Company started an advertising campaign targeting Hispanics as a
specific group as late as 1980. The company acknowledged that, “In the past, many Coors critics tried to
convince Hispanics to have negative feelings about our company. And, in many respects, we aided them
by not publicizing our many programs which support the Hispanic community and by not specifically
recognizing this important consuming group in our advertising.” In “Major Corporation Starts Campaign
on „Decade of the Hispanic‟ Theme,” LULAC: A Magazine for Today‟s Latino, January-February 1980, Joe
Orlando/LULAC Collection, Box 1, Folder 24, HMRC, n.p. The Mexican American community also
conducted boycott campaigns against prominent national corporations in the late 1960s and through the
1970s. Among the most famous boycotts were the national protests against the “Frito Bandito”
advertisement character and Coors‟ discriminatory hiring practices. See “Coors Beer Boycott on,” (San
José, California) Forumeer (Official Publication of the American G.I. Forum), April 1969, Alfonso
Vásquez Collection, Box 1, Folder 24, HMRC, 2-3; “‟Frito Bandito Not So Funny:‟ Grocer Refuses to Buy
Products,” Forumeer (Official Publication of the American G.I. Forum), April 1969, Alfonso Vásquez, Box
1, Folder 24, 1, 4; “Frito-Lay Letters Get No Action,” Forumeer (Official Publication of the American G.I.
Forum), April 1969, Alfonso Vásquez Collection, Box 1, Folder 24, n.p.; “Forum Escalates Coors Beer
Boycott: Pickets at Golden Plant,” Forumeer (Official Publication of the American G.I. Forum), June 1969,
Alfonso Vásquez Collection, Box 1, Folder 24, 1, 4; “Coors Brewing Co. Boycott,” Papel Chicano, 7-20
November 1970, n.p.; “ABC-TV: No More Frito Bandito,” Papel Chicano, 21 November-11 December
1970, n.p.
102
Vida Latina en Houston magazine decried the lack of Hispanic models in local
advertisements. The author denounced this dismissal of the Hispanic market as
discriminatory, asserting that the models portrayed were only of Anglo or African
American extraction, and felt prompted to ask:
What is going on with merchants? They want to sell to the Latin Americans but
they do not fill their advertisements with models of our race. Man or woman.
Does it mean that the Hispanic clientele matters very little to them? 72
Nationwide, however, corporations and marketing firms started to take notice of this
untapped market and sought to devise strategies to target Hispanics. It was widely
understood that this group of consumers would not respond to advertising campaigns
aimed at other Americans. Businesses needed to use Hispanics‟ history and culture in
order to appeal to them as customers. 73 Well into the 1980s, local and national marketing
agencies struggled with the best way to reach Mexican-origin people and other Hispanic
groups. A good number of advertisements floundered with literal translations that
conveyed messages with unintended meanings in Spanish while others transposed
American gender norms that did not appeal to Hispanics. 74 This market, with a majority
72
Julio Fonseca, “Comentarios de aquí y de allá,” La Vida Latina en Houston, December 1978,
26. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
73
George Dickstein, “Growing Latin Population Strengthens Its Identity,” Television/Radio Age,
29 September 1975, Luis Cano Collection, Box 8, Folder 6, HMRC, A1-A10; Felipe Cantú, “Effective
Hispanic Marketing,” Hispanic Business: A Monthly Publication of Business and Professional Life, June
1980, Luis Cano Collection, Box 9, Folder 11, 7; Olivia Carmichael, “La lealtad latina hacia su cultura no
es siempre apreciada,” Houston Chronicle, 2 May 1985, 2-3; Jim Barlow, “Hispanic Market Not Easy to
Reach,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 11 May 1981, Vertical File, “H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics-1989,”
HMRC, n.p.; Jo Ann Zunica, “Marketers Woo Hispanic Dollars,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 12 July
1990,Vertical File, “H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics-1990,” HMRC, 18 (A).
74
For instance, George Dickstein warned that advertisements that used a voiceover to command
Hispanic viewers or listeners to “go out now and buy” their products did not fare well with male Hispanics
because “any lessening of [the] macho [figure]” ran against the prevailing “idealized images of manhood.”
In the same vein, the author argued that advertisements that showed a Hispanic man with a lack of self-
103
who hailed from Mexico or were of Mexican descent, required a different approach.75
The CPM’s and FPC’s Brochures as a Marketing Platform
The Fiestas Patrias provided a unique and convenient opportunity for local and
national companies to acknowledge the importance of Mexican heritage to a growing
portion of Houstonians and to advertise their products at the same time. The FPC and the
CPM each issued a brochure that was distributed broadly throughout the Mexican-origin
community every year and thus offered politicians and businesses a broad platform to
court the attention of the Mexican American public. 76 Each committee‟s brochure
featured articles that put Mexican heritage to the fore and presented the celebration of
Mexican culture and history as an asset to Houston and the State of Texas. Businesses
and politicians also sent congratulatory messages to the Mexican-origin community. For
instance, Governor Briscoe, who had acted as parade Grand Marshal in 1973, wrote in
confidence failed to attract Latino consumers in the 1970s. Moreover, Dickstein points out that
advertisements depicting “the frazzled housewife so often found in commercials made for the Anglo
market” also were not successful because the popular image of Hispanic housewives showed them “always
glamorous and in control of [their] household” in the 1970s, according to Dickstein. As for the dangers of
a literal translation of an English-language slogan into Spanish, Braniff Airlines counted among those who
made such mistakes: the company thought that it was inviting Spanish-speaking consumers to enjoy its
planes and their new leather seats but instead prompted them to fly nude. See George Dickstein, “Growing
Latin Population Strengthens Its Identity,” Television/Radio Age, 29 September 1975, Luis Cano
Collection, Box 8, Folder 6, A1-A10; Felipe Cantú, “Effective Hispanic Marketing,” Hispanic Business: A
Monthly Publication of Business and Professional Life, June 1980, Luis Cano Collection, Box 9, Folder 11,
7; Jim Barlow, “Hispanic Market Not Easy to Reach,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 11 May 1981, Vertical
File, “H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics-1989,” n.p.; Jo Ann Zunica, “Marketers Woo Hispanic Dollars,”
Houston Chronicle clipping, 12 July 1990, Vertical File, “H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics-1990,” 18 (A).
75
In the early 1980s, Mexican-origin people accounted for 88.5 percent of Houston‟s Hispanics.
Nestor Rodriguez, “Economic Restructuring and Latino Growth in Houston,” 103, 118.
76
The first FPC brochure available in archival records dates from 1978, and the CPM issued its
first brochure in 1973. The HMRC possesses brochures from each of these organizations through 1987.
More specifically, the 1973, 1982, and 1987 brochures for the CPM are located in the Mexican American
Small Collections, Box 6 of 5. The 1975 and 1980 brochures may be found in the María T. Reyna
Collection, Box 1, Folder 13, HMRC. The 1978, 1979, 1981, 1982, 1985, 1986, and 1987 Fiestas Patrias
brochures may be found in the Mexican American Small Collections, Box 6 of 5. The 1980 brochure is
located in the Luis Cano Collection, Box 9, Folder 6.
104
the 1978 FPC‟s brochure that he declared “Fiestas Patrias Week” throughout Texas
because:
The Mexican-American citizens of this great State have made and continue to
make valuable contributions to the State and Nation as well. The Tenth Annual
Fiestas Patrias Celebration [sic] emphasizes the Mexican-American heritage and
its impact on our society. The history of our great State is an indelible part of the
history of our good neighbor Mexico, to the South. It is fitting and appropriate
that recognition be paid to all Mexican-American citizens of Texas for their
important and lasting contributions to the development of our State. 77
The fact that Houston‟s Fiestas Patrias celebrations served as the blueprint for a
statewide holiday showed the extent to which the festivities in the city had provided a
model for the manner in which Mexican Independence Day should be commemorated
throughout the state. By the mid- and late-1970s, national businesses also started to
recognize that this important patriotic holiday attracted greater attention than ever before
and sought to use its growing popularity to their advantage.
Over the years, the change in the size of the CPM‟s and the FPC‟s brochures
reflected the growing biculturalism of Houston‟s Hispanic community. The CPM‟s
publication, which had originally attracted a flurry of corporate advertisements in 1973
and continued to do so for the next few years, slowly grew thinner and lost the support of
Mexican and American corporations. These companies flocked to the FPC instead.78
The CPM‟s brochures from 1973 through 1987 reveal this gradual decrease in
77
Official Memorandum by Dolph Briscoe, Governor of Texas, 22 August 1978, 1978 Fiestas
Patrias brochure, Mexican American Small Collections, Box 6 of 5, “1978 Fiestas Patrias” Folder, n.p.
78
Archival records hold little evidence about the fees that both organizations charged for
advertisements. Club México Bello‟s meeting minutes from August 1977 mention once that the club
purchased a half-page advertisement in the CPM‟s brochure for $60. One may assume that the FPC
charged roughly the same price since both associations were competing for advertising monies at that time.
See meeting minutes of Club México Bello, 16 August 1977, Club México Bello Collection, Box 4, Folder
13. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
105
advertising. Indeed, the CPM benefited from a variety of corporate sponsors from 1973
to 1980, with the backup of several international airlines and American beer and
petroleum companies. By 1982, however, the majority of advertisements came from
local businesses, and only four American corporations appeared in the CPM‟s brochure. 79
By 1987, the Mexican consulate‟s organization enjoyed the sponsorship of Miller
Outdoor Theater and of the City of Houston‟s Parks and Recreation Department but
received no corporate support at all. The reasons for the gradual deflection of Mexican
corporate monies are unclear. One might speculate that the economic crisis that Mexico
faced in the early 1980s combined with the growing enthusiasm for the activities of the
Fiestas Patrias organization to diminish incentives for companies to publish in the
CPM‟s brochure. The FPC, on the other hand, distributed 60,000 copies of its brochure
across Houston, and the publication had become a “keep-sake [sic]” by the mid-1980s.80
The popularity of the organization‟s festivities attracted an increasing variety of local and
national businesses, chief amongst them beer and petroleum companies. 81
National Corporations and Fiestas Patrias Festivities
The late 1970s and the early 1980s thus constituted another important moment for
79
These were Coca-Cola, Coors, Exxon Petroleum, and Schlitz beer. Comité Patriótico Mexicano
1982 brochure, 1982, Mexican American Small Collections, Box 6 of 5, “Comité Patriótico Mexicano
1982” Folder.
80
“Fiestas Patrias History,” 1985 Fiestas Patrias brochure, 1985, Mexican American Small
Collections, Box 6 of 5, “1985 Fiestas Patrias” Folder., n.p.
81
The 1981 Fiestas Patrias brochure, for instance, featured advertisements from the following
national corporations: Holiday Inn, Miller Lite, Schlitz beer, Texas International airlines, Budweiser, Ford
automobiles, Coca-Cola, Firestone tires, Coors, and the National Beverage Company (distributor of Tecate,
Bohemia, and Carta Blanca beers). See 1981 Fiestas Patrias brochure, 1981, Mexican American Small
Collections, Box 6 of 5, “1981 Fiestas Patrias” Folder, n.p.
106
Mexican Independence Day in Houston because the increased flow of corporate dollars
led to changes that suggested that the FPC became subject to the influence of these large
companies.82 For instance, the FPC brochure listed the names of the members of its
advisory board every year and, according to the publications that are available in archival
records, executives from national companies comprised anywhere between one-third to
slightly over one-half of the board between the late 1970s and the mid-1980s.83 In fact,
the committee chose as its theme “Salute to Corporate America” in 1981, a year when
over half of its board members belonged to national commercial firms. 84 This celebration
of corporate support, along with the companies‟ growing involvement in the Fiestas
Patrias calendar, signified the increasing grip of large businesses on occasions for which,
just a decade before, community leaders had struggled to garner citywide support.
The commercialization of the Fiestas Patrias thus signaled that the FPC and the
participants to its festivities gradually accepted the presence of corporate America in
public festivities that celebrated ethnic identity. Indeed, the organization let beer
companies lead the way and patronize its flagship events. Budweiser started sponsoring
82
It should be noted here that while the FPC started to allow corporate sponsorship in 1971, as
stated in Chapter One, the presence of large national firms in the committee‟s festivities did not become
strongly apparent until the late 1970s.
83
The national corporations operated in the following industries: television, petroleum,
electronics, banking, railroad, and fast-food. I did not count as members of corporations individuals with
the following professional occupations: manager or president of local companies, attorney, psychologist,
Houston city council member, or Houston Independent School District superintendent. Accordingly, the
proportion of corporate interests on the FPC‟s advisory board breaks down as follows: 36 percent in 1978,
47 percent in 1979, 48 percent in 1980, 54 percent in 1981, 46 percent in 1982, 44 percent in 1985, and 33
percent in 1986.
84
1981 Fiestas Patrias brochure, 1981, Mexican American Small Collections, Box 6 of 5, “1981
Fiestas Patrias” Folder, n.p.
107
the downtown parade in 1980 and did so for at least the next four years. 85 This financial
support ensured that non-profit organizations would not have to pay a fee to register a
float. The gesture showed the brewery‟s respect for the FPC‟s history of favoring such
local groups, the majority of which counted among the major social clubs of, and
benefactors to, the Mexican-origin community. 86 Budweiser‟s sponsorship led to an
unprecedented number of entries in the procession. In 1980, for instance, Emil Karam,
the parade director, announced that the parade would boast the largest number of units in
its history: “„This is the first time that we have had so many self-propelled floats. All
together there are 65 floats, 27 bands, and 25 marching units.‟” 87 Three years later, the
procession drew 250,000 spectators and 125 entries, “including floats, marching bands
and drill teams.” 88 The Miss Fiestas Patrias beauty pageant, the second most popular
event, also attracted corporate dollars. In 1980, Coors Beer and Texas International
airlines partnered to deliver a $1,000 scholarship and a round-trip to Mexico City to the
winner, and Coca-Cola sponsored the 1982 competition. 89 These corporations‟ public
85
The press records consulted for this dissertation do not indicate which corporation(s) sponsored
the downtown parade in 1985 and 1986. It should be noted, however, that while Budweiser acted as the
sole sponsor of the parade from 1980 to 1983, it united with Coca-Cola and Miller Lite for the sponsorship
of the 1984 procession. See “Desfile de Fiestas Patrias: tradición y colorido entre los participantes,” El
Sol, 19 September 1984, 1.
86
“Fiestas Patrias Memorandum,” El Sol, 10 August 1983, n.p.
87
“Festive Weekend of Activities on Tap,” Houston Post, 19 September 1980, 4 (E).
88
Vic Edmonson, “Fiestas Patrias Concludes with Downtown Parade,” Houston Post, 15
September 1983, 3 (E); Leslie Linthicum, “Celebration Mixes Cultural Pride and Fun,” Houston Post, 14
September 1984, 1 (E), 12 (E).
89
“Por noctámbulo,” (Houston) El Mexica, 4 September 1980, n.p, HMRC; “Mireya Gonzalez,
Miss Fiestas Patrias 1982-1983: la patrocinó el comité pro-becas de „El Sol of Houston,‟” El Sol, 22
September 1982, 14. Note that Texas International airlines was an early sponsor of the CPM and that it had
deflected to the FPC by the early 1980s as well.
108
support for a contest that sought to promote social mobility through education helped
boost their image as companies attentive to the needs and aspirations of the Mexicanorigin community and displayed good corporate citizenry. 90 National companies also
sponsored many candidates to the title. 91 Doing so offered the firms public exposure
since each young woman and her benefactor appeared in El Sol editions, in the FPC‟s
brochure, and were presented to the public at the various stages of the contest. 92
Corporate sponsorship of these events was therefore most beneficial to these large
businesses since the festivities enjoyed popularity and reached a big audience.
Local Radio Stations Capitalize on the Fiestas Patrias
By the early 1980s, local Spanish-language radio stations also took notice of the
potential benefits that the celebrations of Mexican independence offered to their industry
to make a profit and dovetailed with the FPC‟s activities. In 1980, two of the three
Spanish-language stations in the city started competing against each other for sponsorship
of the grandest Fiestas Patrias festivities. 93 KLAT, also known as “La Tremenda” (The
90
By the mid-1980s, McDonald‟s also promoted education by advertising that its restaurant on
Almeda street would offer an opportunity for graduating Hispanic high-school students to receive help (and
a free soda) filling out an application for a $1,000 college scholarship from the company‟s HACER
foundation (Hispanic American Commitment to Education Resources). “McDonald‟s Celebrates Fiestas
Patrias with HACER Foundation College Scholarships,” El Sol, 18 September 1985, n.p.
For a brief summary of HACER‟s activities in 2010, see:
http://www.mcdonaldsnymetro.com/html/rmhc_hacer.php., accessed 26 January 2010.
91
The proportion of candidates sponsored by national firms of the likes of Coca-Cola or
Budweiser varied over the years, from roughly a quarter to almost one half.
92
1978, 1979, 1981, 1982, 1985, 1986 Fiestas Patrias brochures, Box 6 of 5, Mexican American
Small Collections; 1980 Fiestas Patrias brochure, Luis Cano Collection, Box 9, Folder 6.
93
The third, and much older Spanish-language radio station, was KLVL. It did not organize
events during the Fiestas Patrias to the extent that its two rivals did.
Felix and Angelina Morales started operating the station in 1950, and until 1979, KLVL was the sole
provider of Spanish-language news, entertainment, and music in the Houston metropolitan area. The
109
Tremendous One), organized a two-day “Gran Fiesta” at the Albert Thomas Convention
Center, a place already familiar to most Mexican-origin residents since it had been the
venue for the final stage of the Miss Fiestas Patrias beauty pageant for many years. 94
Scheduled on the final weekend of the FPC‟s activities, the “Gran Fiesta” promised to be
“a greatly entertaining cultural event, [which would be] free for all.” 95 Heralded as the
“culmination of the 12th annual parade,” the occasion offered Latin music from local and
regional bands, performances by folkloric dance groups, Mexican food and beverages,
and a “giant cake” in honor of KLAT‟s first birthday. 96 But the real entertainers of the
weekend revealed further the event‟s commercial purposes. Indeed, the “Gran Fiesta”
advertisements announced that non-profit organizations would line up booths alongside
commercial firms “to distribute information about their activities for the improvement of
our communities.” 97 Moreover, the flyers promised the public that it would enjoy the
impact of the radio station on the city‟s Mexican American community as well as the life of its founders
will be the full subject of the following chapter.
94
KLAT, originally known as KODA, an English-language radio station, started broadcasting in
Spanish on 15 August 1979, whereas its competitor, KEYH, had undergone the same transition a few
months earlier, on 24 February 1979. Two years later, yet another competitor to the already existing three
Spanish-language broadcasters switched from English-language broadcast to Spanish: in November of
1981, KXYZ switched to “Radio 13.” The implications of these changes will be further examined in
chapter 3. For the inception of these radio stations, see “Congratulations! Keyh Radio Station Will Start
Full Spanish Broadcasting on Feb. 24th,” El Sol, 22 February 1979, 1; “Llega a Houston la primera emisora
de radio en español de dueños y operada por hispanos,” El Sol, 25 July 1979, n.p; “KLAT „La Tremenda,‟
la emisora de los hispanos inició hoy sus programaciónes en español,” El Sol, 15 August 1979, 1; “Hot
Gossip,” Houston City Magazine, August 1981, 4; “Logical Change,” El Sol, 2 December 1981, 2.
95
“Fiestas Patrias y La Tremenda presentan LA GRAN FIESTA en el Albert Thomas Convention
Center,” El Sol, 27 August 1980, 15. The FPC only co-sponsored this event with KLAT radio in 1980.
The reasons for the organization‟s withdrawal from the “Gran Fiesta” in later years are unknown.
96
97
Ibid.
Ibid. It should be noted that while the radio station spent a significant amount of money
advertising the “Gran Fiesta” in El Sol, the non-profit organizations and commercial firms that set up
informational booths at the event never advertised about their activities to enhance the well-being of the
110
opportunity to purchase “a great quantity of Mexican artifacts, such as jewelry, leather
goods, blacksmith products, spices, … piñatas, … clothing, stereo equipment, cookware,
cars, … and a lot more.” 98 This two-day event offered KLAT radio an avenue to present
itself as a prime entertainer for the Mexican-origin community during the September
festivities and served the interests of local and national businesses by providing them
with a large platform to advertise and sell their goods and services. The commercial
aspect of the “Gran Fiesta” did not deter attendance, however. By 1986, it attracted
nearly 20,000 people and boasted the presence of one hundred corporate booths. 99 The
public received free samples and enjoyed performances by well-known singers of
norteño [accordion- and bajo sexto-based (sixth bass) music from northern Mexico] and
ranchera music (ranch-style Mexican music). 100 The size of the crowds indicated that the
public easily accepted the presence of commercial interests at such events and did not
question the mingling of American-style consumerism with occasions originally meant to
foster ethnic pride and heritage.
Radio 13 joined KLAT and Radio KEYH on the Spanish-language airwaves of
Houston in 1981, and all three radio stations rivaled one another sponsoring Mexican
Mexican American community. Indeed, El Sol published reports about the corporations that were present
at the event, such as Tecate beer or television stations, but the newspaper did not give information about the
presence of non-profit organizations at such events.
98
Ibid.
99
“Gran celebración de la independencia de México de La Tremenda: llenó el centro de
convenciónes Albert Thomas,” El Sol, 17 September 1986, 7.
100
Ibid.
111
independence festivities for the following years. 101 Each advertised its activities as an
opportunity to celebrate the patriotic holiday, gave away items, and held free concerts to
attract their Mexican-origin audiences. In addition to its “Gran Fiesta” at the convention
center, KLAT partnered with Schlitz Beer and LULAC to host festivities in Mason
Park.102 KEYH cooperated with local Mexican-origin merchants to give away jewelry as
well as movie tickets to Spanish-language theaters and sponsored two free nights of
dancing at local nightclubs that featured popular Mexican music. 103 As for Radio 13, it
offered free concerts at the Pasadena Convention Center and Fairgrounds that attracted
great crowds from Houston and the surrounding neighborhoods of Pasadena. 104 Because
they advertised these events in the Spanish language on their own airwaves as well as in
101
“Fiestas Patrias y La Tremenda presentan La Gran Fiesta en el Albert Thomas Convention
Center,” El Sol, 27 August 1980, 25; José Ortis, “Dos semanas de fiestas patrias mexicanas,” El Sol, 1
October 1980, 11; “Radio Keyh, la voz official de „Fiestas Patrias,‟” El Sol, 9 September 1981, 8; “La voz
official de Fiestas Patrias presenta „La Fiesta de la Amistad,‟” El Sol, 16 September 1981, 8; “Radio 85 da
la bienvenida al mes de las fiestas patrias,” El Sol, 1 September 1982, 10; “Gran fiesta de Radio 85 para
celebrar el mes de las fiestas patrias,” El Sol, 8 September 1982, 8; “La „X‟ de Houston, Radio 13, saluda
a la colonia mexicana en el anniversario de su independencia y le invita a festejar las fiestas patrias en el
parque Moody,” El Sol, 8 September 1982, 13; “Radio mil diez „La Tremenda‟ y la cerveza Schlitz
celebran con un fantástico festival,” El Sol, 8 September 1982, 8; “Gran éxito el festival de „La Tremenda,‟
Schlitz, y LULAC en el parque Mason,” El Sol, 15 September 1982, n.p.; “Radio Keyh: así celebró el mes
de las fiestas patrias,” El Sol, 6 October 1982, 8; “‟La Tremenda‟ le invita a la celebración de Fiestas
Patrias después del desfile,” El Sol, 14 September 1983, n.p.; “‟La Tremenda‟& Carnicerías Matamoros
presentan concierto,” El Sol, 14 September 1983, n.p.; “Fiestas Patrias,” El Sol, 12 September 1984, n.p.;
Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: radio, ciné y televisión,” El Sol, 12 September 1984, n.p.; “Grandioso
festival artístico,” El Sol, 19 September 1984, 9; “Venga a celebrar con toda su familia: día de la
independencia mexicana,” El Sol, 4 September 1985, n.p.; Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: radio, ciné y
televisión,” El Sol, 3 September 1986, n.p.; “9,228 personas en el concierto de Juan Gabriel y Aida
Cuevas,” El Sol, 10 September 1986, n.p.; “Gran celebración de la independencia de México, de La
Tremenda: llenó el centro de convenciónes Albert Thomas,” El Sol, 17 September 1986, 7.
102
“Radio mil diez „La Tremenda‟ y la cerveza Schlitz celebran las fiestas patrias por lo grande
con un fantástico festival,” El Sol, 8 September 1982, 4; “Gran éxito el festival de La Tremenda, Schlitz y
LULAC en el Parque Mason,” El Sol, 15 September 1982, 10.
103
104
“Dos semanas de fiestas patrias mexicanas,” El Sol, 1 October 1980, 11.
Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: radio, ciné y televisión,” El Sol, 3 September 1986, n.p.; Gaby
Jiménez, “Comentarios: radio, ciné y televisión,” El Sol, 17 September 1986, n.p.
112
press advertisements and only showcased singers and bands that sang in Spanish and
performed Mexican or Tejano musical styles, the radio stations did not seek to attract
many residents of other ethnic affiliation. Contrary to the FPC‟s goal to use its calendar
of events to build a bridge between Houston‟s Mexican-origin community and other
ethnic groups, these radio stations only sought to use the September Fiestas Patrias as a
means to entertain their Spanish-speaking audiences and to make a profit.
These radio-sponsored festivities attracted spectators in the thousands and drew
criticism from local booking agents and smaller nightclub owners for unfair competition.
Gaby Jiménez, El Sol‟s regular columnist on local and regional musical news,
complained in 1986 that only radio stations could afford to foot the bill for the high prices
that popular performers charged and for large concerts. 105 Because smaller local
businesses had felt the brunt of the economic recession and the low employment rate that
had hit Houston especially harshly in the early 1980s, they could not match radio
stations‟ sponsorships. 106 Radio managers might have heard such complaints but they
continued to organize extravaganzas every year nonetheless. These events proved
extremely lucrative since they provided a perfect avenue to secure the allegiance of
listeners by offering them free entertainment and performers from a variety of musical
styles that celebrated Hispanic rhythms and culture. The radio stations, together with
other national corporations working with or alongside the activities of the FPC, took the
opportunity to use the celebration of Mexican Independence Day to inscribe their name
105
Ibid.
106
Ibid.
113
and products into the cultural and public space of the Mexican-origin community and
thus courted the Hispanic dollar with the message of ethnic pride.
The Broadening Meaning of the Fiestas Patrias
Corporate involvement, along with a significant increase in immigration from
Central America, led the FPC to broaden its purported raison d‟être in the early 1980s.
Indeed, while the 1980 census indicated that Houston‟s Hispanic population was 88.5
percent of Mexican origin, the early years of that decade saw a substantial surge in
migrants and refugees from Central America, most of whom were fleeing war and
political violence in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Honduras, Belize, and Guatemala. 107 Many
of these immigrants did not have legal status in the United States and were therefore
difficult to count, but social workers estimated that the total number of Central
Americans who settled in Houston in the early years of the 1980s amounted to about
100,000.108 This influx of Spanish-speaking and mostly poor newcomers not only
reshuffled local economic, political, and social conditions, but it also prompted the FPC
to expand its message, which had theretofore focused on soliciting mostly the attention of
Mexican-origin residents and Anglos. 109
107
Nestor Rodriguez, “Economic Restructuring and Latino Growth in Houston,” 103, 118.
108
Arnoldo De León provides the following breakdown for Central Americans in Houston: the
city welcomed 50,000 Salvadorans, 10,000 to 15,000 Guatemalans, and 5,000 to 10,000 Hondurans. These
statistics placed Houston only second to Los Angeles for Central American immigrants or refugees. De
León, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 225. Moreover, the city hosted an estimated 75,000 Central Americans and
80,000 Mexicans who were undocumented in 1986. Kreneck, Del Pueblo, 202.
109
Rodriguez explains that Central Americans settled mostly on Houston‟s west side, miles away
from the traditional Mexican barrios. White middle-class occupants had vacated the apartment complexes
on the west side during the local recession that hit Houston in the early 1980s. Moreover, Central
114
Dubbed “the Decade of the Hispanic,” the 1980s led the Fiestas Patrias to craft a
self-image that now encompassed not just Mexican heritage, but that of all Hispanics as
well. The increased visibility of a handful of new associations patterned after the image
of local Mexican American social clubs and the FPC reflected the growing importance of
Central Americans. By the mid-1980s, the activities of the Ecuadorian Cultural
Association of Houston and the Fraternidad Guatemalteca de Houston (Guatemalan
Fraternity of Houston) appeared in El Sol newspaper.110 Moreover, the seminal role that
the Fiestas Patrias association had come to play in Houston‟s cultural calendar inspired
the creation in 1984 of the Comité Centro Americano de Fiestas Patrias (Central
American Committee of the Fiestas Patrias).111 Its goal was to celebrate the
independence of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica on 15
September. To that end, its members organized a “Night of Civic-Cultural Gala” in Alley
Theater on 10 September and held a ball on the evening of 15 September. 112 Though not
as well organized as the FPC, the Comité Centro Americano now could also stake a claim
Americans “politicized immigration issues in ways that Mexican immigration had not” and lived in
ethnically diverse neighborhoods on that part of town. Finally, because Central Americans moved to
Houston at the time of a severe local economic downturn, they faced lesser employment opportunities than
other ethnic minorities. Most of them found employment in service jobs that paid minimal incomes.
Rodriguez, “Economic Restructuring and Latino Growth in Houston,”119-122. Yet, these dire conditions
did not prevent Central Americans from building up a relationship with the Mexican American community,
at least through the September Fiestas Patrias.
110
“La Fraternidad Guatemalteca de Houston eligió su directiva,” El Sol, 21 August 1985, n.p.;
“Primer Grito de Independencia del Ecuador en Houston,” El Sol, 13 August 1986, 1-2.
111
Julio E. García, “Fundaron Comité Centro Americano de Fiestas Patrias,” El Sol, 8 August
1984, 1, 4.
112
Ibid.
115
in the commemoration of Central American heritage in Houston. 113
1984 represented yet another turning point for the Fiestas Patrias because it
marked the beginning of a truly inclusive downtown parade. That year, the FPC showed
that it understood the importance of embracing a broader Hispanic identity by adopting
the theme of “Buena Voluntad Internacional” (International Goodwill). The festivities
intended to celebrate Mexican Independence Day but also “to embrace the Hispanic
nations that … [were] represented in …[the] city and in the Golf Coast region.” 114 A
Houston Post article explained that “each of Houston‟s Hispanic groups [would] be
represented in the fiesta [sic] parade for the first time” and quoted FPC‟s spokeswoman,
Dolores Gallegos, on the association‟s take on Hispanic unity: “„Let‟s face it… we all
speak Spanish. We might have different accents, we might cook different, we might add
different spices, but we‟re from the same culture. We should be one people.‟” 115 On the
morning of 15 September 1984 the Comité Centro Americano de Fiestas Patrias
participated in the FPC‟s downtown parade with marchers and floats proudly proclaiming
their Central American heritage. 116 For the first time, a Central American group partook
113
Prior to the formation of the Comité Centro Americano, Central American nationals had
celebrated 15 September with exclusive receptions in Houston. For instance, in September 1967, the
consuls of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua organized a black-tie cocktail party at the
Mayfair Hotel. The Comité Centro Americano broadened access to these festivities and offered an
opportunity for every member of the local Central American community to participate in the celebrations of
patriotic holidays. Betty Ewing, “Lively Fiestas and Calm Surf,” Houston Chronicle, 14 September 1967, 2
(6).
114
“Fiestas Patrias 1984-1985,” El Sol, 8 August 1984, n.p. The translation from Spanish to
English is mine.
115
Leslie Linthicum, “Celebration Mixes Cultural Pride and Fun,” Houston Post, 14 September
1984, 1 (E), 12 (E).
116
Ibid.
116
in the downtown procession. The fact that the Comité Centro Americano decided to join
the downtown parade illustrated both the willingness of the organizers to broaden their
message in order to commemorate a widely defined Hispanic identity and the clout that
the procession itself had come to bear citywide. Central American clubs recognized the
importance of the Fiestas Patrias festivities as avenues to affirm their newly found place
in Houston‟s cultural fabric.
Corporate sponsorship and a surge in immigration from Central America had thus
convinced the FPC to expand the purposes of Mexican Independence Day celebrations in
the 1980s so that the celebrations became increasingly multicultural. By the middle of
the decade, the FPC declared in the “History” column of its yearly brochure that:
The main emphasis in 1969 was to commemorate Mexican Independence Day.
The emphasis is now placed on education, unity, community pride and
understanding of the rich diversity of cultures in todays [sic] society.
…Sponsors such as Coca-Cola, R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company, McDonald‟s,
Miller Lite, Budweiser, … Yellow Cab, Atlantic Richfield and others provide the
partnership necessary to enhance the quality of the events. All in all, Fiestas
Patrias is a community based [sic] effort to promote good-will [sic], pride, unity,
education and responsible citizenship at all levels of society. 117
After 1984, the downtown parade would come to represent Houston‟s cosmopolitan
identity by showcasing all of its ethnic residents. For instance, the 1987 procession
featured Hispanic groups, high school bands and street dancers, and for the first time,
“Native Americans in costumes representing eight tribes from throughout the United
States.” 118 Two years later, the event was renamed the “Fiestas Patrias International
117
1985 Fiestas Patrias brochure, 1985, Mexican American Small Collections, Box 6 of 5, “1985
Fiestas Patrias” Folder, n.p.
118
Rock Meckel, “Fiestas Patrias: Don‟t Let the Procession Pass You By,” Houston Post
clipping, 18 September 1987, Vertical File, “H-Events-Mexican Americans,” HMRC, n.p.
117
Parade.” 119 Its exhibition of the city‟s multiculturalism appealed to a growing number of
participants and spectators. One woman interviewed in 1990 explained that she enjoyed
taking her children to the two-hour long procession because she wanted them to see
“what this day meant for Hispanics,” but also because, “more importantly, … the
…annual parade included a racial mix of people with blacks, whites, Asians, and
Hispanics marching and watching.” 120 The procession, a simple yet powerful symbol of
Houston‟s cultural makeup, had grown from the celebration of a Mexican patriotic
holiday into a well-respected, established event that praised not only “the neighbor to the
South” and all Latin American nations, but the truly multicultural makeup of the fourth
largest city in the United States.
As the second most popular event of the Fiestas Patrias, the beauty pageant also
underwent a similar transformation, though early on it fell short of admitting candidates
from non-Hispanic background. In 1981, members of the pageant committee received
grievances from community members for accepting candidates who were not of Mexican
origin. An El Sol commentator explained the ire one year later, when the Fiestas Patrias
organizers ensured no such mishap happened again:
The organization indicates that it has received strong criticism for including
young ladies who are not of Mexican extraction. This time, it seems that they [the
candidates] are only from “amongst us” so that severe criticism may be avoided
this time around. These criticisms are not far from the truth since the people who
are organizing the event are Mexicans and must remain dedicated to Mexicans. 121
119
“Around Houston,” Houston Chronicle, 26 May 1989, 7.
120
“Thousands Applaud Floats, Bands at Fiestas Patrias Parade,” Houston Chronicle, 16
September 1990, 2 (C).
121
Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: cine, radio y televisión,” El Sol, 15 September 1982, 5. The
translation from Spanish to English is mine.
118
Just like the FPC extended a warm invitation to other Hispanic groups to join them in the
1984 parade, however, the pageant rules soon widened to accept all Hispanic candidates.
The earliest evidence of more liberal requirements appeared in a 1988 Houston Chronicle
that stated that all Hispanic women, ages 18 to 26, were invited to apply to the pageant. 122
From that point on, the queen of the Fiestas Patrias would hail from one of the many
Hispanic communities that had helped contribute to the making of Houston into a “Mecca
for the Hispanic.” 123 The FPC‟s original goal of uniting all Mexican-origin residents and
of building a bridge between that community and Anglos had come full circle by the late
1980s. While it remained primarily a celebration of Mexico‟s struggle for independence
and its people‟s culture, the Fiestas Patrias had grown to honor both Hispanic culture
and the multicultural character of Houston in a most public fashion.
Conclusion
By and large, the trajectory of the Fiestas Patrias in Houston proved incredibly
successful. As Chapter One has described, the early days of organizing the community
around a citywide celebration of Mexican Independence Day proved tedious. Yet, the
efforts of several dedicated leaders resulted in the creation of the FPC, which quickly
built a series of festivities that rallied both Mexican-origin residents and Anglos
throughout the city and the state of Texas. As years went by, Houston grew into a
cosmopolitan metropolis that played host to a wide variety of Hispanic and non-Hispanic
122
“Around Houston,” Houston Chronicle, 4 July 1988, 4.
123
Editorial, El Sol, 15 September 1977, 2.
119
immigrants, and so the Fiestas Patrias adapted to this changing landscape. The holiday
successfully maintained the focus on the celebration of Mexican heritage but did so by
inviting all ethnic groups to partake in the occasion and broadly celebrate ethnic pride.
The growing involvement of commercial interests in these festivities also played a
strong role in the changing nature of the September events. The FPC invited corporations
to sponsor its activities in 1971 with the confidence that it had established blueprints
sturdy enough to avoid a commercial takeover of Mexican Independence Day
celebrations. 1973 proved yet another turning point because it showed that even though
the committee itself had managed to keep control of the extent to which large businesses
would capitalize on its calendar of activities, outside forces could create new festivities
on which to make a profit. The newly formed CPM exhibited good intentions by
organizing events and striking a tone that sought to resonate with less acculturated
Mexican-origin people, as had been the tradition with Comités Patrióticos in the United
States for generations. Yet, the CPM‟s financial patronage by large Mexican firms
demonstrated that the September festivities offered ripe opportunities for financial gains
that the FPC organizers seemed not to have foreseen entirely. The Mexican-origin
community stood divided between the two committees for a while, and surely, tempers
flared. Over the years, however, each association found its own niche of festivities,
catering to various tastes and understandings about the meaning of the celebration of an
important Mexican patriotic holiday in the United States. In the end, each nestled in the
city‟s cultural calendar. The continued existence of the FPC and the CPM through 2009
speaks of the needs they have both come to fulfill for Hispanic groups with various levels
120
of acculturation in Houston.
As this chapter has demonstrated, by the late 1970s, American corporations also
noticed that celebrations of ethnic holidays proved a good platform to engage a growing
Hispanic market that they had theretofore either neglected or not managed to reach
efficiently. National commercial firms sponsored the beauty pageant and the downtown
parade and lavished organizers with money, bigger venues, and larger advertising
platforms. By doing so, they allowed the FPC to expand the scope of its festivities.
These companies also provided much-needed monetary support at a time when Houston‟s
economy started to slip into a recession and local businesses might have been too
vulnerable to offer enough financial backup to sustain the events alone. More
importantly, the Fiestas Patrias festivities offered a convenient avenue to advertise
commercial products. By providing sponsorship, these corporations portrayed
themselves as supportive of Hispanic culture and therefore worthy of receiving the
Hispanic dollar. Product placement became entangled with the celebration of an ethnic
holiday that had become so important to Houston‟s calendar in a way that made every
side feel that they had benefited from this relationship.
Local radio stations also profited from the September festivities in tremendous
fashion. While they did not play such a central role in the FPC‟s activities, probably
because other corporations had already capitalized on them and the radios could not
compete with the spending powers of the likes of Budweiser or Coca-Cola, Spanishlanguage stations found a lucrative niche in musical events themed around the celebration
of the Fiestas Patrias. They used their own airwaves and the newspaper El Sol to
121
advertise the festivities in Spanish. They provided entertainment to Hispanics who had
either recently settled in the city and welcomed opportunities to listen to free Spanishlanguage music or the Mexican American audiences who enjoyed Spanish-language
music. These radio stations therefore catered to a crowd that either completely embraced
its bicultural identity or to newer immigrants from Latin America. Like their corporate
counterparts with the FPC‟s calendar of events, these radio stations benefited from the
Mexican independence holiday and expanded their market by placing themselves at the
heart of a community that thirsted for recognition of its ethnic heritage.
As Chapter Three will examine, not all local successful businessmen and women
closely associated with Houston‟s Mexican-origin community reached out to large
corporations at the risk of letting those companies‟ marketing strategies alter their
original mission. Felix and Angelina Morales, the owners of the first Spanish-language
radio station in Houston, primarily used their station to cater to the needs and social
welfare of their fellow Mexican-origin brethren and played an important role in the
community‟s cultural life by combining good-heartedness with shrew business ethics.
122
CHAPTER 3
“THE SPIRIT OF OUR PUEBLO” 1: FELIX AND ANGELINA MORALES AND
THE FIRST SPANISH-LANGUAGE RADIO STATION ON THE GULF COAST,
1950-1980s
This chapter examines the role of the first Spanish-language radio station in the
cultural life of Houston. Its founders, Felix and Angelina Morales, were among the city‟s
most prominent Mexican Americans whose entrepreneurship helped expose Houstonians
to the values and language of Mexican Americans and Mexican immigrants. Felix and
Angie, as they were fondly known, fought hard to bring KLVL, La voz latina (The Latin
Voice), to life in order to serve the Mexican-origin community whose needs as a radio
audience had remained ignored until the 1950s. This chapter traces the Moraleses‟
professional journey prior to World War II, describes how their funeral home and social
activism placed them at the heart of Houston‟s Mexican-origin community, recounts their
struggles to acquire a radio station, and highlights their resolve to give Spanish speakers a
broadcasting voice. This chapter further explains how Felix and Angie envisioned KLVL
as a tool to promote goodwill and solidarity among the city‟s Spanish-speaking people.
To this end, they entertained their listeners with Mexican music, delivered news in
Spanish, and publicized social services that were not readily known in the city at the
time. Finally, this chapter examines how the Moraleses used their radio station to build a
bridge between Houston‟s Hispanics and Anglos in a manner that earned them respect
from Houstonians of many stripes. Like John Coronado, the founder of the modern
parade in downtown Houston, and the Fiestas Patrias committee, Felix and Angie
1
Lumiers, “Usted y otros más,” El Sol, 20 November 1985, 9.
123
Morales exemplified the desire of Americans of Mexican descent to foster pride in their
cultural heritage and to make the lives of their Houston brethren happier with music,
games, and celebrations.
Felix and Angie‟s Early Days in San Antonio
The story of the Moraleses began in San Antonio. Angelina Vera was born there
in 1907 and grew up in a Mexican American middle-class neighborhood. Even though
she only learned English at the age of twelve she graduated from high school and
enrolled for a degree in Business Administration at the Alamo Business College. She
attended that institution for only one year, however, and found employment at a
Chevrolet dealership in town. 2 Felix Hessbrook Morales and his siblings grew up in
poverty despite the fact that his family traced its ancestry to the German prince who had
founded New Braunfels, where Felix was born in 1907. The youngest of ten children,
Felix faced a difficult childhood because his father died when he was five years old. He
completed elementary school and set out to hold a variety of jobs. As early as five years
of age, he hunted rabbits and set up his own shoeshine stand in the streets of New
Braunfels, giving the money to his mother so that she could support her children. He
later worked as a water boy and for a construction company. 3 Felix‟s mother used to call
2
From the Alamo Business College, Angie transferred to the University of Texas in Austin from
1926 to 1927 but she did not finish her studies there, for unknown reasons. Mrs. Felix H. Morales,
interview by Thomas H. Kreneck, tape recording, 5 February 1979, Oral History Collection Mexican
American Component, Houston Metropolitan Research Center (HMRC); Mrs. Felix H. Morales, résumé,
n.d., Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 13, Folder 2, HMRC.
3
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; Mr. Felix H. Morales, résumé,
n.d., Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 13, Folder 2; Marion Zientek, “He Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It
124
him hormiga, or “ant,” because he always remained productive. 4 As a teenager, he
moved to San Antonio where his brother Andrew ran a funeral home. 5 Felix first
delivered a local newspaper, then managed his own taxicab company while also working
for Andrew. 6 These activities did not allow him to save any money but they trained him
for his future position as a funeral home owner in Houston.
Moving to San Antonio enabled Felix to encounter the three great loves of his
life. There, he discovered his passion for radio broadcasting, met his future wife, and
found a professional calling and a sense of personal fulfillment providing mortuary
services. In 1925, Felix felt that Mexican-origin people had no broadcasting voice in San
Antonio. He later recalled that there used to be only one weekly Spanish radio program
in town, and that he “couldn‟t believe that there were so many Mexican people there and
no entertainment.” 7 He proceeded to start his own daily show on a local station, selling
advertising time to sponsors, singing, and playing his guitar. 8 Also in 1925, Felix and
Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald clipping, 27 September 1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 3, 10; Richard Vara, “Morales Beams Español to Radioland,” Houston Post clipping, 5 August
1973, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 6 (DD).
4
Marion Zientek, “He Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald
clipping, 27 September 1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 10.
5
Two other Morales brothers owned funeral homes in New Braunfels and Austin, and several
more of Felix‟s cousins and nephews also worked as embalmers and funeral home owners. See “Former
Light Carrier „Makes Good‟,” San Antonio Light clipping, 27 May 1957, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box
9, Folder 3, n.p.
6
Ibid; Richard Vara, “Morales Beams Español to Radioland,” Houston Post clipping, 5 August
1973, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 6 (DD).
7
Richard Vara, “Morales Beams Español to Radioland,” Houston Post clipping, 5 August 1973,
Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 6 (DD).
8
Ibid; Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979. The show only lasted “a
couple of hours daily,” as Felix later told the Houston Post. See Richard Vara, “Morales Beams Español to
125
Angie started dating. They were married in 1928.9 By the mid-1920s, Felix clearly
nurtured a great love for traditional Mexican music and played with a group of friends,
often “serenading” Angie at her home. 10 His musical inclinations, however, seemed to
always feed his desire for a radio station of his own. Indeed, Angie often liked to recount
a particular moment during their courtship when Felix‟s determination to possess a
station appeared quite strong. During a conversation about their respective ambitions for
the future, Felix burst out that he knew he would own a radio station one day. Angie,
taken aback, responded by asking, “You are … a boy with maybe fifty dollars in his
pocket… Would that cost a lot of money?” 11 A confident Felix retorted that, “Money …
should never be an object in anything that you want to do in life. You have to plan for it
and you will acquire it if you have the ability to go on with what you want.” 12 To a
surprised Angie, he summarized what would turn out to be his approach to business
throughout his life: “I‟ll get the money somehow, that‟s a side issue. The issue is, where
would I get … [the station] and when will it start?” 13 Felix later inquired about his
brother‟s interest in radio broadcasting, but Andrew quickly “pointed out that it was an
Radioland,” Houston Post clipping, 5 August 1973, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 6 (DD).
9
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; Carlos A. Novoa, “Entrevista
de la semana,” El Sol, 16 September 1981, 3, 5 (2). The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
10
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
11
Ibid.
12
Ibid.
13
Ibid.
126
expensive venture and [that] they did not have the necessary capital.” 14 Felix thus
decided that his dream of owning a Spanish-language station would have to be
postponed. He borrowed one hundred and fifty dollars from his brother in order to start
his own funeral home in Houston, which seemed a safer undertaking at the time.
Life in Houston and the Morales Funeral Home, 1930s and 1940s
The Morales Funeral Home
Felix and his wife arrived in Houston in 1931. They quickly used the one
hundred and fifty dollars to purchase a hearse and equipment, established credit with a
local casket company and a furniture store, and rented a seven-room house on Navigation
Boulevard in the Second Ward, then the heart of Houston‟s Mexican-origin community. 15
The Morales Funeral Home became the first Hispanic-owned business for mortuary
services in the city.16 The Second Ward welcomed Felix and Angie with open arms
because the other funeral homes refused to cater to Mexicans. 17 The first six years of
14
Richard Vara, “Morales Beams Español to Radioland,” Houston Post clipping, 5 August 1973,
Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 6 (DD).
15
Marion Zientek, “He Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald
clipping, 27 September 1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 10; Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral
History Collection, 5 February 1979.
16
Ibid; Mr. Felix H. Morales, résumé, n.d., Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 13, Folder 2. It
should be noted that another funeral home director, Manuel Crespo, is often misquoted as the first provider
of funeral services of Latin American descent in Houston. Crespo, however, was a native of Spain and
moved to Houston in 1920. He was very active in the city‟s social and political life, especially within the
Mexican American community. See Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979;
Arnoldo De León, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 74, 83; Thomas Kreneck, Del Pueblo, 81-82, 120, 153.
17
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979. Angie also explained that
when she and her husband arrived in Houston, it was customary for Mexican-origin people to turn their
garages into chapels for funerals. Moreover, throughout the 1930s and 1940s, it was customary for the
city‟s Catholic cemeteries to deny them burial unless they were granted a special permit.
127
operation of the funeral home, however, were lean because of the Great Depression.
Moreover, Houston‟s 5,000 Mexican-origin residents lived in poverty, and most could
not save money for their funeral. 18 Consequently, Felix and Angie provided their
services almost free of charge, accepting whatever people could pay them in kind. Angie
later explained that, because she and her husband were struggling financially themselves,
they did not question their assistance to the indigent. 19 In fact, one of her favorite sayings
claimed that, “The years of the poor man who appreciates his poverty are richer than the
many of the rich one who was born without the opportunity to know that environment.” 20
Throughout the better part of the Depression years, Felix often had to make caskets by
hand while Angie sewed the clothes for the poor she helped inter. 21 The Moraleses thus
mixed business with charity.
They quickly established a reputation for their kindheartedness throughout the
Mexican-origin community of Houston, and their charitable endeavors generated more
business. Angie became a certified notary public in 1936 and used her command of
English and Spanish to act as the voice of those who did not speak English and the
18
Ibid; Richard Vara, “Morales Beams Español to Radioland,” Houston Post clipping, 5 August
1973, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 6 (DD).
19
Their most received form of payment was food, especially eggs and fruit. Ibid; Mrs. Felix H.
Morales, “Autobiografía de Felix H. y Angelina V. Morales,” (Laredo, TX) La Crónica de Texas clipping,
24 February 1974, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5, Folder 1, 11. The translation from Spanish to
English is mine.
20
Mrs. Felix H. Morales, “Autobiografía de Felix H. y Angelina V. Morales,” La Crónica de
Texas clipping, 24 February 1974, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5, Folder 1, 11. The translation from
Spanish to English is mine.
21
Marion Zientek, “He Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald
clipping, 27 September 1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 10; “KLVL 1480 AM Radio: A
History of Service to the Hispanic Community,” KLVL radio website, http://klvl1480.com/5.html, accessed
17 March 2010.
128
illiterate in cases before various city and immigration authorities. 22 She assisted her
brethren with their affidavits and immigration papers and worked as a translator in the
city‟s courts.23 In doing so, Angie met influential judges and officials throughout the
city, which made the Moraleses “an asset to the Latin American community,” as she later
remarked.24 During World War II, she helped mothers learn about the well-being of their
sons who were serving abroad by soliciting assistance from Houston‟s United States
Congressman Albert Thomas, who obliged whenever possible and became an
acquaintance of Felix‟s and Angie‟s. 25 In return for her services, Angie charged a
nominal fee that barely covered her own expenses but asked for another compensation
instead:
I would tell the people, “Look, I‟m going to do all this and I‟m not going to
charge you very much, but when you die, don‟t you forget, you come over to me
because I am an undertaker.” … So, it was sort of a standing joke: I‟m going to
do this for you, but when you can rub my back, you‟d better rub my back. … We
started getting so much business that way, through our community involvement.
And then, too, it was a job for me to be able to help different people. 26
Moreover, Angie used her gender to appeal to many Mexican-origin women who might
have otherwise hesitated to receive embalming services from a male professional. A
1945 advertisement for the funeral home reminded Angie‟s “female friends” that she was
“the only Mexican female embalmer licensed by the State of Texas [in Harris County]”
22
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
23
Ibid; Marion Zientek, “He Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald
clipping, 27 September 1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 10.
24
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
25
Ibid.
26
Ibid.
129
and that “her extended experience deserve[d] that they trust that she [would] personally
attend to women and children.” 27 Felix‟s and Angie‟s public image as trustworthy,
respectful, and generous Mexican Americans greatly helped their business.
The Morales Funeral Home survived the Great Depression‟s lean years despite
some difficulties paying for the most basic expenses. 28 By the early 1940s, the business
started generating a profit, and the Moraleses used their increased income to buy a tenacre piece of land off Aldine Road, north of Houston, for a cemetery. As Angie later
explained, Felix had decided that he wanted one for Mexican-origin people because “the
other cemeteries were so expensive that people couldn‟t afford it. ... The Mexican people
… wanted something of their own instead.” 29 For five dollars, any Mexican-origin
person in Houston could purchase a plot in the “cemetery of the poor mexicanos,” as
Angie liked to call it. 30 In 1941, the Moraleses also created an organization that ensured
that indigent Mexican-origin people could plan for and afford their burial services. The
Sociedad Unión Fraternal, which welcomed both Mexican immigrants and Mexican
Americans, asked for a monthly subscription fee of fifty cents per adult and twenty-five
27
Sociedad “Unión Fraternal” flyer, 1945, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 1, unlabeled folder.
Felix received his embalming license in 1935. Angie passed her examination for the license of funeral
director in 1935, that for professional embalmer in 1942, and became a licensed mortician (after two years
of apprenticeship) in 1944. See Texas State Board of Embalming, certificate, 13 September 1935, Felix H.
Morales Collection, Box 5, Folder 7; Texas State Board of Embalming to Mrs. Morales, 10 September
1935, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5, Folder 7; Texas State Board of Embalming to Mrs. Morales, 24
November 1942, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5, Folder 7; “Houston History: Mortician Family Has
Two New Recruits,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 2 December 1964, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5,
Folder 3, 9 (4).
28
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
29
Ibid.
30
Felix, Angie, and their son Joe are all buried at the Morales Cemetery. More details about Joe
Morales may be found in footnotes 98, 111, and 118.
130
cents per child and guaranteed free burial services in the Morales cemetery. 31 While selfhelp groups and mutual aid organizations had sprung up in the Mexican community in the
1920s and continued to come to life in the 1930s, the Moraleses‟ endeavor to provide
assistance for mortuary services and a place to inter family members proved unique for
Houston‟s Mexican-origin community. 32
Gaining Social Prominence in Houston’s Mexican-Origin Community
Yet, it took some time for Felix and Angie especially, to adapt to their new
environment. While Felix grew up in a poor household and was certainly acquainted
with lower-class Mexican-origin people with little education, Angie, who had been raised
in a better-off neighborhood in San Antonio, found the transition more difficult. 33
Indeed, she held a twofold view of the poverty-stricken Mexican community in the
Second Ward. On the one hand, as a deeply committed Catholic, she felt it her duty to
help the indigent and committed herself and the funeral home to that goal. On the other
hand, she thought that “the laboring class” of the East End did not strive for better
education and self-improvement, which she first interpreted as a lack of motivation to
achieve social mobility. 34 Angie later admitted to unfairly comparing the mostly bluecollar residents of the Second Ward to her previous middle-class neighbors in San
31
Carlos A. Novoa, “Entrevista de la semana,” El Sol, 16 September 1981, 3, 5 (2); Sociedad
“Unión Fraternal” flyer, 1945, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 1, unlabeled folder; De León, Ethnicity in
the Sunbelt, 69.
32
For the various mutual aid organizations and self-help groups that sprang up in Houston‟s
Mexican-origin community in the 1920s and 1930s, see De León, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 31-34, 56-57,
66-76.
33
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
34
Ibid.
131
Antonio. She eventually recognized that the needs of the poor for social services
remained significant, and that they had little means available to better themselves. 35 She
thus sought to dedicate herself to their cause by providing them with funerary and notary
services and by socializing with many Second Ward residents. 36 Angie might therefore
have held middle-class values herself but she never stopped caring for the betterment of
her poverty-stricken brethren.
Because Angie and Felix had grown up in a bicultural environment, they proved
quite adept at using their familiarity with both Mexican and American cultures to their
advantage. Although their association with prominent Anglos would become much more
pronounced during and after the 1950s, they remained popular within the city‟s Mexicanorigin community. They navigated comfortably the worlds and cultures of working- and
middle-class social clubs around the Second Ward. Indeed, Angie joined as many
organizations as she could in order to meet people as soon as they arrived in Houston. 37
The Moraleses benefited greatly from such interactions because it afforded them
acquaintances and business contacts as well as new ways to have an impact on the
cultural and social life of their community.
Felix and Angie, in fact, played pivotal roles in the history of several prominent
Mexican American social clubs in Houston. Felix joined Club México Bello in his first
few years of residence in the city. As an association that “clearly represented the most
35
Ibid.
36
Ibid.
37
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; Mrs. Felix H. Morales,
interview by Thomas H. Kreneck, tape recording, 24 March 1989, Oral History Collection Mexican
American Component, HMRC.
132
popular organization in the colonia, a who‟s who of young, aspiring Hispanic Houston,”
México Bello enabled him to meet the future leaders. 38 He also counted among the
original founders of LULAC Council #60, established in Houston in 1934. Like its other
LULAC branches in the Southwest at the time, the organization encouraged Mexican
Americans to pay their poll tax, to seek better educational and social opportunities, and
for those who were Mexican nationals living in the United States, to become
naturalized.39 Because those clubs did not offer membership to women, Angie could not
become a full participant in their affairs. She thus helped create several women‟s
branches so that members‟ wives might socialize and plan activities of their own. 40 She
assisted with the formation of the ladies‟ group of the Woodmen of the World and of the
Sociedad Mutualista Obrera Mexicana in the early 1930s and acted as the first president
of Houston‟s Ladies‟ LULAC Council #14 in 1935. 41 To Angie and Felix, affiliation and
work with clubs as prominent as LULAC served to “create the proper political climate for
38
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 62. Among the members of México Bello were Felix
Tijerina, a successful businessman and future national president of LULAC, and John J. Herrera, also a
future national president of LULAC as well as an attorney and civil rights activist. Among his many
accomplishments, Herrera acted as counsel in the landmark case Pete Hernández v. the State of Texas in
which the United States Supreme Court ruled that Mexican Americans could not be rejected from juries in
1954. The victory in this case created a precedent for the broader-reaching Brown v. Board of Education of
Topeka. For more information about Herrera, see De León, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 93, 130-133, 137-141,
166; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 92, 102-103, 130, 205-207; Kreneck, Del Pueblo, 81, 85, 116,
119-120, 125, 153-154, 163. Felix Tijerina will be the subject of the next chapter.
39
De León, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 84.
40
Angie explained that Council # 14 had few members at first. Yet, the eight or so ladies, who
were mostly in their twenties, met regularly at the funeral home and volunteered their time in the Mexican
community, mostly towards educational purposes. One popular program, for instance, consisted of reading
sessions of the United States Constitution to children at the Rusk Settlement Association. The members of
Council #14 also helped organize the various activities of Council #60. See Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral
History Collection, 24 March 1989.
41
According to Angie, the women‟s branch of the Woodmen of the World was called the “Bosque
Women Circle.” See Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 24 March 1989.
133
future political force for the community,” as she later formulated it. 42 Between 1931 and
World War II, Felix and Angie therefore became intensely involved with the Mexicanorigin community of Houston and built a business from the ground up that survived the
Great Depression. They also became prosperous within a decade and enjoyed a solid
reputation among Mexican immigrants, Mexican Americans, and many prominent
Anglos. Felix could now seek to fulfill his dream of owning a Spanish-language radio
station.
The Birth of KLVL, La Voz Latina
The Long Struggle with the Federal Communications Commission
Moving to Houston and struggling to keep his business afloat during the 1930s
did not hamper Felix‟s affections for radio broadcasting. In fact, he ran his own show on
KXYZ in Houston, starting in the early 1930s. 43 Felix used the same strategy in Houston
as in San Antonio and bought airtime from a local station, which he then sold back to
advertisers. 44 His Spanish-language program featured local musicians, but Felix also
played his guitar and sang, especially when artists arrived late or cancelled their
performances. The show started as a modest affair, airing from eleven to twelve each
Saturday night, but it became so popular that he expanded it to a nightly event of news
42
Ibid.
43
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; Richard Vara, “Morales
Beams Español to Radioland,” Houston Post clipping, 5 August 1973, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 3, 6 (DD); Marion Zientek, “He Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald
clipping, 27 September 1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 10.
44
One hour of airtime on KXYZ in the early 1930s cost fifty dollars. See Mrs. Felix H. Morales
Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
134
and music.45 In 1936, however, the FCC ruled that radio stations were no longer allowed
to sell their airtime to outside buyers, so Felix had to discontinue his activities. 46 Yet, his
ambitions lived on.
Felix did not serve abroad during World War II because his embalming skills
were deemed necessary for the City of Houston. As a result, he spent the war years
working at the funeral home, which he and Angie had relocated to larger facilities two
blocks down Navigation Boulevard. 47 By 1945, the funeral home was a steady business,
and the Moraleses had several employees. 48 In the late summer of that year, they took
their first vacation at Lake McQueeney, near New Braunfels. Upon their return, Felix
wrote a letter to their friend, United States Congressman Albert Thomas, soliciting his
opinion regarding the viability of a Spanish-language radio station in Houston and the
chances of obtaining a license.49 In his missive, Felix explained that he and Angie had
spent six weeks by the lake, listening to many radio programs, especially of Mexican
45
Marion Zientek, “He Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald
clipping, 27 September 1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 10; “KLVL 1480 AM Radio: A
History of Service to the Hispanic Community,” KLVL radio website, http://klvl1480.com/5.html, accessed
17 March 2010.
46
Marion Zientek, “He Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald
clipping, 27 September 1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 10; Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral
History Collection, 5 February 1979.
47
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
48
Angie mentioned that they had eight employees by the 1940s, but she did not provide an exact
date. See Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
49
The Moraleses became good friends with Albert Thomas through Angie‟s notary work, as she
often solicited his assistance in the 1930s and during World War II. Felix and Angie also helped with his
1936 campaign, in which Thomas faced a difficult primary against the popular former (and future) Houston
mayor, Oscar Holcombe. Thomas won his bid for the United States House of Representatives that year.
See Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
135
music.50 Felix expressed his opinion that a Mexican-owned Spanish-language radio
station would benefit Mexican-origin people in Houston. He and Angie felt that such an
enterprise would demonstrate that “some Mexican people … [could] and … [would] do
things to better themselves and the community in which they live[d].” 51 Moreover, the
Moraleses thought that such a station would “afford wonderful opportunities for the
betterment of … [their] class” and would demonstrate that Mexican-origin people were
“an asset and not a liability.” 52 At first, Angie did not feel comfortable with the idea of
venturing into an industry about which they knew very little. She had thought that
Felix‟s comment, twenty years earlier, that he would one day own a radio station was just
“boy talk.” 53 By the mid-1940s, the Moraleses had saved a significant amount of money,
which Angie had hoped to keep for their retirement, so they struggled to come to the
decision about acquiring a station. Angie explained their ambivalence at the time in an
interview decades later:
Why should we take our money and gamble it away on something that we don‟t
even know we‟ll get …being that, at that time, anyone owning a radio station had
to be somebody because there had to be a lot of money in it … Felix said there
ha[d] to be a voice. There … [was] no Mexican newspaper…There was really
nothing that was educational or uplifting … Felix said the Mexican people had no
exposure … and we had to have a voice … to let it be known that there … [were]
Mexican people that … [were] worth looking up to. 54
Felix‟s insistence on the role of a Spanish-language radio station in improving the public
50
Felix Morales to Albert Thomas, 8 October 1945, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder
51
Ibid.
52
Ibid.
53
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
54
Ibid.
12.
136
image of Mexican-origin Houstonians eventually won Angie‟s approval because she, too,
sensed that this medium presented an opportunity to foster better racial relations
throughout the Houston metropolitan area.
In 1946, prepared to face potentially high financial costs, Felix and a still hesitant
Angie thus initiated what would turn into a three-year battle to obtain their radio station.
Felix benefited from the advice of his friend in San Antonio, Raúl Cortez, owner of the
station KCOR, who recommended a Washington, D.C. lawyer specializing in
broadcasting and a radio engineer, both of whom Felix hired right away. 55 They
submitted the first application for a clear channel frequency in Houston with the FCC,
and Felix secured a ten-year lease for a broadcasting studio in the Auditorium Hotel. 56
Requests for a new license also required letters of support from prominent citizens who
could testify to their community‟s need for such a station. Thus, the Moraleses presented
written statements from local and state politicians who attested that their project would
both serve as a useful tool to implement the Good Neighbor Policy and to help assimilate
Houston‟s Mexican-origin residents into American society. 57 Albert Thomas offered his
55
Ibid.
56
T.C. Guseman to Felix H. Morales, 18 September 1846, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 12. The lease also included four and one-half acres of land east of Houston, where the broadcasting
towers would have been placed. It should also be noted that Felix first decided to apply for a radio station
during World War II. The biographical article in the Texas Catholic Herald claimed that he decided to
apply in 1942 but did not file his petition until 1946. A document in the Morales Collection, however,
shows evidence of one application in 1944, which the FCC‟s Budget Bureau approved. What specifically
happened to this petition is unknown, but obviously, it did not result in a radio station for Felix at that time.
See KMOR application with the FCC, 25 April 1945, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 2; Marion
Zientek, “He Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald clipping, 27 September
1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 10.
57
Franklin Delano Roosevelt articulated the Good Neighbor Policy in his 1933 inaugural speech,
when he announced that the United States would seek a less interventionist role in Latin American affairs.
The Good Neighbor Policy led to other forms of interaction with Latin American countries, such as Pan-
137
support and assured the FCC that Felix‟s radio station would “meet with immediate
public approval due to the close relationship that ha[d] existed between the Houston area
and the Latin American countries.” 58 R.E. Smith, chairman of the Good Neighbor
Commission of Texas, stated that his office was “doing everything possible to
Americanize those who … [were] not citizens in addition to encouraging those who …
[were] citizens to not remain apart, in their thinking, from other citizens,” and expressed
great hopes that the Moraleses‟ radio station would help implement the Good Neighbor
Policy. 59 John J. Herrera, a Houston lawyer whom Felix had hired as a liaison between
all the parties involved in the petition, also believed strongly that a Spanish-language
radio station in Houston was urgently needed to help assuage the “discrimination and
racial prejudice against Latin Americans of Mexican descent.” 60 Finally, Otis Massey,
Houston‟s mayor at the time, wrote that “such a station … [could] do invaluable work in
presenting the American way of life to new citizens among the Latin-Americans,” and
that “the good neighbor policy [sic] could be promoted by a properly operated station.” 61
Americanism and diplomatic and economic relationships. For a comprehensive examination of the Good
Neighbor Policy, see Fredrick B. Pike, FDR‟s Good Neighbor Policy: Sixty Years of Generally Gentle
Chaos (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1995).
58
Albert Thomas to the Federal Communications Commission, 9 September 1946, Felix H.
Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 12. A Houston Chronicle article also announced Felix‟s application
with the FCC in 1946. It stated that the station would “advance Houston another step towards becoming a
cosmopolitan aerial gateway to Latin America.” See “Radio Station Is Planned Here for Latin Americans,”
Houston Chronicle clipping, 2 November 1946, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.
59
R. E. Smith to the Federal Communications Commission, 4 September 1946, Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 9, Folder 12.
60
John J. Herrera to Manuel C. Gonzales, 13 March 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4,
Folder 1, HMRC.
61
Otis Massey to the Federal Communications Commission, 26 August 1946, Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 9, Folder 12.
138
Indeed, the Moraleses‟ FCC application proposed that the station would not only provide
educational and religious programs but that it would also offer thirteen hours each week
for “cooperation with government and charitable institutions,” thus promising to help
educate the public about important political and social issues. 62
Felix‟s first application lingered for a year because, as Angie later explained, clear
channels “had become a hot potato in the [U.S.] Senate,” where a legislative battle had
erupted around the opening up of a greater number of clear channel radio stations, which
boasted more power. 63 The existing licensees of such stations argued that making more
airwaves available for clear channel frequencies would interfere with their own daytime
skywaves and lobbied members of Congress intensely, thus stalling all petitions for new
clear channel stations filed with the FCC. 64
Upon advice from Albert Thomas and his lawyer, both of whom had been in
contact with FCC commissioners in Washington, D.C., on his behalf, Felix decided to
seek a frequency that had already received a license. He found, and applied for, the 1510
AM frequency and proceeded to amend his petition in 1947. But some entrepreneurs in
Mexia, a small town one hundred and fifty miles to the north of Houston that did not have
a radio station of its own, also coveted that airwave. 65 After several months of
62
Felix H. Morales to the Federal Communications Commission, deposition, 19 September 1946,
Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 2.
63
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
64
Ibid; Paul Walkey to Albert Thomas, 26 September 1947, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 12.
65
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; D.F. Prince to Felix H.
Morales, 17 February 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; Felix H. Morales to D.F. Prince,
18 February 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; Felix H. Morales to D.F. Prince, 19
139
consultation with his lawyers and engineers, Felix withdrew his request for the frequency
and asked that the applicants in Mexia help him pay half of his amending costs, arguing
that doing so would avoid them a hearing with the FCC. 66 They agreed, and Felix briefly
investigated another frequency in Galveston, but engineering problems prevented him
from pursuing that possibility. 67 Finally, the 1480 AM airwave for an original channel
opened in 1949, and Felix felt that he might have a good chance of acquiring it.
After briefly facing a potential competitor for that frequency, Felix took the next
step, which consisted of finding a town in the Houston metropolitan area with few
established radio stations and a site to place the emitting towers where they would present
a nuisance to as few residents as possible. 68 Pasadena, which lies about ten miles to the
February 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; D.F. Prince to Felix H. Morales, 7 March 1947,
John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; John J. Herrera to D.F. Prince, 13 March 1947, John J. Herrera
Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; D.F. Prince to John J. Herrera, 19 March 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box
4, Folder 1.
66
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; John J. Herrera to D.F. Prince,
9 May 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; D.F. Prince to John J. Herrera, 30 June 1947,
John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; Charles Belfi to Felix H. Morales, 4 July 1947, John J. Herrera
Collection, Box 4, Folder 1.
67
The archival records do not state whether the frequency available in Galveston was also a clear
channel or not. See John Barron to John J. Herrera, 28 March 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4,
Folder 1; D.F. Prince to John J. Herrera, 31 March 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; D.F.
Prince to John J. Herrera, 17 April 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; D.F. Prince to Felix
H. Morales, 3 June 1947, John J. Herrera, Box 4, Folder 1; Paul Walker to Albert Thomas, 26 September
1947, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 12.
It should also be noted that Felix‟s inquiries in Galveston concerned the purchase of a pre-existing radio
station, KGBC. His engineers determined, however, that the transmission towers would not have the
capacity to project their signal both to Galveston and Houston, so Felix decided to search for a frequency,
or a pre-existing station, that would reach the Houston area. See especially D.F. Prince to Felix H.
Morales, 4 August 1948, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; D.F. Prince to Felix H. Morales, 24
August 1948, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1.
68
As the Moraleses and their legal and engineering teams started to gather the necessary
documents to file an amendment for that new frequency, one last challenge arose. John Cooke, the general
manager of a radio station in Bay City, also applied for 1480 AM in order to broadcast from Houston.
Felix‟s lawyer advised him that Cooke might have filed “just to block … [Felix‟s] application” and that he
had little money and might retract easily. He recommended that Felix contact Cooke and that he be
140
southeast, offered what Felix called a “choice spot.” 69 Because by 1949 the Moraleses
wanted their station to broadcast both in English and Spanish, the Pasadena community,
which had no radio station of its own, offered its support wholeheartedly. The mayor,
chief of police, manager of the city‟s Chamber of Commerce, as well as prominent
citizens and religious leaders all agreed to testify in affidavits that their town needed this
new medium.70 Their two most recurrent arguments stressed that Pasadena‟s businesses
had no medium to advertise their services to residents, and that there existed no means to
warn people in case of emergencies, such as providing the population with hurricanetracking information. 71 A few magazines and newspapers served the town, but because
they only appeared weekly, the possibility of a local radio station seduced many city
cautious not to offer him any financial compensation because such an incentive would have broken FCC
rules. Within a few days, Felix met with Cooke, who asked for five thousand dollars to withdraw his
application. After Felix threatened to sue him, Cooke backed down. Felix nonetheless had to pay off the
expenses that Cooke incurred for his application, which ran between two thousand and three thousand
dollars. It seems that this sort of compensation did not break the FCC‟s ethical rules. See Mrs. Felix H.
Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; John F. Cooke, financial statement, 15 April 1949, John
J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; D.F. Prince to Felix H. Morales, 18 April 1949, John J. Herrera
Collection, Box 4, Folder 1.
69
Ibid. Pasadena had about 30,000 residents in 1949.
70
Sam Hoover, deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; Eddie
Miller, deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; Stanley Wynn,
deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; E.L. Ball, deposition, 22 August
1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; Judge Thomas Decker, deposition, 22 August 1949,
Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; Ted Jensen, deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; N.F. Reed, deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 1; Bob Harris, deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; J.C.
Thomas, deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; Father A.L. O‟Conell,
deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; Rev. D.D. McEughly,
deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; José Medellin, deposition, 22
August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1.
71
Several testimonies also mentioned the 1947 Texas City industrial disaster and the need for a
medium to inform the public about such accidents since Pasadena was home to many oil refineries. See
Sam Hoover, deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; Eddie Miller,
deposition, 22 August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1; J.C. Thomas, deposition, 22
August 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 1.
141
officials and residents. 72 Armed with a strong case, Felix amended his petition to the
FCC for the second time since 1946 and hoped that his dream of owning and operating a
radio station stood within reach this time. 73
By November 1949, the Moraleses had been waiting for a decision from the FCC
for four months and had grown weary. 74 Indeed, the sixty thousand dollars that Felix and
Angie had saved by 1946 had not proved sufficient to cover the three-year period during
which they had to pay for the various legal and engineering fees incurred for each inquiry
and amendments for a new frequency. Thus, they had to borrow a significant amount of
money from banks in order to follow through with the petition, since the funeral home
did not generate enough income to that end, and the overall cost of acquiring the station
had run between fifty thousand and one hundred thousand dollars. 75 One morning,
72
Ibid; Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
73
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; D.F. Prince to Felix H.
Morales, telegram, 29 July 1949, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1.
74
The Moraleses continued to work at the funeral home, especially because the costs of acquiring
a station had forced them to contract significant debt. Angie grew quite desperate about the FCC petition
and turned to her Catholic faith for support. During her oral history interview, she described at length how
she went to church and addressed God and her two personal favorite saints, Saint Jude and Saint Theresa a
few weeks before they learned that the FCC had granted them the right to operate KLVL. She liked to tell
the story of her decision to pray and invoke the Lord, saying, “Lord, I want you to help me because it is
frustrating that we work so hard for the little money we have and here is this … husband of mine throwing
it away like it was so much peanuts [sic].” She then implored Saint Jude to let her and Felix understand
what was best for them. She asked the saint to “open the way for … [them]” if their radio station could “do
some good” for themselves and the community. Angie then pledged 33 days of communion and confession
and promised that she would plant a row of 10 red rose bushes on each side of the future KLVL building in
honor of Saint Jude and Saint Theresa. The Moraleses received the good news about their petition as Angie
was undergoing her 20th day of communion and confession. She completed her pledged 33 days and had
the two rows of roses planted at the future site of KLVL right away. Angie often liked to tell this story,
especially in biographical articles in the local press. See Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5
February 1979.
75
The one hundred thousand dollar-figure is my own estimate, which is based on the accumulated
bills that may be found in the John J. Herrera Collection and the Felix H. Morales Collection as well as
Angie‟s explanation of the various costs in her oral history interview. See especially Box 4, Folder 1 in the
142
however, a telegram informed a tearful Felix that the 1480 AM frequency belonged to
him, and that his construction permit for the emission towers had been granted for a
Pasadena radio station. 76 After this taxing and expensive three-year wait, the Moraleses
were eager to give the Mexican-origin residents of the Houston metropolitan area their
first broadcasting voice.
KLVL’s Lean Years: 1950-1954
KLVL, La voz latina, first went on the air for testing on 5 May 1950, both an
important Mexican civic holiday and Angie‟s birthday. 77 For the next three weeks, Felix
and his team tried out their equipment for a few hours every day. 78 The Pasadena Citizen
ran a full-page advertisement on 25 May 1950, announcing that the town‟s “new and only
radio station” would hold an “official dedication and open house” on the weekend of 27
and 28 May. 79 KLVL inaugurated its main offices, located on the second floor of the
Pasadena State Bank building, that Saturday, and its Latin American quarters, in
Houston‟s Second Ward, on the following day. Indeed, many businesses based in
Houston wished to advertise on KLVL airwaves but found the trip to Pasadena to place
John J. Herrera Collection and Box 5, Folder 7 in the Felix H. Morales Collection; Mrs. Felix H. Morales
Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
76
Marie Ball to Felix H. Morales, 18 November 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder
12.
77
The FCC approved the assignment of the “KLVL” call letters a month after it granted Felix‟s
petition. See D.F. Prince to Felix H. Morales, 22 December 1949, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 12.
78
“KLVL Pasadena: Official Dedication and Open House,” Pasadena Citizen clipping, 25 May
1950, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.
79
Ibid.
143
their orders troublesome. For this reason, Felix and Angie acquired approval from the
FCC to open a secondary location in Houston dedicated to the Spanish-language
programming of the station. 80 A successful real-estate investor, Felix had purchased land
on Canal Street, also in the Second Ward, in 1947, and he and Angie quickly built a
studio, several control rooms, and offices there. 81 The Pasadena Citizen article pointed
out that while the central office was decorated “in modern trend,” the Houston site
boasted a “Latin American theme.” 82 In this way, the Moraleses established a clear
bicultural identity for the station. They were able to link KLVL both to Pasadena‟s
community and to its exponentially bigger neighbor, thereby ensuring that their business
network had the potential to cover the entire metropolitan area.
From the very beginning, the Moraleses sought to market KLVL as a medium that
would tend to Houstonians‟ needs. As early as 1946, when Felix first applied for a
license with the FCC, a Houston Chronicle article quoted him promising that his radio
station would serve the Houston community by helping lower the rates of delinquency
among Mexican-origin residents.83 Felix argued that that portion of the population had
80
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
81
Ibid. Under FCC rules, KLVL could broadcast 51 to 52% of its programming from Pasadena
and the rest from Houston. Moreover, Felix and Angie lived at 2901 Canal Street and purchased land at
2903 Canal Street, where the KLVL studios were located. See H. Catchman to Felix H. Morales, 27
January 1947, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5, Folder 7.
82
83
Ibid.
Felix cited his friend Raúl Cortez‟s station in San Antonio, KCOR, as an example of a radio
station that could act as a powerful bridge between Anglos and Mexican-origin people and that successfully
contributed to lower rates of delinquency among San Antonio‟s Mexican-origin residents. See
“Houstonian Seeking Spanish Radio Station,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 2 November 1946, Felix H.
Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.; “Radio Station Is Planned Here for Latin Americans,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 2 November 1946, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.
144
been deprived of a recreational and news outlet, which fueled racial tensions and
misunderstanding between Anglos and them. A Spanish-language station offering
“lessons in English and in citizenship,” he hoped, would help Anglo-Mexican relations in
Houston and would uplift the city‟s Mexican-origin population as a whole. 84 Four years
later, on its first official airing date, KLVL cast itself as a friend and supporter of the
local economy as well. A much-anticipated tunnel running beneath the ship channel
between Houston and Pasadena opened on 27 May 1950. KLVL covered the event in its
first remote broadcast from the Pasadena end of the tunnel, where several local and state
personalities gave speeches.85 From its very first day, the station thus anchored itself in
Houston‟s and Pasadena‟s economic and cultural lives.
Nonetheless, the early years proved challenging for Felix and Angie. While
Felix‟s passion for his station never abated, his and Angie‟s lack of experience running
such a business led to some difficulties, primarily with generating advertising income. In
fact, the first month on the air might have been the most trying time because their two
most important employees betrayed their trust. A. Brooke Carroll, a former program
director and production manager of KPRC, a well-known radio station in Houston, had
joined KLVL to act as its program manager. Charles Belfi, who hailed from San
Antonio, became the station‟s general manager and was also in charge of selling
84
“Radio Station Is Planned Here for Latin Americans,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 2 November
1946.
85
A remote broadcast is conducted away from a radio station‟s regular studios. It is also called a
remote-control broadcast. “ KLVL Pasadena: Official Dedication and Open House,” Pasadena Citizen
clipping, 25 May 1950, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.; “KLVL 10 Years Old; Has
Birthday Party,” unspecified newspaper clipping, May 1960 (no day specified), Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.
145
advertisement slots. Both men had extensive experience with the broadcasting business
and held pivotal roles in helping turn KLVL into a profitable business. 86 By 1950, Felix
had developed what he deemed an especially strong relationship with Belfi, whom he had
hired for the position as early as 1947, despite the reservations of one of his lawyers. 87
Moreover, Belfi had shown deep enthusiasm for Felix‟s mission to use the station as a
means to “cement Latin-American relations in Houston,” as he had expressed to Felix in
one letter in 1947.88 Felix and Angie, however, averted a major disaster by discovering
the true intentions of the two men as early as the summer of 1950.
Angie saved KLVL from bankruptcy by happenstance. Indeed, she recounted that
she was fond of her tape recorder and inadvertently left it running in a drawer of her
dining room table one Sunday morning. As Belfi and Carroll both visited the Moraleses‟
home that day, they found themselves alone in the room and openly expressed their
confidence that their strategy of not selling airtime to advertisers would lead Felix to, in
86
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; “KLVL Pasadena: Official
Dedication and Open House,” Pasadena Citizen clipping, 25 May 1950, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box
9, Folder 3, n.p.
87
Charles Belfi to Felix H. Morales, 28 March 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1;
John J. Herrera to D.F. Prince, 31 March 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; D.F. Prince to
John J. Herrera, 1 April 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; John J. Herrera to D.F. Prince, 4
April 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1; Charles Belfi‟s employment contract, 10 May
1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1.
D.F. Prince, the Washington D.C. lawyer who oversaw Felix‟s dealings with the FCC, once asked in a
letter discussing Belfi‟s qualifications, “If this man is a top-notch radio executive, why is he available
now?” John J. Herrera explained that Felix had fully investigated Belfi and found him strongly qualified to
be his general manager. Yet, by 1947, Belfi was not employed at a radio station and held a temporary job
at the War Surplus Board in San Antonio. Belfi, however, claimed that he had been in the radio business
for twenty-one years. See John J. Herrera to D.F. Prince, 31 March 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box
4, Folder 1; D.F. Prince to John J. Herrera, 1 April 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1;
“KLVL Pasadena: Official Dedication and Open House,” Pasadena Citizen clipping, 25 May 1950, Felix
H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.
88
Charles Belfi to Felix H. Morales, 28 March 1947, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1.
146
Angie‟s words, “sell them the station for five cents on the dollar.” 89 The Moraleses
confronted them immediately with the incriminating evidence, and both promptly left,
but only after Belfi demanded financial compensation. Because his contract ran until
1957, Angie had to borrow money from a friend to pay off Belfi. Fortunately, the two
unscrupulous men ceased working at the station. 90
With no experienced manager and program director to run the station, Felix and
Angie had to take the reins and learn the trade by themselves in the first few months of
KLVL‟s airtime. Filling out logs, which FCC rules mandated, turned out to be one of the
most puzzling parts of the job for Angie. Because every single program and public
service announcement that was scheduled to air had to be transcribed ahead of time and
filed with the FCC, she found the technical aspects of logging perplexing. 91 Angie wrote
the logs herself for the first six months, but later admitted that she did not always perform
the task properly. 92 They soon employed a man she trained as KLVL‟s logging specialist
and took caution to call their lawyer thereafter whenever they needed advice. 93 But
learning the administrative ropes did not prove enough to turn KLVL into a lucrative
venture.
89
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
90
Ibid. The sum of money that the Moraleses owed Belfi is specified neither in his employment
contract nor in Angie‟s interview.
91
Ibid.
92
Ibid.
93
Ibid. KLVL‟s first logging specialist was named Juan García and stayed with the station for ten
years. Angie did not mention their lawyer by name, but one might presume that John J. Herrera continued
to provide the Moraleses with legal counsel since he and Felix were close friends.
147
Advertising has always been the financial engine of radio stations, and KLVL had
great difficulties securing enough spots to pay its bills and employees, let alone generate
a profit. For the first four years, the handful of announcers who worked at KLVL also
acted as salesmen, but because they lacked the skills to attract customers, the advertising
revenue remained scant. Moreover, contrary to their original intentions, Felix and Angie
decided to provide the majority of their programs in the English language since Pasadena
had few Spanish-speaking residents in the early 1950s. By doing so, they hoped to tap
into the business community‟s need for advertisement. Nevertheless, as Angie later
explained, the town‟s Anglo residents did not provide enough advertising income for the
station to become financially viable, and only local companies bought airtime from
KLVL.94 Thus, even though the Morales Funeral Home had become a successful
business by the early 1950s, Felix and Angie were still burdened with great debt, which
they struggled to pay back. 95 A change in programming and a new and successful sales
strategy, however, would soon help turn KLVL‟s fortunes around.
94
Ibid; Julio E. García, “KLVL celebra su 34 aniversario y el cumpleaños del jefazo Felix H.
Morales,” El Sol, 30 May 1984, 1, 2. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
95
By 1952, the worth of the Morales Funeral Home was estimated at one hundred and fifty
thousand dollars. For KLVL‟s second birthday, the Moraleses advertised in the local press that they had
spent forty thousand dollars for renovations of the funeral home. They added new rooms, two new chapels,
and the facilities now boasted air conditioning. After the Moraleses acquired KLVL, their adopted son,
Joe, became the funeral home director. Joe also was a popular announcer on KLVL. See Mary Beck, “In
1931: Minus $150… But Today It‟s Plus $150,000!” Houston Press clipping, 3 May 1952, Felix H.
Morales Collection, Box 5, Folder 1, n.p.; “The Morales Interests Celebrate 2 nd Anniversary of KLVL
Radio Station, Pasadena,” Houston Press clipping, 3 May 1952, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder
3, 8.
148
“La madre de los mexicanos:” KLVL Becomes a Popular Radio Station, 19541979
Generating Revenue: A Priority
Even though KLVL was broadcasting to 100,000 listeners throughout twelve
Texas counties in the early 1950s, Felix and Angie knew that the lack of advertising
revenue, coupled with the debt they had acquired during their struggles with the FCC in
the late 1940s, would lead them to bankruptcy unless they made some drastic changes. 96
To that effect, they decided to switch KLVL to a mostly Spanish-language format and
hired skilled staff for their advertising department.
Since the station‟s inception, the Moraleses had opened accessible offices in
Houston to ensure that potential advertisers from the city could easily purchase airtime.
By 1952, Felix and Angie had realized that Houston‟s business community had a strong
interest in advertising its services to the Mexican-origin population, and that customers
would be more receptive if the publicity were delivered in their mother tongue. Thus, the
station gradually switched to Spanish-language programming. Angie recalled that by the
mid-1950s, they “had so much demand that [they] had to gradually increase [their]
Spanish time to where [their] format … [was] about eighty percent Spanish.” 97 Because
the FCC license stipulated that KLVL operated out of Pasadena, not Houston, Felix and
Angie made sure that slightly more than half of their shows originated from the Pasadena
96
Ibid.
97
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
149
studios.98 The transformation of KLVL into a station that prioritized Spanish-language
broadcasting resulted in a moderate growth in advertising revenue, but by 1954, the
station was still not generating a profit.
The arrival of Johnny Hernández that year, however, changed the station‟s future
in a notable manner. Hernández, also a native of Texas, came to Angie one day and
asked for a job. Two weeks after she had hired him, he convinced her to let him work as
a salesman in KLVL‟s advertising department, where he would feel more comfortable
than on the air. 99 Almost immediately, Hernández brought in more customers thanks to
his amiable character and disciplined work ethic. He quickly became the man behind the
inner workings of KLVL, and his role in saving the station from bankruptcy cannot be
understated.100 By the mid-1950s, he had managed to recruit a number of small and
medium-size local businesses as advertising customers. Beauty parlors, barbershops,
music, furniture, and grocery stores all found KLVL a highly convenient public platform
to reach Mexican-origin listeners. The station also offered the cheapest advertising spots
on radio in the city at that time, which enhanced its appeal to small businesses and
98
Ibid. The FCC only required that over fifty percent of KLVL‟s programming emit from
Pasadena, but it let the Moraleses decide the proportion of Spanish-language shows they preferred to
broadcast.
99
Ibid.
100
Even though Johnny Hernández continued to work full time at KLVL, he became a highly
successful businessman of his own. He started as the impresario of Antony Aguilar, a famous Mexican
actor, producer, and writer, in the late 1960s. He also ran his own advertising and public relations agency
in Houston and promoted artistic and sports events. He was a member of most prominent Mexican
American cultural and civic organizations in Houston. See KLVL advertisement, La Prensa, 11 October
1978, 3; “Personalidad de la semana,” La Prensa, 16 November 1978, 4; Carlos Alberto Novoa,
“Entrevista de la semana,” El Sol, 9 September 1981, 3, 6; Juan Vega, “Ondas AM… y otras más,” El Sol,
29 September 1982, n.p. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
150
minority entrepreneurs. 101 Hernández would ensure KLVL‟s continued financial success
through the 1980s and acted as Felix‟s right hand until Felix‟s death. Indeed, two
decades after hiring him, Felix ran an open letter in Johnny‟s own newspaper, La Vida
Latina, calling him his personal “Santa” and thanking him warmly for his key role in
placing the Mexican-origin people at the center of the broadcasting scene. 102 Felix fondly
acknowledged Johnny‟s contributions to KLVL‟s success, recalling that, “when there was
no Latin Voice” in Houston, KLVL “gave everybody a run for their money in the
communication media,” and forced its radio competitors to “hand … out pie in the sky to
the forgotten „Meskin.‟” 103 Yet, despite Hernández„s best efforts and his success at
recruiting a growing pool of customers in his first years of employment, KLVL did not
generate enough revenue to help Felix and Angie meet their monthly expenses and retire
their debt right away. The Moraleses thus took the third decisive step that would help
their radio station stay alive and prosper.
In 1955, Felix and Angie followed their lawyer‟s advice and hired a firm that
could secure advertising contracts with national corporations. 104 They chose National
Times Sales, which had offices in New York, Illinois, and California. 105 In order to
101
By the mid-1950s, advertising time on KLVL cost only three to five dollars. See Mrs. Felix H.
Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; (Houston, TX) KTBY-TV, Channel 55, “The Story
Behind KLVL and the Morales Family,” television documentary, 8 April 2010,
http://www.myhoustons55.com/_The-Story-Behind-KLVL-and-the-MoralesFamily/video/977726/38668.html, accessed 20 April 2010.
102
Felix H. Morales, open letter to Johnny P. Hernández, La Vida Latina en Houston, January
1977, n.p.
103
Ibid.
104
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
151
inform the National Times Sales representative about the activities of KLVL in the
Houston metropolitan area, Angie gathered newspaper clippings into scrapbooks that
reflected the importance of Mexican-origin radio audiences for marketing agencies.
Coca-Cola, Zest, Colgate, Procter and Gamble, and a wide array of food companies
signed on right away. Angie explained the turnaround in their advertising revenue as
follows:
Then, the agencies had not heard about KLVL because there had never been a
need to know about KLVL. As a matter of fact, the Latin Americans were not
known in the agencies. … They [the agencies] thought all they had to do was try
to sell to the blacks and the Anglos, and the Latin Americans were not worthy of
even catering to because there were not that many… I suppose the agencies
began to realize that there was a potential for their products here among the
Latins.106
In light of the national firms‟ indifference to, or ignorance of, the purchasing power of
Spanish speakers in the United States, the Moraleses also offered to translate
advertisements for their clients in order to boost the performance of KLVL‟s sales
department. Johnny Hernández usually volunteered his services and received many
praises for his work, much like the following:
We particularly appreciate the quick, sure, and sharp way you translate our copy
into Spanish. It is a real relief to be able to leave that part up to your station and
to know that you get it into Spanish without losing any of the flavor, punch and
power.107
105
By 1979, National Times Sales was still working with KLVL. Untitled newspaper clippings,
1959 (no day or month specified), Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 5, n.p.; Mrs. Felix H.
Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
106
107
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
Irma Faerber to John Hernández, 2 July 1959, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 13.
For another letter expressing gratitude for Hernández‟s translation services, see David G. Ritchie to John
Hernández, 15 December 1960, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 14.
152
KLVL acted as a powerful medium that linked a variety of industries to a new pool of
customers. Moreover, the station‟s philosophy on advertising costs emphasized charging
low prices for all companies, regardless of their size. That strategy ensured that small,
local, and minority-owned businesses had the same chance to broadcast their services as
large national firms. 108 Hernández and the Moraleses thus accomplished what the
organizers of the Fiestas Patrias realized on a different public platform later: they made
corporations “hand out pie in the sky” to Houston‟s Mexicans and Mexican Americans,
as Felix put it in 1977, at a time when Latinos were anything but a serious consideration
for marketing agencies.
KLVL’s Format
By the late 1950s, KLVL boasted one-quarter million listeners, a number that
remained constant through the 1970s. 109 Its non-directional antenna first beamed
throughout twelve counties, and gradually reached nineteen, with a radius of one hundred
miles.110 The station played the two most popular styles of music among its Mexican
108
“Reportaje gráfico de El Sol de Houston,” El Sol, 19 August 1981, 4. The translation from
Spanish to English is mine.
109
“KLVL 10 Years Old; Has Birthday Party,” unspecified newspaper clipping, 1960 (unspecified
day and month), Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.; Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History
Collection, 5 February 1979. In a 1973 interview, KLVL‟s program director, Joe Morales, estimated that
their potential audience amounted to 450,000. The scarce primary evidence available for the 1970s,
however, suggests that the station had one-quarter million listeners. See Richard Vara, “Morales Beams
Español to Radioland,” Houston Post clipping, 5 August 1973, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder
3, 6 (DD).
110
“The Morales Interests Celebrate 2nd Anniversary of KLVL Radio Station, Pasadena,” Houston
Press clipping, 3 May 1952, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 8; “Pasadena Station Time
Unlimited,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 12 February 1953, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3,
n.p.; “KLVL Gets Full Time Grant,” Houston Press clipping, 12 February 1953, Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.; Richard Vara, “Morales Beams Español to Radioland,” Houston Post
clipping, 5 August 1973, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 6 (DD); Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral
History Collection, 5 February 1979.
153
American audience, norteño (accordion- and bajo sexto-based (sixth bass) music from
northern Mexico) and ranchera rhythms (ranch-style Mexican music). 111 It also offered a
platform for local Mexican American musicians to advertise their services through radio
announcements and to become known by performing shows on the air. For instance, two
popular bands in Houston, Eloy Pérez and the Latinaires and Alonzo y sus rancheros
appeared frequently on the station in the 1950s and 1960s. 112 The Mexican and Tejano
musical scenes had finally found a medium through which they could receive greater
exposure and could play a more public role in the cultural life of the Gulf Coast.
Because the Moraleses, in particular Angie, were deeply religious, KLVL also
featured many programs that catered to the Catholic, Lutheran, and Baptist faiths. 113
Every day of the week at noon, broadcasting was interrupted for the angelus, and
A non-directional antenna emits 360 degrees. Felix obtained permission from the FCC to broadcast at
nighttime in 1953, which enabled the station to bring Spanish-language news, music, and educational
programs to more Mexican-origin communities scattered across the Houston metropolitan area and beyond.
By 1973, KLVL broadcast its programs from Victoria, southwest of Houston, to Beaumont, northwest of
the city and also reached Galveston.
111
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; “Reportaje gráfico de El Sol
de Houston,” El Sol, 19 August 1981, 4. The translation from Spanish to English is mine. For further
reading on music and Mexican American culture, see Manuel H. Peña, The Texas-Mexican Conjunto:
History of a Working-Class Music, Mexican American Monograph, no. 9 (Austin: University of Texas
Press, 1985) and Guadalupe San Miguel, Jr., Tejano Proud: Tex-Mex Music in the Twentieth Century,
Texas A & M International University Fronteras Series, no. 1 (College Station: Texas A & M University,
2002).
112
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; Paul, Eloy, and Richard Pérez
Oral History Collection, 29 January 1981, HMRC; Kreneck, Del Pueblo, 119, 143, 147. The Frank and
Ventura Alonzo Collection and Eloy Pérez Family Collection are also available at the HMRC.
113
More research is needed to determine the popularity and nature of religious programs on other
radio stations in the Houston area in the time period this chapter examines. See Marion Zientek, “He
Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald clipping, 27 September 1968, Felix H.
Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 10; Dale Lezon, “Rev. Harry Green, 89, Founder of Mission,”
Houston Chronicle, 6 December 2001, 42 (A).
154
religious shows populated KLVL‟s Sunday‟s schedule. 114 The well-known civil rights
activist and editor of El Sol, Reverend James Novarro, hosted one of the most popular
programs. “La hora bautista” (The Baptist Hour), which discussed issues related to
spirituality, family, and self-betterment, gained such popularity that it ran daily for over
twenty years. 115 By including conversations about religion and opening its airwaves to
several Christian denominations, KLVL fostered religious diversity and cast itself as a
spiritual medium.
La voz latina strove to offer a broad array of shows to its listeners and therefore
did not limit its broadcasts to music or religious themes. Joe Morales, Angie and Felix‟s
adopted son, acted as program manager of the station from 1954 until his death in
1979.116 In this capacity, he ensured that KLVL‟s format covered as many of their
114
The Oxford dictionary defines the angelus as “a Roman Catholic devotion commemorating the
Incarnation, said at morning, noon, and sunset.” Marion Zientek, “He Hoped; His Wife Prayed; It
Happened,” The Texas Catholic Herald clipping, 27 September 1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 3, 10; KLVL Schedule, El Sol, 11 April 1969, 4; “Reportaje gráfico de El Sol de Houston,” El Sol,
19 August 1981, 4; “KLVL 1480 AM Radio: A History of Service to the Hispanic Community,” KLVL
radio website, http://klvl1480.com/5.html., accessed 12 April 2010. The translation from Spanish to
English is mine.
115
“Lynn Montgomery Named Father of the Year,” El Sol, 14 June 1968, 1; “Cherloc Holmes el
detective amistoso,” El Sol, 18 October 1968, 8; “Listen to „La hora bautista‟” advertisement, El Sol, 20
December 1968, 2; “Hora bautista Anniversary,” El Sol, 4 December 1970, 1. The translation from
Spanish to English is mine.
Advertisements and articles about the show stopped appearing in El Sol by the late 1970s, but further
research is needed to know whether the program kept running on KLVL in the 1980s or not.
116
Joe was born in Houston in 1928 and was the son of Mr. and Mrs. Martinez, who were very
close friends with the Moraleses. Joe had one brother and six sisters. Felix and Angie took care of him and
one of his sisters, Juanita, in order to help their parents since they had no child of their own. Juanita left
when she was a teenager, but Joe considered Felix and Angie his parents and had an excellent rapport with
them throughout his life. He became an embalmer in the 1940s and asked the Moraleses to formally adopt
him upon his departure for the Korean War, in which he served as a technical sergeant in communications
until 1953. He became KLVL‟s program director in 1954 and also worked as the director of the Morales
Funeral Home until his death in 1979. Joe counted among the first Mexican American impresarios in
Houston. He successfully brought scores of famous artists and singers to the Coliseum and the Music Hall
in Houston and also invited many of them to give interviews on KLVL. By all press accounts available,
155
listeners‟ interests as possible. The station featured movie reviews, poetry readings,
weekly LULAC news, history programs on important Mexican civic holidays, talk
shows, political debates, presentations on outdoors sports, and hurricane updates, all of
which attracted significant audiences. 117 KLVL‟s live coverage of baseball, football, and
soccer games also enjoyed great popularity. 118 The station thus provided the broadest
platform for entertainment and information to which the Spanish-speaking population of
the Gulf Coast had ever had access.
Joe was a loving and generous man and was very active in the social and civic life of the Mexican
American community of Houston, very much in the mold of his adoptive parents. He was admired by
Houstonians of all stripes. His children were still running the Morales Funeral Home through 2010. See
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; George Carmack, “Meet These Fine
People… Felix, Angie, and Joe,” Houston Press clipping, 8 June 1963, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 3, 4; unnamed and undated newspaper clipping, Felix H. Morales Collection, no box or folder;
“Morales Death Notice,” Houston Post, 10 May 1979, n.p.; Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: radio, cine y
televisión,” El Sol, 10 May 1979, 5; “Falleció Joe Morales,” El Sol, 10 May 1979, 1; Dr. José P. Mederos,
“Recordando a Joe Morales,” El Mexica, 10 May 1979, n.p.; Lumiers, “Usted… y otros más,” El Sol, 18
September 1985, n.p.; Joe Morales, résumé, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 13, Folder 2; Joe Morales,
résumé, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4, Folder 1. The translation from Spanish to English is mine. For
the website of the Morales Funeral Home, see http://www.moralesfuneralhome.com/index.cfm, accessed 27
April 2010.
117
John J. Herrera to Mrs. Felix H. Morales, 30 July 1951, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 4,
Folder 1; “Belles of the Ball,” Houston Press clipping, 30 March 1953, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 3, n.p.; Ann Hodges, “Mexicans Observe Independence Day,” Houston Chronicle, 15 September
1954, 14 (A); “Self-Help Programs Replace His Dream,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 4 October 1967,
Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5, Folder 3, 5 (6); “Meet Joe Villarreal, Philco Dealer,” El Sol, 7 March
1969, 4; KLVL Schedule, El Sol, 11 April 1969, 4; William Gutierrez, résumé, 1970, William (Canales)
Gutierrez Collection, Box 6, Folder 10, HMRC; “César Chávez with Johnny P. Hernández,” photograph
caption, La Vida Latina en Houston, May 1975, n.p.; “Un programa muy gustado,” El Sol, 7 April 1977,
n.p.; “Se comenta en Houston,” El Sol, 2 December 1981, 3, 15; Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: cine, radio
y televisión,” El Sol, 24 August 1983, 5; Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: cine, radio y televisión,” El Sol, 4
April 1984, 4. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
118
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; “Area Grid Games to Be
Aired Over KLVL Radio—1480,” La Vida Latina en Houston, September 1974, 9; Juan Vega,
“Experimentado locutor y promotor se queda en Houston,” El Sol, 18 November 1981, n.p.; “Se comenta
en Houston y más alla,” El Sol, 9 December 1981, 3, 7; Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: cine, radio y
televisión,” El Sol, 29 February 1984, 4, 5; KLVL advertisement for a football game, El Sol, 4 December
1985, n.p. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
156
Serving People’s Needs
From the early 1950s through the 1970s, Felix and Angie donated significant
amounts of airtime to public service announcements. 119 Many city, state, and federal
departments found KLVL a convenient vehicle to inform city residents about their
activities. Some programs, like the projection in a downtown theater of a documentary in
Spanish about breast cancer prevention, targeted the Hispanic community in particular,
but many others, such as immunization campaigns, concerned the entire population. 120
KLVL offered public service to agencies working on issues as varied as heart disease,
highway safety, emergency shelters, fire prevention, unemployment relief, and public
housing, among many others. 121 Because it lent a voice to associations and public
119
The Morales collection does not include documents from the 1980s because Angie made her
donations to the HMRC‟s archives in the late 1970s. Based on the overwhelming amount of evidence of
KLVL‟s sustained involvement with public service announcements, however, one might infer that the
Moraleses continued to offer their airwaves for such assistance through the 1980s. Nevertheless, it is also
quite possible that the emergence of new Spanish-language stations in Houston in the early 1980s caused
such announcements to be further spread out between their various airwaves, depending on their audiences.
There are no archival records for the other Spanish-language stations in Houston in the 1980s, save for
newspaper articles, thus it is difficult for the researcher to gauge correctly.
120
Robert Macintyre, president of the American Cancer Society, to Mr. and Mrs. Felix H.
Morales, 1 May 1959, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 13; Elizabeth Sherwood and Mary
Forbed, Young Women‟s Christian Organization, 11 May 1959, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder
13; Albert Randall, director of the Department of Public Health of the City of Houston, to Joe Morales, 23
June 1971, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 15.
121
Thomas McDonnell, chairman of the National Radio Committee of the American Heart
Association, to Felix H. Morales, 31 December 1951, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 13; Rosa
Bradbury, chairwoman of the Emergency Relief Committee for Cancer Patients‟ Aid, to Felix H. Morales,
1 October 1956, Maria Reyna Collection, Box 1, Folder 24; Price Daniel, Governor of Texas, official
memorandum for KLVL‟s contribution towards the 1958 traffic safety campaign, 24 March 1959, Felix H.
Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 18; Glenn Lively, director of public relations for the American Red
Cross, to Felix H. Morales, 28 June 1960, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 14; Jack Westney,
manager of the business services of the Houston Chamber of Commerce, to Felix H. Morales, 15 October
1968, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 15; Felix H. Morales to Jack Westney, 18 October 1968,
Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 15; Moses LeRoy, chairman of the Model Neighborhood
Resident Commission, to Felix H. Morales, 21 July 1971, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 15;
A.L. Gruhlkey, district director of the Texas Employment Commission, to Felix H. Morales, 24 August
1972, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 15. For the complete documentation of KLVL‟s public
157
officials that aimed to foster awareness about the assistance and services available to all
ethnic groups, La voz latina acted as a channel for important interaction between different
segments of the Houston community. Such an approach to broadcasting enhanced the
Moraleses‟ reputation as outstanding Houstonians who sought to foster better relations
among the city‟s growing multicultural population in the 1960s and 1970s.
While KLVL partly built its image on its generous airtime for public service
announcements, two of its core Spanish-language programs aimed to lend a hand to the
most destitute Mexican-origin people. “Que Dios se lo pague” (May the Lord Repay
You) began in the early 1950s and aired weekly. 122 Angie created this show in order to
assist the poor in raising money to solve particular problems. Those in need wrote to her
or came to the station to explain their misfortune on the air. Within hours of exposing
their plight to listeners, dozens of sympathizers dropped by the studios to give whatever
they could afford, usually in dimes and quarters. Angie always succeeded in collecting
the necessary funds, whether they were intended for a bus ticket for an unemployed
person to return to Mexico or for more serious issues, such as helping a family whose
home had burned to the ground and who had lost several loved ones in the fire. 123 One of
the program‟s most publicized efforts dealt with the devastating flooding of the Rio
Grande that took many lives and left thousands homeless in southern Texas and northern
service, see Box 5, Folder 5; Box 9, Folders 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, and 18; and Box 13, Folders 2 and 13 of the
Felix H. Morales Collection.
122
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; Mary Ann Harris, no title,
unspecified newspaper clipping, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 5, n.p.
123
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; Bill Porterfield, “Burned-Out
Family,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 11 February 1960, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.
158
Mexico in 1954. After hearing about the dire needs for emergency supplies on both sides
of the border, Angie partnered with Reverend Novarro to call upon Houstonians to donate
clothing, relief packages, and money. Within a few hours, Anglos and Mexican-origin
people alike swarmed KLVL studios with their contributions. Novarro pleaded with a
local trucking company to lend five of its trucks in order to drive one hundred and
twenty-five thousand pounds of provisions to Laredo and Eagle Pass. The operation also
gathered ten thousand dollars to help the victims who found themselves without homes
after the flood. This campaign had such an impact on the relief effort that Adolfo Ruiz
Cortines, the President of Mexico, later appeared on KLVL to thank Houstonians for
their generosity. 124 By rallying all segments of the population to the cause of American
and Mexican citizens, KLVL gained citywide recognition for its role as a bridge between
Anglos and Mexican-origin people, not only in the metropolitan area but also across the
State of Texas. Throughout the decades, “Que Dios se lo pague” continued to assist
countless Mexican-origin individuals and families and helped build KLVL‟s image as a
station that fostered cooperation and compassion. 125
124
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; photograph captions, Houston
Press clipping, 7 July 1954, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.; Alejandro Martínez to Felix
Morales, 8 July 1954, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 13; “Los mexicanos de Houston ayudan a
los damnificados,” La Prensa clipping, 11 July 1954, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.;
Salvador Zavala, “VII Aniversario de la difusora KLVL de Houston, Texas,” La Prensa clipping, 26 May
1957, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.; “Quien es quien en Houston,” La Gráfica
clipping, undated, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5, Folder 2, n.p.; Juan Francisco Hernández, “Corrido
del Río Grande,” undated, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5, Folder 5; Juan Francisco Hernández to Mr.
and Mrs. Morales, undated, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 13. The translation from Spanish to
English is mine.
125
For the many other good deeds that the show accomplished, see Mary Ann Harris, no title,
unnamed newspaper clipping, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 5, n.p.; Sigman Byrd, “In a
World of Darkness, Lazaro Perez Finds a Light to Show the Way to a Shining New Hope,” Houston Press
clipping, 30 May 1953, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 5; Bill Porterfield, “Burned-Out
Family,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 11 February 1960, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3,
159
While Angie claimed “Que Dios se lo pague” as her personal creation directed at
the poor, Felix saw the difficulties that his Mexican-origin brethren faced with
unemployment and devised an innovative and practical program that linked employers
and job seekers daily. In 1954, “Yo necesito trabajo” (I Need a Job) came on the air and
became so successful that it lasted well into the 1980s.126 The show provided Mexicans
and Mexican Americans with work every day throughout the metropolitan area. In the
morning, employers called KLVL about the various positions that were open and for
which they needed laborers. The station‟s staff then paired each offer with the most
qualified person present in the studios that day. The program gained broad popularity
rather quickly because the matchmaking cost neither party any money since KLVL
offered the service free of charge. 127 Over the years, “Yo necesito trabajo” became “the
pride of the station,” as its program director put it in the 1980s, because it helped an
under-skilled population that typically suffered from unemployment rates higher than the
national average find remuneration, even for a day. 128 Moreover, the Mexican-origin
men and women who gained employment through this program secured long-term job
n.p.; “Blind Boy Makes Piano Tinkle Due to „Que Dios se lo pague‟,” Houston Press clipping, 6 June
1960, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 9; Domingo Segovia Mata to Radio Station KLVL, 3
September 1975, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 13, Folder 2.
126
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979; “Radio Dial,” Houston Post,
14 September 1981, 6 (B); Juan Vega, “Yo necesito trabajo,” El Sol, 24 March 1982, 7 (2); Bob Grace,
“Houston Station Lists Job Openings for City‟s Minorities,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 20 November
1982, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 4, 11 (3); “Yo necesito trabajo,” El Sol, 9 July 1986, 2;
Lori Rodríguez, “Immigration, the Golden Door: „This Is No Gift Horse:‟ Illegal Aliens and Their
Attorneys Wary of New Immigration Bill,” Houston Chronicle, 19 October 1986, 1 (1). The translation
from Spanish to English is mine.
127
128
Ibid.
Bob Grace, “Houston Station Lists Job Openings for City‟s Minorities,” Houston Chronicle
clipping, 20 November 1982, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 4, 11 (3).
160
contracts on many occasions. 129 Like “Que Dios se lo pague,” this broadcast came to be
the station‟s flagship show because it provided assistance to the needy and unemployed
among a population who otherwise enjoyed little access to welfare and vocational
services. These two programs thus reflected Felix and Angie‟s longstanding belief in
giving back to those in a lower station in life.
The existence of a Spanish-language station in Houston also fostered linguistic
exchange among Houstonians. Indeed, many Anglos enjoyed listening to KLVL because
its announcers, who hailed either from Texas or Mexico, “pronounced every syllable
distinctly and correctly and did not go too fast,” as one grateful Anglo listener once wrote
to Felix.130 Angie also received requests for scripts of the publicity that came on the air
from learners of Spanish who wished to read the text at home while the station was
broadcasting the advertising spots. 131 Such services enhanced the level of contact
between English and Spanish speakers throughout the metropolitan area. Additionally,
KLVL became the first radio station in the Gulf Coast region to pioneer a simultaneous
news broadcast on both the television and its airwaves. It partnered with Channel 2,
129
Hernan Escalante to “I Need a Job” program,” 12 August 1959, Felix H. Morales Collection,
Box 9, Folder 13; Eric Frame to KLVL, 8 September 1959, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 13;
Juan Vega, “Yo necesito trabajo,” El Sol, 24 March 1982, 7 (2); “Yo necesito trabajo,” El Sol, 9 July 1986,
2; Lori Rodríguez, “Immigration, the Golden Door: „This Is No Gift Horse:‟ Illegal Aliens and Their
Attorneys Wary of New Immigration Bill,” Houston Chronicle, 19 October 1986, 1 (1). The translation
from Spanish to English is mine.
130
Russell Bosworth to KLVL‟s general manager, 10 March 1975, Felix H. Morales Collection,
Box 13, Folder 2. For other letters from Anglos who expressed gratitude for KLVL‟s Spanish
programming, see V. W. Uher, Jr. to Radio KLVL, 25 January 1969, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 14; Granville E. Cassill to Felix Morales, 29 June 1961, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder
14.
131
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
161
KPRC, and arranged for the news‟ script to be sent to KLVL studios where a Mexican
American announcer read it as the program appeared on television screens every night at
10 pm.132 Alex Sánchez, KLVL‟s translator, explained that such an exercise proved
difficult because he came into possession of the script fifteen minutes before the
scheduled airing and only knew what the anchormen would say. 133 Having no text for the
weather and sports sections, he had to translate directly. Yet, Sánchez was conscious of
his role as “the only link many Hispanics … [had] with the news” and spoke in the
“international, standard Spanish dialect” so that Spanish speakers from all regions of
Latin America could understand him. 134 Angie later expressed great satisfaction with the
program because it helped inform Spanish speakers, some of whom were illiterate, about
daily and world news. 135 Sánchez also likely remained mindful that many Anglos used
the simulcast to hone their linguistic skills and that standard Spanish made their
apprenticeship easier. The Moraleses‟ sensitivity towards the needs of their diverse
audience thus made KLVL a unique broadcasting tool that both served the Spanishspeaking population of the Gulf Coast area and linked residents who might otherwise not
132
Ibid; “Ahora puede escuchar y ver las noticias en el canal 2,” advertisement, El Sol, 3 February
1977, 5; “On the Dial,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 February 1977, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box
9, Folder 4, 8 (2); Richard Vara, “Sánchez‟ Simulcast Link to Hispanics,” Houston Post clipping, 7 August
1977, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 4, 4 (B). The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
133
Richard Vara, “Sanchez‟ Simulcast Link to Hispanics,” Houston Post clipping, 7 August 1977,
Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 4, 4 (B).
134
135
Ibid.
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979. KLAT, a rival Spanishlanguage radio station, took over this program in 1983 for reasons unspecified in the archival records. Its
simulcast‟s advertisement, however, did not offer any explanation on how Spanish speakers should proceed
to hear the program, which suggests that the simulcast had become a widely used service by the 1980s. See
La Tremenda advertisement, El Sol, 23 November 1983, n.p. The translation from Spanish to English is
mine.
162
have encountered one another daily.
Financial Success and Giving Back
As KLVL gradually established its reputation as a caregiver to the Mexican
community and a medium that fostered greater contact between Anglos and people of
Mexican origin, financial success rewarded Felix‟s and Angie‟s efforts at last. The
second half of the 1950s slowly brought in a higher monthly income, though expenses to
keep the station running and outstanding debts still prevented it from generating a profit
for the Moraleses. By the early 1960s, however, KLVL yielded about twenty thousand
dollars per month, and its earnings continued to expand at a steady rate until the 1980s. 136
Its monopoly of the Spanish-language airwaves ensured that its faithful audience and the
flow of immigrants from Mexico and the rest of Latin America to the Houston area
combined to sustain the station‟s popularity.
In the late 1960s, Angie and Felix struck it rich. They were deep into the radio
business, running both KLVL-AM and its FM counterpart, which Felix had obtained in
the early years of that decade. Yet, this newest acquisition failed to generate any profit,
and Felix sold it for three to four times more than what he had paid for it in 1968.137 The
Moraleses, who were avid hunters and anglers, invested the money from the sale into a
600-acre ranch at Three Rivers, in McMullen County, southwest of Houston. 138 While
136
Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History Collection, 5 February 1979.
137
Ibid. In her oral history interview, Angie did not provide a specific date for Felix‟s acquisition
of KLVL-FM in the 1960s, but she did specify that it took place in the early years of the decade.
138
Julio F. García, “ KLVL celebra su 34 aniversario y el cumpleaños del jefazo Felix H.
Morales,” El Sol, 30 May 1984, 1, 2. This is the only interview in which Angie talked about their ranch
and its mineral wealth. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
163
initially reluctant to allow drilling experiments on the land, Felix followed his neighbors‟
encouragements and found that their property held vast amounts of oil and mineral
resources.139 Such a discovery made them millionaires relatively quickly and allowed
them to spend an increasing amount of time at the ranch, occasionally running remote
broadcasts from the retreat. 140
As soon as KLVL and their ranch started yielding financial returns, the Moraleses
began donating large sums of money to various causes, thus furthering their reputation as
philanthropists. They contributed to national organizations that focused on health issues,
especially the American Cancer Society, for which they also performed a significant
amount of public service on KLVL. 141 The biggest beneficiaries of the Moraleses‟
generosity, however, were the youth. Because Felix had received little education as the
tenth child of a widowed mother, he felt that helping to provide access to cultural centers
and secondary and higher education would enable teenagers and young adults to avoid
the difficult times that he himself had endured as a child. While he and Angie acted as
the benefactors of many Mexican-origin students, Felix also insisted on assisting youths
of all ethnic backgrounds. A letter to the head of the Pasadena Council of Parent-Teacher
139
Ibid.
140
“Se comenta en Houston… y más alla,” El Sol, 2 December 1981, 3, 15; Richard Vara,
“Morales Beams Español to Radioland,” Houston Post clipping, 5 August 1973, Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, 6 (DD). The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
The Moraleses shared their oil dividends with KLVL staff in 1982, awarding bonus checks of five thousand
dollars to the longest-employed. This generous gesture made the front page of El Sol on 4 August 1982.
141
Felix H. Morales to Pasadena Salvation Army, 25 December 1970, Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 9, Folder 7; American Cancer Society to Felix H. Morales, 31 December 1970, Felix H.
Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 7; Felix. H. Morales to American Cancer Society, 27 December 1976,
Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 9; James Keesy to Mr. and Mrs. Felix H. Morales, 10 June
1980, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 17.
164
Association, written in 1976, clearly summarized his concerns about the restrictions that
social class all too often placed on access to education. After being asked whether he
wished for his one-thousand-dollar donation to the school‟s scholarship fund to benefit
Mexican-origin students, Felix answered:
It has never been my intention that the fund I sent you might just apply to the
Mexican or Latin pupils. I think it is fair that … [you give] scholarships to the
most outstanding pupils who may need of this fund, be they Anglo or Latin,
Yellow, Red, or Black. 142
In the same missive, Felix explained that he committed to providing ten thousand dollars
yearly in financial aid to schools in the several cities in which he had lived because he
had not been able to reach a high level of education himself and felt that “help[ing] some
worthy child who wishe[d] to further his education [was] in a manner filling [his]
particular need.” 143 Felix and Angie made regular contributions to schools in Pasadena,
New Braunfels, and McMullen County. 144 Many Mexican American associations that
142
Felix H. Morales to Kathleen Hensley, 27 December 1976, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 9.
143
144
Ibid.
Elizabeth Byrne to Mr. and Mrs. Felix H. Morales, 19 December 1973, Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 9, Folder 7; Felix H. Morales to Comal Independent School District, 19 December 1973,
Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 7; “CISD Gets Morales‟ $500 Gift,” New Braunfels Herald
clipping, 27 December 1973, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 3, n.p.; Forrest E. Watson to Felix
H. Morales, 17 January 1974, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 7; A.J. Cobb to Felix H. Morales,
5 March 1975, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 16; ; A.J. Cobb to Felix H. Morales, 7 January
1976, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 16; Norman Whiseman to Mr. and Mrs. Felix H. Morales,
26 May 1976, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 16; Brenda Blaschke to Mr. Morales, 28 June
1977, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 10; James Richardson to Mr. and Mrs. Felix Morales, 13
January 1978, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 16; C. Lee Meyer to Mr. and Mrs. Felix Morales,
13 January 1978, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 16; A.J. Cobb to Felix H. Morales, 23 March
1979, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 17; James Richardson to Mr. and Mrs. Felix Morales, 27
March 1979, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 17. For the complete list of the Moraleses‟
donations to these schools, see Box 5, Folder 1; Box 9, Folders 3, 7, 8, 10, 11, 16, 17; and Box 13, Folder 2
of the Felix H. Morales Collection.
165
provided scholarships and services to Mexican-origin youths in Houston also benefited
from their generosity. The Second Ward‟s Ripley House, the Association for the
Advancement of Mexican Americans, Unión y Progreso, Sembradores de Amistad, and
the University of Houston‟s Amigos Club counted among the several frequent
recipients. 145 From 1970 to the time of his death, in 1988, Felix gave thousands of
scholarships, many anonymously, and donated over one-quarter million dollars towards
the educational achievements of Texan students. 146 The Moraleses‟ commitment to using
KLVL as a voice for the Mexican-origin community in the Houston area thus grew into a
pledge to assist not only their own brethren but also younger generations of all ethnic
backgrounds with a need for a helping hand.
KLVL Faces Competition: 1979 Onwards
By the late 1970s, KLVL‟s monopoly of Houston‟s Spanish-language airwaves
came to an end. In 1979, two English-language stations took notice of its claim on the
entire Hispanic audience and decided to switch their broadcasting to Spanish. KEYH
145
Felix H. Morales to Felix Fraga, 24 December 1970, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 7; Malcolm S. Host to Felix H. Morales, 18 January 1971, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 7; Fred E. Tudon to Felix H. Morales, 29 November 1972, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 7; Jesse V. Rodríguez to Felix H. Morales, 6 July 1973, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder
7; Felix H. Morales to Luis Cano, 27 December 1974, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 8; John
Simon to Felix H. Morales, 13 February 1975, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 16; Fred E.
Tudon to Felix H. Morales, 13 September 1976, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 9; Luis Cano to
Felix H. Morales, 4 January 1978, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 11. For the complete list of
the Moraleses‟ donations to Mexican American associations in Houston, see Box 9, Folders 7, 8, 9, 11, and
16. For a detailed list of their donations between 1974 and 1979, see Box 9, Folders 7, 8, 10, and 17 of the
Felix H. Morales Collection.
146
Beatrice López to Felix Morales, 4 December 1974, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder
11; Mr. Felix H. Morales, résumé, n.d., Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 13, Folder 2.
166
started in its new version that February, and KLAT followed suit in August. 147 Because
KLVL officially operated out of Pasadena, KLAT marketed itself as Houston‟s first
Hispanic-owned radio station. Its president, Marcos Rodríguez, a Mexican American
from Dallas, claimed that it would “become the center for the exchange of ideas within
the Latin American community and with the anglo [sic] community,” much like KLVL‟s
original mission. 148 KLAT also advertised itself as a medium that would defend and fight
for Hispanics‟ rights. 149 In November of 1981, KXYZ switched to a Spanish format and
became “Radio 13,” giving Houston‟s Hispanics a growing choice. 150 KLVL remained
the pioneer of Spanish-language radio broadcasting in Houston, but its success had also
paved the way for its young competitors.
By the early 1980s, new Spanish voices on the city‟s radio dial made sense, both
economically and demographically. Indeed, a marketing agency found in 1979 that
Houston‟s Hispanic population listened to the radio twice as much as Anglos, mostly
147
“Congratulations! Keyh Radio Station Will Start Full Spanish Broadcasting on Feb. 24th,” El
Sol, 22 February 1979, 1; “Llega a Houston la primera emisora de radio en español de dueños y operada
por hispanos,” El Sol, 25 July 1979, n.p.; “KLAT „La Tremenda,‟ la emisora de los hispanos inició hoy sus
programaciónes en español,” El Sol, 15 August 1979, 1. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
KFRD, which operated out of Rosenberg, located 35 miles southwest of Houston, had carried some
Spanish-language programs since 1948 and gradually increased its Spanish broadcasting until all its
daytime shows were carried in the Spanish language by 1980. See “Viva Radio…,” Houston Post clipping,
19 October 1980, H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics Vertical File, n.p.; Lori Rodríguez, “Pasadena Spanish Radio
Station Paved Way for Three Energetic Rivals,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 March 1980, Felix H.
Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 4, 17 (1).
148
“KLAT-In, the First Spanish Radio Station in Houston Operated and Owned by Hispanics Will
Be on the Air August 15th,” El Sol, 8 August 1979.
149
Orquidea Peña, “De todo un poco… Con paso firme entra triunfante “LA TREMENDA,” ¡La
emisora de los Hispanos!” El Sol, 15 August 1979, 4. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
150
“Logical Change,” El Sol, 2 December 1981, 2; Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: radio, cine y
televisión,” El Sol, 4 November 1981, 5. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
By 1981, Houston boasted 5 Spanish-language radio stations.
167
because Spanish speakers did not have access to a daily Spanish-language newspaper. 151
Moreover, as stated in Chapter Two, the 1970s witnessed a steady flow of immigrants
from Mexico and other Latin American nations, thereby increasing the pool of listeners
who did not have a solid command of English and who appreciated radio programs that
offered news and music from their home countries. Because KLVL featured mostly
ranchera and norteño tunes, two styles that Mexican Americans especially favored, other
stations catered to the newer immigrants by playing more diverse rhythms. KEYH, for
instance, prided itself in broadcasting tropical and “Hispanic modern” music as well as
other styles that enjoyed popularity in Latin America. 152 The station also covered
political events in Central and South America by sending its announcers to Nicaragua and
Columbia in 1979 and 1980.153 KLAT and KEYH rivaled each other in their quest to
attract a wide range of Hispanic listeners. The former showcased frequent editorials in
support of issues of importance to Hispanics, lavished its audience with cash prizes, and
offered extravagant celebrations during the Fiestas Patrias, as the previous chapter
showed.154 KEYH also held its share of grandiose concerts, but its most popular
151
“Viva Radio…,” Houston Post clipping, 19 October 1980, H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics Vertical
File, n.p.
152
Lori Rodríguez, “Pasadena Spanish Radio Station Paved Way for Three Energetic Rivals,”
Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 March 1980, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 4, 17 (1).
153
Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: radio, cine y televisión,” El Sol, 25 July 1979, 5; Radio 85,
KEYH advertisement, El Sol, 30 April 1980, 15. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
154
La Tremenda advertisement, El Sol, 12 September 1979, 14; La Tremenda advertisement, El
Sol, 28 November 1979, n.p.; Lori Rodríguez, “Pasadena Spanish Radio Station Paved Way for Three
Energetic Rivals,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 March 1980, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder
4, 17 (1); Vicki Macia, “Meeting Needs of Hispanics, Spanish Stations Here Play More than Tunes to
Listeners,” Houston Post clipping, 19 October 1980, H-Ethnic Groups- Hispanics Vertical File, n.p.; “Hot
Gossip,” Houston City Magazine, August 1981, 4; La Tremenda advertisement, El Sol, 25 May 1983, 10.
The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
168
community events focused on fundraising for associations and causes popular among
Hispanics.155 For instance, “Operation Loop,” for which the station‟s two most famous
announcers drove eighty-five loops of the interstate that forms a ring around the inner
city of Houston, collected eighty-three thousand dollars for the George I. Sánchez School
in March 1980. The educational center, which the Association for the Advancement of
Mexican Americans managed, was facing bankruptcy because the federal government
had stopped funding its program. 156 Because the school taught primarily the children of
undocumented Hispanics, KEYH found it a cause worthy to embrace, and the two
announcers‟ stunt allowed the establishment to stay open another year. 157 With an
increasingly diverse Spanish-speaking population making Houston and its sprawling
metropolitan area home, KLVL faced competitors who catered to those who did not feel
an allegiance to La voz latina because they had only recently arrived in the region.
KLVL had had almost thirty years to nestle itself into the life of the Mexican-origin
community and to settle into its own broadcasting style. The need to re-invent itself did
not seem pressing, however, especially because KLVL continued to fare well in audience
155
KEYH 85 advertisement, 14 November 1979, El Sol, n.p.; José Ortiz, “Extraordinario labor
social y cultural de radio ky,” El Sol, 19 November 1980, 13; KEYH 85 advertisement, 28 January 1981,
El Sol, 4 (1). The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
156
“Marathón de locutores de radio‟K.E.Y.H.‟,” El Sol, 19 March 1980, n.p.; “Operación Loop,”
El Sol, 19 March 1980, 13; “Radio 85 lo logró,” El Sol, 26 March 1980, n.p. The translation from Spanish
to English is mine.
157
Luis Cano, director of AAMA, to KEYH radio station, undated, Luis Cano Collection, Box 2,
Folder 22; “Radio 85 lo logró,” El Sol, 26 March 1980, n.p.; Lori Rodríguez, “Pasadena Spanish Radio
Station Paved Way for Three Energetic Rivals,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 March 1980, Felix H.
Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 4, 17 (1); “Estudiantes agasajan a locutores de Radio KEYH,” El Sol, 2
April 1980. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
169
ratings through the 1980s. 158
In fact, the accomplishments of KLVL and Felix and Angie Morales were
honored multiple times over their first forty years of broadcasting. 159 The station‟s “La
hora bautista” (The Baptist Hour), hosted by Reverend James Novarro, was awarded a
proclamation from the City of Houston for its work “contributing to the community
through student scholarships, family counseling, and programs for victims of flood and
other disasters” in 1970.160 Most notably, KLVL was named among the top 500 Hispanic
businesses in the United States in 1985 and received a tribute at the sesquicentennial
158
When its first two competitors came on the air, in the spring and summer of 1979, KLVL
seems to have increased its advertising time and to prompt its announcers to diversify the station‟s musical
style slightly, but KLVL‟s program directors reportedly did not pay much attention about Arbitron ratings,
feeling quite confident that their original audience had remained faithful. For KLVL‟s response to its
competition in the early 1980s, see Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: radio, cine y televisión,” El Sol, 6 June
1979, 5; Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios: radio, cine y televisión,” El Sol, 18 July 1979, 5; Gaby Jiménez,
“Comentarios: radio, cine y televisión,” El Sol, 29 August 1979, 5; José Ortiz, “Houston disfruta de buena
radiodifusión,” El Sol, 26 September 1979, 7; Lori Rodríguez, “Pasadena Spanish Radio Station Paved
Way for Three Energetic Rivals,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 March 1980, Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 9, Folder 4, 17 (1); Bob Grace, “KMJQ Leads Pack in Latest Arbitron Ratings Race,”
Houston Chronicle clipping, 10 July 1982, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 4, 7 (4); Juan Vega,
“Ondas y más…,” El Sol, 21 July 1982, n.p.; Jay Frank, “Giving Arbitron Cold Shoulder,” Houston Post
clipping, 7 November 1984, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 4, 8 (B); Bob Grace, “Magic 102
Stays on Top of Radio Ratings; KODA Moves Up,” Houston Chronicle, 11 January 1986, 1 (4); “Radio,”
La Politiquera clipping, March 1995, H-Ethnic Groups-Hispanics Vertical File, n.p. The translation from
Spanish to English is mine.
159
For the awards not mentioned in the text of this chapter, see 1951 March of Dimes, award of
gratitude to KLVL, 1951 (unspecified date and month), Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 18;
Frank C. Smith, president of the American Cancer Society, to Mr. Felix H. Morales, 15 September 1951,
Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 13; Jackson Martindell, publisher of Who‟s Who in the South
and Southwest, to Felix Morales, 1960 (no day or month mentioned), Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5,
Folder 1; R.E. Turrentine, Jr. to KLVL, Harris County Resolution, undated, Felix H. Morales Collection,
Box 9, Folder 14; “Editorial: Felix H. Morales,” El Sol, 5 April 1968, 3; Joseph Lucke, president of the
Better Hearing Institute, to radio station KLVL, Certificate of Appreciation, undated, Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 9, Folder 18; George B. García, Diocesan Union of Holy Name Societies, to Felix Morales,
18 March 1976, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9, Folder 16; “Entrega Perless reconocimiento a KLVL,”
El Sol, 6 November 1985, n.p.; Leonel J. Castillo, board chairman of the Immigration Counseling Center,
Houston, to Mrs. Angelina Morales, 15 December 1988, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 13, Folder 2;
Melissa Fletcher Stoeltje, “Making History—Organization Honoring Five Texas Women for Lifelong
Contributions,” Houston Chronicle, 4 March 1999, 1. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
160
Louie Welch, “Proclamation,” El Sol, 11 December 1970, 1.
170
celebration of Texan independence in Houston in 1986.161 Angie also accepted the
Distinguished Hispanic Award during the 1988 Fiestas Patrias and was inducted into the
Pasadena Hall of Fame, along with Felix, that same year. 162 Finally, Pasadena dedicated
an elementary school in Felix‟s name to recognize his lifelong commitment to
education.163 Over the years, the achievements of Felix and Angie Morales and the role
that KLVL played in the cultural and civic life of Houston received due praise. The
Moraleses‟ name has also become a permanent part of Houston‟s memory thanks to the
archival records that Angie donated to the Houston Metropolitan Research Center, a
recent documentary on KLVL‟s history and legacy on a local television channel, and the
continued existence of both KLVL and the Morales Funeral Home through 2010.164
161
James Hayden to Mr. Felix H. Morales, 2 July 1985, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 9,
Folder 17; “Reconocimiento a negociantes hispanos,” El Sol, 17 July 1985, 1-2; Deanna M. Jaine to Mr.
and Mrs. Felix H. Morales, 21 April 1986, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 13, Folder 2. The translation
from Spanish to English is mine.
162
Peter Fogo, chairman of Pasadena Hall of Fame, to Morales Family, undated, Felix H. Morales
Collection, Box 5, Folder 5; “Hall of Famer,” The Daily Pasadena Citizen clipping, 23 August 1988, Felix
H. Morales Collection, Box 13, Folder 2, n.p.; “Fiestas Patrias Honors Woman,” Houston Chronicle, 15
September 1988, 31 (A).
163
Thomas Kreneck to Captain E.F. Leija, 10 April 1989, Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 13,
Folder 2. The website for the Morales Elementary School in Pasadena is the following:
http://www.pasadenaisd.org/morales/default.htm., accessed 4 May 2010. For all the awards that the
Moraleses and KLVL received from the 1950s to the 1980s, see Felix H. Morales Collection, Box 5,
Folders 1, 2, 5; Box 9, Folders 4, 5, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18; Box 13, Folder 2. Also see “In Honor of a Pioneer,”
Houston Chronicle, 10 June 1990, 17 (B); Melissa Fletcher Stoeltje, “Making History—Organization
Honoring Five Texas Women for Lifelong Contributions,” Houston Chronicle, 4 March 1999, 1.
164
KTBY-TV, Channel 55, “The Story Behind KLVL and the Morales Family,” television
documentary, 8 April 2010, http://www.myhoustons55.com/_The-Story-Behind-KLVL-and-the-MoralesFamily/video/977726/38668.html, accessed 20 April 2010.
Christina Morales, Felix and Angie‟s granddaughter, ran the business through 2010. Information
about the Morales Funeral Home may be found on their website at
http://www.moralesfuneralhome.com/index.cfm., accessed 3 May 2010. Tracing the history of KLVL after
the late 1980s presents challenges because Angie‟s donations to the HMRC do not cover the station‟s
trajectory after Felix died in 1988. Christina Morales confirmed to me in an email that Angie ran KLVL
until her death in 1994. What happened to KLVL after that date, however, is difficult to uncover. Files
from the FCC indicate that a Richard C. Vara was the executive director of the station in 1996 and 1997.
171
Conclusion
As this chapter has demonstrated, Felix and Angie Morales stood amidst
Houston‟s most prominent Mexican American civic and social leaders. During the Great
Depression, they moved to the city with borrowed money to follow Felix‟s family
tradition and start a funeral home to help bury departed Mexican-origin people. They
quickly became active among the small nucleus of activists in the Second Ward and
strove to combine business with a commitment to helping the most destitute of their
brethren. Faced with adversity and obstacles, neither Felix nor his wife gave up hope for
a Spanish-language radio station. KLVL finally came to life at a time when the rest of
the city and the State of Texas still maintained rigid segregation between Anglos, African
Americans, and Mexican-origin people.
The Moraleses gave Spanish-speaking Houstonians a medium for information and
entertainment as early as 1950. The station‟s role in fostering community-building and
better racial relations between Anglos and Mexican-origin people in the city therefore
cannot be understated. Because its programs provided a wide array of services that
sought to meet community needs, KLVL offered a public platform that introduced the
Mexican-origin residents of Houston and its metropolitan area to their Spanish-speaking
Siga Broadcasting Corporation has owned KLVL since 2002, according to FCC reports and William Rivas,
the station‟s manager as of 23 March 2010. William Rivas to Chrystel Pit, email correspondence, 23
March 2010; Christina Morales to Chrystel Pit, email correspondence, 29 April 2010; FCC broadcast
actions, report, 1 November 1996,
http://www.fcc.gov/Bureaus/Mass_Media/Public_Notices/Brdcst_Actions/ac961101.txt; FCC broadcast
actions, report, 30 July 1997,
http://www.fcc.gov/Bureaus/Mass_Media/Public_Notices/Brdcst_Actions/ac970730.txt; FCC broadcast
actions, report, 1 November 1996,
http://www.fcc.gov/Bureaus/Mass_Media/Public_Notices/Brdcst_Actions/ac961101.txt; FCC broadcast
actions, report, 1 November 2002, http://fjallfoss.fcc.gov/edocs_public/attachmatch/DOC-228012A1.pdf;
FCC broadcast applications, 25 February 2009, http://fjallfoss.fcc.gov/edocs_public/attachmatch/DOC288774A2.txt.; accessed 13 May 2010.
172
brethren and to listeners of other ethnic backgrounds. By doing so, KLVL constituted an
important tool for communication between groups who would otherwise likely not have
been exposed to one another‟s culture and worldviews. Thus, just like the Fiestas Patrias
helped Houston become aware of the place of Mexican-origin people in its history and
identity, KLVL was a pioneer for its role in making Mexican culture and music a part of
the city‟s cultural life.
In many ways, Felix and Angie Morales paved the way for other Hispanics‟
success in the Gulf Coast area. Their generosity and shrewd approach to business led
them to forge strong friendships with Hispanics and Anglos alike, which in turn shed
positive light on the cultural and civic contributions Mexican-origin people had to offer
to Houston. The subject of the following chapter, another Felix, was a close friend of
theirs who also left a strong imprint on the city‟s culture by using another medium to
foster greater cultural exchange between Houston‟s Mexican-origin residents and Anglos:
food. By making a fortune with a chain of Mexican restaurants, Felix Tijerina not only
introduced foreign flavors to Anglo Houstonians, but also helped build a bridge between
the city‟s two communities. In addition to the celebrations of Mexican holidays and its
first Spanish-language radio station, Houston unwittingly discovered the importance of
Mexican culture to its identity through its taste buds in the years following World War II.
173
CHAPTER 4
“THEIR FIRST TASTE OF MEXICAN FOOD, THEIR FIRST WORDS OF
SPANISH AND THEIR FIRST CONTACT WITH MEXICAN-AMERICANS”1:
FELIX TIJERINA AND THE FELIX MEXICAN RESTAURANT CHAIN, 1930s2008
Spanish-language radio programming and the celebrations of Mexican holidays
serve as useful platforms for the study of cultural exchanges between Anglos and
Mexican-origin people in Houston. Yet, the evolution of Anglo culinary tastes also
illuminates how immigration, the food industry, and business practices gradually
transformed the city into a hotbed for the newest food trends. The next two chapters will
retrace the transformation of Tex-Mex food, commonly labeled as Mexican until the
1970s, from a mild accommodationist collection of combination plates to foodways that
represented both a local and national opening to new flavors and culinary experiences.
Each chapter will focus on the life and business acumen of a famed Houstonian
restaurateur of Mexican heritage and reflect upon the ways in which each individual‟s
professional and personal biography revealed evolving cultural interactions in Houston in
the postwar era. Indeed, while Felix Tijerina, the subject of this chapter, became
Houston‟s first millionaire of Mexican extraction by serving traditional Tex-Mex food,
Ninfa Laurenzo, the focus of the next chapter, achieved mythical status in the State of
Texas by introducing Texans to bold new flavors in the 1970s and thereafter. These last
two chapters describe how Hispanic culture seeped through everyday American
1
Robb Walsh, “Temples of Tex-Mex: A Diner‟s Guide to the State‟s Oldest Mexican
Restaurants,” Houston Press, 2 July 2008, http://www.houstonpress.com/2008-07-03/news/temples-of-texmex-a-diner-s-guide-to-the-state-s-oldest-mexican-restaurants/, accessed 1 November 2010.
174
experiences in the postwar era and how foodways have come to form an intrinsic part of
the modern American multicultural character.
Felix Tijerina, a poor, barely literate Mexican immigrant, rose to success with his
self-named restaurant chain in Houston from the 1930s until the closing of his flagship
establishment in 2008. A “child of the Mexican Revolution” who fled violence and
despoliation with his family in 1910, Felix experienced a childhood similar to that of
Felix Morales in its lack of formal schooling and his commitment at a young age to
financially supporting his mother and five sisters. 2 This chapter will first present Felix‟s
introduction to the Houston restaurant industry in the 1920s and describe how a young
man who spoke little English became a waiter so successful that he could open his own
establishment just before the Great Depression broke out. The bulk of this chapter will
retrace his rise in that industry, analyze his approach to Anglo Houstonians‟ culinary
tastes, and will recount how the Felix Mexican Restaurant chain survived the death of its
founder for over forty years, but ultimately could not outlive its competitors. This
chapter will thus explore the contributions of one of the United States‟ prominent
Mexican-origin activists by shedding light on his perhaps less celebrated
accomplishment: introducing Mexican food and culture to Anglo Houstonians.
2
Thomas H. Kreneck, “Sleuthing Immigrant Origins: Felix Tijerina and His Mexican Revolution
Roots,” in Arnoldo De León (ed.), War Along the Border: The Mexican Revolution and Tejano
Communities (Forthcoming Publication, 2011).
175
From the Cotton Fields to the Restaurant Business: The Rise of Felix Tijerina
Fleeing the Mexican Revolution
Felix Tijerina was born in 1905 in the village of General Escobedo, just north of
Monterrey, Nuevo León, Mexico. His father, a humble farmer, died when the boy was
ten years old and left him in charge of his mother and five sisters. As Mexican
revolutionaries disrupted food supplies and pillaged the region‟s homes, Felix‟s mother
sought help from a brother who had emigrated to Texas ten years earlier, asking him to
arrange for their crossing of the border. He promptly followed suit. 3 Once in the United
States, the Tijerinas led the life of itinerant fieldworkers, tilling the land and picking
cotton around South Texas. Felix remained proud of those experiences throughout his
life.4 The physical mobility required in fieldwork meant that Felix received little formal
schooling. His mother, however, ensured that her children learned how to read and write
in Spanish, skills that would later help Felix pick up the English language.5 Like his
future friend Felix Morales, Felix Tijerina took on as many jobs as he could to support
his family. In Sugar Land, where the Tijerina family settled before his move to Houston,
Felix not only toiled on farmlands but also peddled chickens, took on odds jobs, and
eventually worked as a water boy for Sugar Land Industries. At Sugar Land, he made
3
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 20-22; Louis Alexander, “Caféman Tijerina Likes to Help
Boys,” Houston Chronicle clipping, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 13, Houston
Metropolitan Research Center (HMRC), n.p.
4
John J. Herrera, “His Work Was His Monument,” eulogy, 1965, John J. Herrera Collection, Box
6, Folder 21, HMRC.
5
Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston
Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.;
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 22-29.
176
$1.50 per day, about half as much as what whites with the same qualifications earned. 6
Apparently, Felix established residence in the city in the early 1920s and moved his
mother and sisters there soon afterwards. 7 Barely literate and with few skills under his
belt, the young man first worked briefly as a laborer on “Produce Row,” a two-block
stretch downtown where fruit, poultry, and eggs found their way to cargo shipments
across town and throughout the state. This position did not pay much more than his job
as a water boy in Sugar Land, but it allowed him to become acquainted with workingand middle-class Houstonians and to observe how businessmen conducted daily affairs. 8
Working on “Produce Row” thus gave Felix his first experience in the food industry and
allowed him to acculturate to urban life.
Seminal Experience as a Busboy and Waiter
With the help of an old friend from Sugar Land, Felix quickly left the ranks of
“Produce Row” to become a busboy in downtown Houston‟s Original Mexican
Restaurant, a challenging position for one lacking command of the English language. 9
6
Ibid, 29; Silas B. Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success
Story,” newspaper clipping, no day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5
(Found in Box 10), n.p.
7
Kreneck clarifies that while most newspaper reports about Felix‟s early days in Houston later
stated that he arrived in 1918, the details about his exact move to Houston and his family‟s decision to
follow him a few years later remain unclear in the available historical record. See Kreneck, Mexican
American Odyssey, 29-30, 33-34.
8
Ibid, 32; Silas B. Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success
Story,” newspaper clipping, no day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5
(Found in Box 10), n.p.; Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer
Truck,” Houston Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found
in Box 10), n.p.
9
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 33-35; Silas B. Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form
Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success Story,” newspaper clipping, no day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr.
Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5 (Found in Box 10), n.p.
177
Under the ownership of George Caldwell and his wife, both Anglos who had moved to
the city from San Antonio fifteen years earlier, the Original Mexican Restaurant catered
exclusively to the downtown Anglo crowd and advertised itself as an establishment that
served “genuine Mexican food properly prepared.” 10 The seven years or so that Felix
would work at the Original provided him with a base of knowledge that he would later
need to run a successful business.
Felix‟s apprenticeship in a restaurant serving Mexican food to Anglos offered a
wide array of opportunities that would shape the rest of his life. First and foremost, his
daily contact with English speakers forced him to learn the language a few words at a
time. Later in life, he often described his first encounter with a phrase unknown to him
but essential to his job performance: a request for tomato catsup. As Felix smiled politely
and nodded to the inquiring patron, he walked back to the kitchen, repeating the two
words, and asked a waiter in Spanish, “what please, is tomato catsup?” 11 After receiving
the critical piece of information, he “grabbed a bottle and rushed it triumphantly to the
customer.” 12 This episode proved momentous for his lifelong dedication to helping
Spanish speakers learn English at a young age. 13 Felix also had the ambition to become a
waiter at the Original Mexican Restaurant but knew that his boss would not promote him
10
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 41.
11
Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston
Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.
12
13
Ibid.
Felix Tijerina‟s activism in the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), and
especially his commitment to education, will be briefly described later in this chapter. For a more in-depth
examination of his role in expanding educational opportunities for Spanish-speaking children in Texas and
in federal programs, see Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, especially Chapters 6, 8, and 9.
178
unless his command of English improved significantly. 14 He thus took it upon himself to
attend night classes in elementary school for six months and read menus and newspapers
to learn new vocabulary. He remembered each new word and became fluent, despite
reading deficiencies and a thick Spanish accent that stayed with him throughout his life. 15
An astute observer of business practices, Felix quickly learned the ropes of
upward mobility within the restaurant industry. The Caldwells recognized his industrious
spirit and good manners and promoted him to waiter within a year, a position that gave
him more extensive contact with Anglo Houstonians. A punctual, hard-working, and
polite employee, Felix gained favors through his respectful attitude towards his
employers and customers alike. 16 A biographical article about him would even later
claim that “his practice of „yes mamming‟ the proprietor‟s wife saved his job the first
summer when business was slacking off.” 17 In fact, while he showed no aversion to
cursing in the company of his close friends, Felix maintained a professional image
associated with deference and polite language throughout his life, attributes that
14
“Felix Tijerina Lived Rags-to-Riches‟ Life,” Chuck Wagon clipping, October 1965, Felix
Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 4, Folder 19, n.p.
15
Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston
Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.;
John J. Herrera, “His Work Was His Monument,” eulogy, 1965, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 6, Folder
21; Texas House of Representatives, resolution, 22 February 1966, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 4,
Folder 15; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 42.
16
Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston
Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.;
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 42.
17
Silas B. Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success Story,”
newspaper clipping, no day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5 (Found in
Box 10), n.p.
179
undeniably contributed to his success in an industry where public appearance and
propriety remained centerpieces of success. 18
Employment at the Original Mexican Restaurant also presented Felix with daily
opportunities to observe how the downtown professional and political class that
patronized the establishment behaved in public. 19 He later explained that “… [he] started
watching people, how they acted and the way they talked… [and] tried to copy the things
… [he ] liked about their manners.” 20 His careful study of businessmen‟s deportment did
not stop at daily observations in the confines of the downtown restaurant, however. Felix
also paid particular attention to the obituaries of successful entrepreneurs in the
newspapers he read to familiarize himself with the English language because “[he] could
learn how … [they] began, and perhaps … could get some ideas for [himself].” 21 Felix
Tijerina, the barely literate son of Mexican farm workers, thus made the best of the
opportunities with which employment at a restaurant selling Mexican food calibrated to
Anglo tastes presented him: he learned American business practices.
Felix‟s position at the Original Mexican Restaurant also allowed him to grow
close to people who would later play a fundamental role both in his personal and
professional lives. Domingo Villarreal, a second cousin from General Escobedo, had
come to the United States in search of a better life and found himself in Houston, hoping
18
Mr. Alfred J. Hernández, interview by Thomas H. Kreneck, tape recording, 5 April 1975, Oral
History Collection Mexican American Component, Houston Metropolitan Research Center (HMRC).
19
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 41.
20
Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston
Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.
21
Ibid.
180
to secure a job at the Ford Automobile assembly plant. The opportunity never
materialized, but Felix convinced the Caldwells to hire “Mingo” as a cook at the
restaurant. The two young relatives forged a brotherly bond and would become lifelong
business partners. 22 As importantly, the 1920s were the time when Felix Tijerina
developed social ties in the Mexican-origin community, cultivated friendships with future
leaders such as Felix Morales through the Club Cultural Recreativo México Bello, and
met his future wife, Janie.
Janie González, the daughter of Mexican immigrants, was born in 1908 in Sandy
Fork, Texas, a rural community about halfway between Houston and San Antonio. 23 Her
parents held low-paying jobs around the Pleasanton area, where Janie grew up. In 1919,
the family moved to Bastrop, Texas, in order for her father to work at the Belton mines.
By 1920, however, the parents and their two daughters had switched to “contract
farming,” as Janie called it, tilling the land and picking cotton until the middle of the
decade.24 A severe drought in 1925 forced Janie to leave for Austin in search of
employment, armed with only a third-grade education and her desire to learn new skills. 25
22
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 44.
23
Janie‟s parents left Lagos de Moreno, Jalisco, in 1901. Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey,
49-50.
24
Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie), interview by Thomas H. Kreneck, tape recording, 16 April 1978,
Oral History Collection Mexican American Component, Houston Metropolitan Research Center (HMRC).
25
Ibid; Ann James, “Widow Charters Foundation,” Houston Post clipping, 1 June 1967, Felix
Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 14, 1 (N); Pat Manley, “Mrs. Felix Is Kept Busy Aiding Others,
Planning Tour,” Houston Chronicle clipping, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Folder 1, n.p.;
Cleveland Grammer, “Mrs. Felix Recalls Past: Success Didn‟t Come Easily for City Restaurant Owner,”
Houston Post clipping, 27 July 1986, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1986-1987,” HMRC, n.p.; Kreneck,
Mexican American Odyssey, 49-50.
181
She stayed in that city for a year, working at a laundry shop, but by the end of 1926,
decided to hitchhike her way to Houston along with a female friend. When they arrived
in the Bayou City, Janie had an apple and twelve cents to her name. 26 Over the next
several years, the resourceful young lady held a variety of jobs, including clerk, cotton
press operator, photographer‟s assistant, and department store employee. She
supplemented her income by working at a downtown restaurant in the evenings. There,
she met Felix, who frequently patronized the establishment, and the two embarked on a
seven-year-long courtship. After much hesitation because of their precarious finances,
Felix finally proposed, and they were married on 10 December 1933. 27 The couple
would soon set out to open one of the city‟s most beloved culinary institutions, but not
before a period of tribulations that would challenge their ambitions.
The Mexican Inn and the Great Depression
By the summer of 1929, Felix Tijerina enjoyed broad popularity among the
Original‟s customers and fellow Mexican-origin people, especially in the downtown area,
where he worked and socialized. Encouraged by this solid base of support, he sought out
a business partner to found a restaurant on Main Street, only one block away from the
Caldwells‟ restaurant. 28 His associate, Antonio Reynaga, had immigrated from
26
Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16 April 1978.
27
Ibid; Betty Ewing, “Mrs. Felix: A Houston Tradition to Celebrate 57 Years of Business,
Community Service,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 July 1986, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10,
Unlabeled Folder, 1 (5); Cleveland Grammer, “Mrs. Felix Recalls Past: Success Didn‟t Come Easily for
City Restaurant Owner,” Houston Post clipping, 27 July 1986, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1986-1987,”
n.p.; Brenda Beust Smith, “The Chili Lady,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 January 1973, Felix Tijerina
Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 11, 1 (3); Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 49-50.
28
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 52. It is not clear why the two men decided to open their
restaurant so close to the Original. One might assume, however, that they felt that the downtown
182
Monterrey, Mexico, and owned a thriving café and bakery in the Second Ward, one of the
city‟s oldest barrios. Each man planned to invest $1,500, and they agreed that the
establishment would be named The Mexican Inn. Felix took charge of advertising,
creating the menus, selecting and managing the staff, and supervising daily operations,
while Reynaga took care of the furniture and supplies; they would split profits and incur
losses equally. 29 With Felix‟s experience with the downtown crowds and Reynaga‟s own
expertise in the restaurant business, the Mexican Inn was quickly ready to open its doors
to hungry Houstonians.
Felix‟s connections with the Anglo world also allowed him to obtain press
coverage about the Mexican Inn‟s opening in the Houston Post, one of the city‟s three
main newspapers. On 15 August 1929, a day before the restaurant was scheduled to open
its doors, the Post published an article in which it informed readers that “Felix Tijerina,
better known as „Felix‟ to hundreds of Houstonians, announc[ed] the opening of the
Mexican Inn.”30 The article also combined exotic descriptions of the food that Felix had
selected with more familiar mentions of authenticity and family heritage by stating that:
Tempting and spicy Mexican dishes, the best of cuisine south of the Rio Grande
will be served patrons, Senor [sic] Tijerina said, and famous recipes, handed
down through generations in his family will be used and served to add a piquant
taste to the menus of the Mexican Inn. 31
commercial district, the center of Houston‟s economic life in the 1920s, attracted a sufficient number of
patrons. For further details on the growth of Houston and its downtown district in the 1920s, see De León,
Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 22-25.
29
Ibid. As Kreneck points out, because Reynaga already owned an establishment, he could
bargain prices more easily and buy supplies in bulk, something that Felix could not have accomplished
alone.
30
Ibid, 53.
31
Ibid.
183
While no Mexican Inn menu has survived in historical records, it is more than likely that
Felix emulated the Original Mexican Restaurant‟s food offerings because he had, after
all, learned about making and selling Mexican fare from an Anglo. As the only Mexicanowned establishment outside of the barrios and one of three Mexican restaurants in
downtown Houston, the Inn also tapped mostly the Anglo market. As such, Felix‟s menu
choices must have focused on the Mexican dishes that had become popular among Anglo
Texans by the turn of the twentieth century. 32 As food historian Robb Walsh has
explained, what is now known as Tex-Mex simply bore the label of Mexican food until
the 1970s and consisted of two basic choices: one option comprised dishes based on chili
powder, the second involved cheese-covered combination platters, neither of which
would have been considered authentic in the interior of Mexico. 33 Moreover, Felix‟s son,
Felix, Jr., would later explain that “restaurants usually … [add] things on their menus”
that “they see other restaurants doing well” and asserted that throughout his childhood
and as he later worked alongside his mother, he had observed that the Tijerinas‟ business
32
Ibid. For an in-depth analysis of the early days of Tex-Mex cuisine in Texas, see Jeffrey M.
Pilcher, “Who Chased Out the „Chili Queens‟? Gender, Race, and Urban Reform in San Antonio, Texas,
1880-1943,” Food and Foodways 16 (2008), 173-200.
33
Chili powder was invented by a German immigrant who lived in New Braunfels, Texas, in the
1890s. William Gebbhardt owned a café and relied on dried chiles for the most popular item on his menu,
chili con carne. Because chiles were imported from Mexico and not available year-round, Gebbhardt
decided to concoct a seasoning of his own by mixing paprika, ground chiles, cumin seeds, oregano, black
pepper, and other unknown spices. He then opened a factory in 1896 and sold his chili powder from the
back of a wagon. Other manufacturers followed suit shortly thereafter, and the spice became a staple of
Tex-Mex food. Robb Walsh, The Tex-Mex Cookbook: A History in Recipes and Photos (New York:
Broadway Books, 2004), 64-69.
For an analysis of the recent rise in popularity of southwestern cuisine and the complexity of borderland
foodways, see Amy Bentley, “From Culinary Other to Mainstream America: Meanings and Uses of
Southwestern Cuisine,” in Lucy M. Long (ed.), Culinary Tourism: Explorations in Eating and Otherness
(University of Kentucky Press, 2004): 209-225.
184
model tended to follow food trends that proved successful at other establishments. 34
Originality or popularity of menu choices notwithstanding, Felix‟s restaurant did well
until the Great Depression ensnared many of Houston‟s businesses. Even though his
reputation and social skills enabled him to attract customers and to use the restaurant as a
gathering place for Mexican American social clubs, prime among them Club México
Bello, the economic crisis forced the Mexican Inn to close down in 1936.35
The hard-working couple did not give up in the face of adversity, however. While
shutting the doors of the Inn meant moving back in with Felix‟s mother and sisters, living
accommodations that proved especially difficult for the independent-spirited Janie, Felix
joined Texas Old Union Company, a beer distributor, as a porter. His work ethic quickly
earned him a job as a truck driver, and he gave his weekly pay of fifty dollars to Janie. 36
Felix would later recall that his business failure and subsequent employment at the beer
company represented a humbling experience that he remembered all his life. As he, by
then a millionaire, explained to a journalist in 1955:
34
Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., phone interview by author, 21 June 2009.
35
Silas B. Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success Story,”
newspaper clipping, no day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5 (Found in
Box 10), n.p.; Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,”
Houston Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box
10), n.p.; Louis Alexander, “Caféman Tijerina Likes to Help Boys,” Houston Chronicle clipping, n.d., Felix
Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 13, n.p.; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 55-60, 70-71.
36
Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston
Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.;
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 72.
According to Felix Tijerina Jr., Janie had troubled relationships with Felix‟s three sisters, especially in the
first years of her marriage to Felix. Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., phone interview by author, 21 June 2009. For
further details on Janie‟s relationship with Felix‟s family, see Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16
April 1978; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 61, 72-73.
185
You know I guess I do get to feeling [sic] like I‟m a big shot sometimes, when I
put on my best clothes and I go to an important gathering. But I have a way of
keeping my feet on the ground. Up in the top of my closet, where I can see it
every time I open the door, is the old union [sic] cap I used to wear when I was
driving a beer truck. So I put on the cap and look at myself in the mirror, and I
say, “Look Felix, you‟re not such a big shot; the cap still fits.” 37
While Felix drove his truck around town, Janie worked at a retail store in downtown
Houston. Times often proved so harsh that hunger would set in. As Janie later
recounted, “Everybody went broke. … Friday came and we didn‟t have anything to eat.
… We didn‟t have anything to eat until Monday. Sometimes, we had dough and water.
Plain old water.” 38 One day, however, one of Janie‟s old habits resurfaced and led to
actions that would forever alter the couple‟s fate. Frustrated with their meager means of
existence, she rescinded a promise she had made to Felix and headed to the racetracks.
After receiving a tip from her boss, she borrowed money against her jewelry and from
coworkers and headed to Epsom Downs, located on the northeast side of Harris County.
There, she bet on a horse and luck struck: she won $1,600. 39 She gave the entire sum to
Felix, instructed him to pay her creditors back and to keep the rest to open his own food
establishment, this time without a partner in tow. 40 Neither of them knew what the future
37
Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston
Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.
38
Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16 April 1978.
39
Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16 April 1978; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey,
73.
40
Ibid. Felix had had a bad experience with partnering in his days operating the Mexican Inn.
Soon after the establishment had opened, Antonio Reynaga sold his share to an Anglo woman by the name
of Ethyl Lawrence. Lawrence did not work at the restaurant nor give input on how Felix ran the restaurant.
She solely came to the Mexican Inn to pick up her share of the sales money. Felix thus felt like he was
working for Lawrence, and that she was not willing to shoulder the workload necessary to keep the
business open and financially afloat. See Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 57-58.
186
held, but the lure of the restaurant business seemed too strong to hold them back. Fully
aware that second chances did not present themselves often, the Tijerinas determined
they would prevail this time.
The First Decade of the Felix Mexican Restaurant
With $1,100 in his name, Felix decided to locate his new Mexican restaurant
away from the barrios or downtown Houston and instead selected the Montrose
neighborhood, a growing, middle-class Anglo area west of downtown and in proximity of
River Oaks, where upper-class Houstonians resided. 41 By choosing to serve food to a
financially comfortable strata of the city‟s white population, Felix articulated a business
strategy that would enable him to tap a steady clientele whose culinary tastes were not
acquainted with truly authentic Mexican fare. In order to do so, he continued the Texan
tradition of labeling food as Mexican when it actually consisted of cheesy platters, chili
con queso (cheese), and chili gravy. Until the 1970s, this type of selection on restaurant
menus represented what most Houstonians and Texans imagined as genuine Mexican
food; Felix Tijerina, schooled at the Original Mexican Restaurant, knew that well
prepared and served, such dishes could make him a successful restaurateur.
Although Felix‟s instincts quickly proved more than correct, opening the small
restaurant at 1220 Westheimer Road presented some financial challenges at first.
Indeed, because the Mexican Inn had gone bankrupt, Felix still owed money to some of
his suppliers and therefore felt uneasy about asking to be trusted again. Janie took the
necessary steps by putting the new restaurant in her name and contacting business
41
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 73-74.
187
representatives from furniture, food, and beverage companies personally, inquiring
whether they would trust the Tijerinas to obtain credit again. She encountered no
difficulty in the matter, and would later recall gratefully that they “began on credit”
entirely.42 Having secured a $65 monthly rent and bought food and equipment with the
promise of later payment, Felix Mexican Restaurant opened in the fall of 1937 with
ninety cents in its cash register. 43 Felix and Janie did not have enough money to
advertise their new venture at first, so they “painted [signs] white and … [wrote] „Felix in
Business Again‟” and stood in front of their establishment, waving at their friends as they
drove by.44 Moreover, Felix‟s cousin, Mingo, quit his job to come and cook at the
restaurant, and Janie‟s parents worked in the kitchen while Felix greeted and waited on
customers. Even though the eating space only accommodated fifty people, a “bug room,”
as Janie fondly labeled it later, the Tijerinas had to close at eight o‟clock on their opening
night because they ran out of food. 45 A recipe for success had clearly been born on
Houston‟s west side.
Felix Mexican Restaurant became a solvent establishment within a year thanks to
a combination of efficient business strategies. First and foremost, its location on a major
42
Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16 April 1978.
43
Susan Buchanan, “The Busy Lady behind the Tacos Remembers the Leaner Years,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 2 January 1967, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 14, 3 (8); Silas B.
Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success Story,” newspaper clipping, no
day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5 (Found in Box 10), n.p.
44
Ibid; Louis Alexander, “Caféman Tijerina Likes to Help Boys,” Houston Chronicle clipping,
n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 13; No title, newspaper clipping, n.d., Felix Tijerina
Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 14, n.p.; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 73-74.
45
Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16 April 1978.
188
artery just outside of downtown and the broad net of connections that Felix had
developed since his early days in Houston ensured that a significant number of patrons
stopped by for lunch or dinner to see a friendly face. One of three food establishments on
that stretch of road and the sole provider of Mexican food, “Felix,” as it became known,
attracted a strong customer base quickly. Moreover, the small but enticingly decorated
restaurant conjured up the colors and symbols of Mexico: small serapes (ponchos) and
sombreros adorned the walls, and Janie displayed curios (pottery and other decorative
Mexican artifacts) on shelves for sale. The extended opening hours and low prices also
proved attractive, especially in the midst of a severe economic downturn. 46 In fact, their
first bookkeeper, Angie Morales, remembered that Felix generated between $36 and $40
daily, not an insignificant amount of money for that time period. 47 Finally, the young
couple limited expenses by living in the one-room apartment in the back of the
restaurant.48 These new beginnings thus required a lot of discipline and sacrifices, but
Janie and Felix forewent immediate gratification and forged ahead with hard work.
46
The first advertisements to appear in Houston‟s newspapers for Felix Mexican Restaurant
in June 1938 mentioned that the dishes cost “thirty-five cents up.” The establishment remained open from
eleven in the morning until eleven thirty in the evening. See Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 74.
47
Both couples‟ professional success came about at similar times and, as the previous chapter
briefly mentioned, the Moraleses and Tijerinas became close friends through Club México Bello. See
Chapter Three and Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 74.
48
Their quarters were small and did not include a private bathroom. Felix and Janie thus had to
wait until the establishment had closed to bathe in its washroom. Felix would later add a room that Janie
used mostly for herself, but the couple lived in these small quarters until 1948. Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie)
Oral History, 16 April 1978; Silas B. Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s
Success Story,” newspaper clipping, no day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1,
Folder 5 (Found in Box 10), n.p.; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 74.
189
The late 1930s and World War II period enabled the Tijerinas to use the restaurant
as a platform for greater involvement with the social and civic life of the city. As
Thomas Kreneck, Felix‟s biographer, has argued, the activities in which Felix engaged
during those years exemplified how he had become bicultural, comfortably navigating
Anglo and Mexican environments. 49 While Janie helped create the women‟s auxiliary
branch of Club México Bello in 1937 and worked with them to raise money for the poor,
Felix‟s association with the group deepened in 1940, when he became its treasurer. 50 In
1938, he also took his first steps in the political arena through his work for the Latin
American Club, an offshoot of the local LULAC (League of United Latin American
Citizens) chapter, and participated in the campaign of a Democratic candidate for the
upcoming state gubernatorial elections. 51 Moreover, he devoted an extensive amount of
his free time towards preventing delinquency among barrio youths through the Comité
Pro-Beneficencial Juvenil (Juvenile Welfare Committee) of the Comité Patriótico
Mexicano, Club México Bello‟s own program for troubled teenagers and the Harris
County Probation Department, for which he volunteered for seven years. 52 Felix‟s work
49
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 54.
50
Ibid, 75.
51
Ibid. For further details on the Latin American Club, see Mrs. Felix H. Morales Oral History
Collection, 5 February 1979 and 24 March 1989; Arnoldo De León, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt, 85-89;
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 69-71.
52
Felix was also involved with the Optimist Club, of which he was the only Hispanic member,
and the Community Chest, the predecessor of the United Ways Association. See Silas B. Ragsdale,
“Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success Story,” newspaper clipping, no day or
month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5 (Found in Box 10), n.p.; Marie Moore,
“When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston Post clipping, 1 August
1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.; Brenda Beust Smith,
“The Chili Lady,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 January 1973, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12,
Folder 11, 1 (3); Pat Manley, “Mrs. Felix Is Kept Busy Aiding Others, Planning Tour,” Houston Chronicle
190
with law enforcement meant that the Tijerinas frequently received telephone calls in the
middle of the night with requests to host young law-breakers until the next day. 53 The
couple would quickly build a reputation for their dedication to helping those in need.
From the late 1930s until the end of their lives, the Tijerinas would remain deeply
devoted to charity, especially with regards to helping underprivileged youths and the
sick.54 Yet, despite their strong commitment to philanthropic causes, Janie and Felix
focused primarily on business affairs because both, especially Felix, dreaded another
bankruptcy. Financial dismay would never come again, even during wartime. In 1940,
Janie quit her position at the department store and, with Felix‟s support, opened her own
curio shop in downtown Houston, a job that she enjoyed tremendously because it gave
clipping, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Folder 1, n.p.; Kreneck, Mexican American
Odyssey, 75-79.
53
Brenda Beust Smith, “The Chili Lady,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 January 1973, Felix
Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 11, 1 (3).
54
For a complete list of the Tijerinas‟ civic and charitable activities, see Silas B. Ragsdale,
“Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success Story,” newspaper clipping, no day or
month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5 (Found in Box 10), n.p.; Marie Moore,
“When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston Post clipping, 1 August
1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.; Mary Lasswell, “A
Champion in Our Midst,” newspaper clipping, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 13,
n.p.; “Olé, the Press Says Olé to… Felix Tijerina,” Houston Press clipping, 18 August 1961, Felix Tijerina
Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 13, n.p.; Louis Alexander, “Caféman Tijerina Likes to Help Boys,”
Houston Chronicle clipping, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 13, n.p.; John J. Herrera,
“His Work Was His Monument,” eulogy, 1965, John J. Herrera Collection, Box 6, Folder 21; Pat Manley,
“Mrs. Felix Is Kept Busy Aiding Others, Planning Tour,” Houston Chronicle clipping, n.d., Felix Tijerina
Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Folder 1, n.p.; Susan Buchanan, “The Busy Lady behind the Tacos Remembers
the Leaner Years,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 2 January 1967, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8,
Folder 14, 3 (8); Ann James, “Widow Charters Foundation,” Houston Post clipping, 1 June 1967, Felix
Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 14, 1 (N); Brenda Beust Smith, “The Chili Lady,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 30 January 1973, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 11, 1 (3); Betty
Ewing, “Mrs. Felix: A Houston Tradition to Celebrate 57 Years of Business, Community Service,”
Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 July 1986, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Unlabeled Folder, 1
(5); Cleveland Grammer, “Mrs. Felix Recalls Past: Success Didn‟t Come Easily for City Restaurant
Owner,” Houston Post clipping, 27 July 1986, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1986-1987,” n.p.; Kreneck,
Mexican American Odyssey, Chapters 3-6, 9-10.
191
her a sense of independence and often took her to Mexico to order supplies. 55 Moreover,
brisk business allowed them to open a second Felix Mexican Restaurant in Beaumont,
another vibrant port city seventy miles east of Houston. From the beginning, this
restaurant brought in good income because of its location on a major thoroughfare, a
décor and menu selection similar to those of its parent establishment, extended business
hours, and its clientele, mostly middle-class Anglo residents. 56 Finally, the early 1940s
also enabled Felix to serve the country he had adopted as his own. In 1942, he enlisted in
the United States Army and cooked for the troops at Ellington Field‟s mess hall, twenty
miles south of Houston, until his honorable discharge in July 1944. 57 During that time,
Janie ran the two restaurants despite shortages of food and employees, which earned her
55
Janie would own up to four curio stores but had to cease her business upon Felix‟s death in
1965 in order to run the restaurants. See Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16 April 1978; Silas B.
Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success Story,” newspaper clipping, no
day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5 (Found in Box 10), n.p.; Barbara
Liggett, “American Behavior Distresses Her,” newspaper clipping, no day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina
Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 14 (Found in Box 10), n.p.; Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels
Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr.
Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.; Pat Manley, “Mrs. Felix Is Kept Busy Aiding
Others, Planning Tour,” Houston Chronicle clipping, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Folder
1, n.p.; Brenda Beust Smith, “The Chili Lady,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 January 1973, Felix
Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 11, 1 (3); Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 86.
56
Silas B. Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success Story,”
newspaper clipping, no day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5 (Found in
Box 10), n.p.; Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,”
Houston Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box
10), n.p.; Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16 April 1978; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey,
86-87.
57
Silas B. Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success Story,”
newspaper clipping, no day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5 (Found in
Box 10), n.p.; Louis Alexander, “Caféman Tijerina Likes to Help Boys,” Houston Chronicle clipping, n.d.,
Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 13, n.p.; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 89-90.
192
positive press coverage as a Mexican American Rosie the Riveter. 58 The Great
Depression era and World War II years thus proved both trying and rewarding for the
Tijerinas. Despite little education and a lingering hesitancy with the English language,
Felix became a successful businessman and, along with Janie, worked extremely hard to
equate the Tijerina name with compassion, genuine sociability, work ethic, and of course,
Mexican food. After closing the Mexican Inn in 1936, little would Felix have known that
he would die bearing the proud title of Houston‟s first millionaire of Mexican origin.
Houston‟s First Mexican American Millionaire
The Flagship Restaurant and Sustained Success
After his release from the Army, Felix continued to work arduously at the
Westheimer restaurant and kept a close watch on the thriving Beaumont location, the
management of which he had entrusted to his cousin, Luciano Villarreal. 59 He became
further involved with Club México Bello, acting as its president from 1946 until 1949,
and with LULAC Council #60, a role that would lead him towards the League‟s national
presidency a few years later. He also served on the Harris County grand jury in 1946,
only the second Mexican American to do so, and joined the all-white and prestigious
Houston Rotary Club in 1948 as its first Mexican American member. 60 In addition to this
58
Louis Alexander, “Caféman Tijerina Likes to Help Boys,” Houston Chronicle clipping, n.d.,
Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 13, n.p.; Brenda Beust Smith, “The Chili Lady,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 30 January 1973, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 11, 1 (3); Kreneck,
Mexican American Odyssey, 89-91.
59
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 87.
60
Ibid, 109.
193
sustained civic engagement during the immediate postwar years, Felix made two choices
that would transform the rest of his life in a significant way. First, because he and Janie
had no children of their own, the couple traveled to Monterrey, Nuevo León, and adopted
a baby boy whom they named Felix Tijerina, Jr., in early 1948. 61 Secondly, Felix, who
now held sufficient personal wealth to carry a roll of one-thousand-dollar bills in his
pocket at all times, made a business decision that would place him and his family in
Houston‟s history that same year. 62
For the previous twelve years, Felix and Janie had worked tirelessly to run the
small Felix Restaurant at 1220 Westheimer, but the steady quality of the food and warm,
friendly atmosphere that the establishment offered had gained the favors of too many
customers for the limited seating space. Moreover, Felix and Janie, now with an infant to
care for, yearned for larger and more private living accommodations. The answer lay at
904 Westheimer Road, just three blocks away. A spacious building had come up for sale,
and its upstairs seven-room apartment provided a well-suited space for the family‟s
quarters.63 Felix spent $125,000 on the purchase and renovation of the property. The
new Felix restaurant opened with fanfare on 23 June 1948. The hundreds of attendees
included the mayor of Houston and his family. 64 By then a well-respected business
61
Felix, Jr., was the child of two of Janie‟s distant relatives. Felix, Sr., and Janie did not tell him
he had been adopted when he grew up, and Felix only found out from Janie when he turned twenty-one
years old. See Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., interview by Thomas H. Kreneck, tape recording, 2 November 1994
and 5 November 1997, donated to author by Thomas H. Kreneck.
62
Mr. Alfred J. Hernández, Oral History, 5 April 1975; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 94.
63
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 106.
64
Ibid; Silas B. Ragsdale, “Mother-Wife-Friends Form Real Keystone of Felix‟s Success Story,”
newspaper clipping, no day or month, 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 5 (Found in
194
whose food offerings pleased many middle- and upper-class Anglos, the new
establishment received due praise and publicity in the mainstream press. A full-page
advertisement announcing the “grand opening” of “America‟s newest and finest Mexican
restaurant” conveyed Felix‟s marketing strategy, which projected confidence in his
business enterprise:
The dazzling splendor of Mexico has been embraced in the colorful setting for the
New [sic] Felix Mexican Restaurant. … Superlative food, with the delicate flavor
of Mexico modified to suit the American taste, is a specialty … at Felix‟s. The
haunting goodness of Mexico‟s savory dishes is reproduced to perfection at this
most famous of Houston‟s restaurants. 65
The wording of this advertisement effectively conveys the confusion that reigned over the
definition of authentic Mexican food in the era that heralded Felix Tijerina as Houston‟s
purveyor par excellence of cuisine from “south of the border.” Most readers and patrons
likely did not perceive the inherent contradiction in Felix‟s claim that he served dishes
that faithfully followed Mexican culinary traditions but also altered their taste to suit
Anglo preferences for generally mild-tasting, cheese-laden platters. Indeed, most
establishments selling Mexican food in that time period adopted the same strategy.
Reflecting consumers‟ contentment, the menu at all Felix locations never changed from
1938 until the 1970s. 66 Moderately priced tamales, enchiladas, Spanish rice, and Felix‟s
Box 10), n.p.; “Announcing Grand Opening Tonight,” advertisement, Houston Press clipping, 23 June
1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Papers, Box 10, Folder 1, n.p.
65
“Announcing Grand Opening Tonight,” advertisement, Houston Press clipping, 23 June 1948,
Felix Tijerina Sr. Papers, Box 10, Folder 1, n.p.
66
Felix Tijerina, Jr., explained that his parents preferred leaving the restaurants‟ menus unchanged
because of the sustained popularity of the dishes they offered. Janie did, however, add fajitas and
margaritas when they became hot-ticket items in the 1970s, but only because most Tex-Mex establishments
were serving them around town. This chapter and the following will elaborate further on the change in
Anglo culinary tastes in the 1970s and 1980s. Susan Buchanan, “The Busy Lady behind the Tacos
195
signature chili con queso stood as some of the most favorite items, and the consistency
with which they were served gave them that “Felix taste” that so many customers
cherished for generations. 67 Felix also capitalized on these dishes‟ reputation by claiming
that they “[were] not everyday fare but fiesta food in the land south of the border,”
thereby enhancing their standing and authenticity. 68 Meals served in the new, larger
Westheimer location proved so popular that, by the late 1940s, Felix epitomized Mexican
cuisine at its best throughout the city. 69
While Felix Mexican Restaurant prided itself on the quality of its food and its
low prices, the new establishment gave the Tijerinas an opportunity to upgrade the
ambience to a more pronounced Mexican style. Perhaps following Janie‟s cues from her
curios imports, Felix purchased furniture and “hand-wrought tiles, hand-carved wood
decorations, and hand-wrought iron grill work” from Mexico, which he used to create a
Mexican atmosphere that “ma[d]e this one of the outstanding native restaurants furnished
Remembers the Leaner Years,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 2 January 1967, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family
Papers, Box 8, Folder 14, 3 (8); Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., phone interview by author, 21 June 2009.
67
Ibid; “Felix Mexican Restaurant” menu, ca. 1948, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1,
Folder 2; Carrie Jones Wingfield, “Fiesta Food Popular with Most Texans,” newspaper clipping, no day or
month, ca. 1950, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 9 (Found in Box 10), n.p.; “Felix
Restaurant Winds Up 10th Year,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 November 1962, Felix Tijerina Sr.
Family Papers, Box 10, Folder 9, 4; “Felix All-Time Special,” advertisement, newspaper clipping, n.d.,
Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 9, n.p.; Cliff Ellis to Tijerinas, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr.
Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 13; “Thirty Five Years of Service,” advertisement, newspaper clipping, n.d.,
Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 2, n.p.; J.R. Gonzales, “Felix Mexican Restaurant,” Bayou
City History, Houston Chronicle blog, readers‟ comments, 9 April 2010,
http://blogs.chron.com/bayoucityhistory/2010/04/felix_mexican_restaurant.html, accessed 12 November
2010; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 106-107.
68
Carrie Jones Wingfield, “Fiesta Food Popular with Most Texans,” newspaper clipping, no day
or month, ca. 1950, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 9 (Found in Box 10), n.p.
69
By 1954, Felix was heralded as one of the three best chefs in the city. Ann Valentine, “These
Chefs Create the Recipes You Rave About,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 3 February 1954, Felix Tijerina
Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 9 (Found in Box 10), n.p. (2).
196
throughout with „SOUTH OF THE BORDER‟ charm.” 70 In fact, many customers
enjoyed the carefully chosen décor because, as one regular patron later explained, “it
made it so easy to imagine [oneself] in Mexico.” 71 Felix also emphasized the restaurant‟s
seating capacity of two hundred, supplemented by a separate banquet room that could
accommodate one hundred and twenty-five people. 72 Among locals, the Tijerina name
would from then on be linked with the white-stucco establishment in the heart of the
Montrose area.
Felix owed his success not only to the steady quality of his food but also to his
professional image and his personnel. Thanks to these attributes, many Houstonians
came to associate eating at Felix with family occasions. Most people knew Mingo, the
kitchen manager and Felix‟s right arm, because he often appeared alongside him in press
photographs. They also appreciated the staff‟s attention to their requests and the fact that
many waiters memorized individual patrons‟ personal preferences. Carlos, a particularly
beloved waiter, became famous for his ability to anticipate regular customers‟ needs.
One diner fondly remembered that Carlos “was so personable and remembered what we
all liked. I tended towards lots of hot sauce and he was quick to bring me the grande
70
“Announcing Grand Opening Tonight,” advertisement, Houston Press clipping, 23 June 1948,
Felix Tijerina Sr. Papers, Box 10, Folder 1, n.p.
71
J.R. Gonzales, “Felix Mexican Restaurant,” Bayou City History, Houston Chronicle blog,
readers‟ comments, 9 April 2010,
http://blogs.chron.com/bayoucityhistory/2010/04/felix_mexican_restaurant.html, accessed 12 November
2010.
72
“New Mexican Restaurant to Open Tonight,” Houston Post clipping, 23 June 1948, Felix
Rijerina Sr. Papers, Box 1, Folder 4, 7 (2).
197
when he saw me approach.” 73 Moreover, Felix Restaurant boasted a high retention rate
of its employees, many of whom worked for the Tijerinas for decades. As a result, the
wait staff served several generations of family members, which enhanced the familiarity
of eating at the establishment. One patron would later comment, “ I grew up eating at
Felix‟s. Carlos was the best waiter in Houston. He served me when I was just 8 and he
served at my wedding rehearsal.” 74 In addition to choosing staff who developed a bond
with diners, Felix also ensured that politeness remained at the forefront of service. A
1955 Houston Post article explained his outlook as follows:
If tomato and catsup were the first two words of English Felix Tijerina learned,
his next two probably were “Yes, Ma‟am.” Now a successful restaurant operator
himself, he is a stickler for politeness.
“It doesn‟t cost a thing to be polite,” he frequently tells his waiters. “I‟d fire a
man sooner for failing to say „yes ma‟am‟ to a lady than I would for cussing me
out.” 75
Felix‟s extensive memory also allowed him to learn the faces and names of hundreds of
customers, and he often greeted people at the door, which ensured that they felt
personally acquainted with him. 76 Finally, just as many Houstonians enjoyed listening to
KLVL‟s programs to enhance their Spanish-language skills, dining at Felix presented
patrons with the opportunity to practice ordering food and beverages in Spanish. One
73
J.R. Gonzales, “Felix Mexican Restaurant,” Bayou City History, Houston Chronicle blog,
readers‟ comments, 9 April 2010,
http://blogs.chron.com/bayoucityhistory/2010/04/felix_mexican_restaurant.html, accessed 12 November
2010.
74
Ibid.
75
Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston
Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.
76
1997.
Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., interview by Thomas H. Kreneck, 2 November 1994 and 5 November
198
woman, for instance, recalled that, “when [she was] a child in the 1950s, … [her] older
siblings would attempt to order using their not-so-perfect Spanish, and [she] got a chance
to say „gracias.‟” 77 Eating at the Tijerinas‟ establishment provided a cultural and culinary
experience to several generations of Houstonians for whom the actual customs and
foodways of their “neighbor to the South” might have otherwise not proved as accessible.
A trip to Felix offered them a seemingly foreign experience in a familiar setting.
Expanding into a Small Restaurant Chain
The two Felix Mexican Restaurants yielded such a profit that Felix had amassed a
fortune by the early 1950s. Both establishments generated an average of $3,000 each
day, and this success convinced Felix that a second Houston location would bring in
further revenue. 78 After a careful study of patterns of Anglo residence and trends in the
spatial extension of the burgeoning metropolis, Felix chose Kirby Drive, just west of the
Rice University campus, proving once again his shrewd understanding of the importance
of locating food establishments according to the local clientele. This restaurant offered
about half the seating capacity of the Westheimer place and boasted a fully equipped
kitchen. It was also decorated in a manner similar to that of the other two Felixes, with
imported furniture and hand-wrought iron chandeliers. Employees wore jackets made out
of the same hand-painted cloth as the draperies that adorned the picture windows, adding
77
J.R. Gonzales, “Felix Mexican Restaurant,” Bayou City History, Houston Chronicle blog,
readers‟ comments, 9 April 2010,
http://blogs.chron.com/bayoucityhistory/2010/04/felix_mexican_restaurant.html, accessed 12 November
2010.
78
Felix had entirely renovated the Beaumont location in the summer of 1951, its tenth year of
operation. Such was the Tijerinas‟ policy for every establishment thereafter. “Felix Mexican Restaurant on
Kirby Drive Will Open Today,” Houston Post clipping, 3 April 1952, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box
1, Folder 7 (Found in Box 10), 2 (4).
199
a sense of coordination and harmony between the interior and the wait staff. 79 Just like
the Westheimer opening four years earlier, the inauguration on 3 April 1952 proved a
grand affair. The mayors of Houston, West University, and Bellaire all attended, while
the two teenage daughters of Robert Everett Smith, a local millionaire oilman, cut the
symbolic ribbon. 80 Adding to the family atmosphere that the Felix brand had come to
symbolize amongst Anglo Houstonians, Felix enrolled his four-year-old son, Felix, Jr., to
serve the first meal to the Smith daughters. Fully clothed in Mexican garb, the child
showed that he stood ready to follow into his father‟s footsteps, having already been
“schooled in the restaurant business,” according to one newspaper account. 81 A
photograph of the two generations of Tijerinas even depicted the proud father kneeling
next to his son, who rested his hand on his shoulder and smiled candidly, with the caption
“At 4, son will repeat father‟s job at 13,” while another advertisement juxtaposed their
photographs, depicting Felix, Jr., wearing a chef‟s toque. 82 Such publicity enhanced
79
Ibid.
80
Ibid; “Felix Opens 3d Mexican Restaurant,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 3 April 1952, Felix
Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 7, n.p.; “Who Did What on the New Felix Mexican Restaurant,”
advertisement, Houston Press clipping, 8 April 1952, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 7
(Found in Box 10), 7; “Felix Jr., 4, Turns „Busboy‟ for Opening of Dad‟s 3d Café,” Houston Press
clipping, 8 April 1952, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 7 (Found in Box 10), 7.
81
“Felix Jr., 4, Turns „Busboy‟ for Opening of Dad‟s 3d Café,” Houston Press clipping, 8 April
1952, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 7 (Found in Box 10), 7. It should be noted, however,
that Felix emphasized education to his children, and he did not want them to work at the restaurant as long
as they attended school. Felix Jr., only went to work at the restaurant after graduating from college and
because he felt it his duty to continue his parents‟ legacy. See Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., interview by Thomas
H. Kreneck, 2 November 1994 and 5 November 1997; Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., phone interview by author,
21 June 2009.
82
“Announcing the Opening of Houston‟s Second FELIX [sic] Mexican Restaurant,” newspaper
clipping, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Folder 1, n.p.; “Felix Jr., 4, Turns „Busboy‟ for
Opening of Dad‟s 3d Café,” Houston Press clipping, 8 April 1952, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1,
Folder 7 (Found in Box 10), 7.
200
Felix‟s public image as a successful, hard-working businessman and a loving father eager
to entice his son to continue the family legacy of serving Mexican food to Houstonians.
A decade and a half after re-inserting himself into the local restaurant scene, Felix
Tijerina thus epitomized Mexican fare and culture in the eyes of many Anglo
Houstonians.
Felix‟s keen understanding of how Anglos chose new residential areas as the
city‟s population continued to explode in the postwar era informed his strategy of
expansion. Between the mid-1950s and 1965, the year of his untimely death, Felix would
launch four new branch restaurants throughout the metropolitan area. In 1956, the
Bellaire location, just a few miles west of Kirby Drive, opened with the goal “to serve
more conveniently the folks who live in the West and Southwest area of Greater
Houston.” 83 Felix again decorated the establishment with the Mexican-themed colors and
furniture that had become his signature style. He publicly expressed his gratitude in a
full-page advertisement, “thank[ing] … [their] hundreds of good friends, whose
continued patronage for so many years, [sic] ha[d] made possible the third Felix Mexican
Restaurant.” 84 He noted that “this evidence of confidence … [was] a source of great
personal pride” and that the Tijerinas “shall always conduct [their] business so as to keep
[their] old friends and to continue making new ones.” 85 In 1961, Felix decided to tap
83
“Open Today at 6 P.M.: The Third Felix Mexican Restaurant,” Houston Post advertisement, 30
November 1956, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Folder 1, 7 (3).
84
85
Ibid.
Ibid; Charlie Evans, “Felix Opens New Restaurant Here,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30
November 1956, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Folder 28, 6 (B); “Fourth Felix Mexican
201
Houston‟s eastside market for the first time. He purchased a building at 719 Telephone
Road, another prime location with steady traffic, and enticed customers with a “2 for 1
Get Acquainted coupon” [sic] for the “Felix Special” dinner and a new take-out service.86
That establishment also fared well, especially at lunchtime. 87 Two years later, a sixth
restaurant opened its doors, but this time in a different format from its predecessors.
Felix chose to cater to the downtown midday crowds with a small cafeteria on Main
Street, symbolically returning to the place of his professional roots. Its appearance
starkly contrasted with the other five Felixes, which all featured white stucco facades,
picture windows, elaborate décor, and sturdy wooden tables and chairs. Instead, the 616
Main location‟s exterior consisted of chrome, glass, and veneer. Its interior offered
simple booths on each side of the walls and lacked a full kitchen. Since it only opened
for the lunch shift, the chili, beans, rice, and tortillas were prepared every morning at the
Westheimer location and delivered before opening.88 In keeping with the quick-meal
Restaurant to Open,” Houston Post clipping, 30 November 1956, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10,
Folder 1, 7 (3).
86
“Be My Guest,” advertisement, unknown newspaper, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box
10, Folder 9, n.p.; “Now Open, the Fifth Felix,” advertisement, unknown newspaper, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr.
Family Papers, Box 10, Folder 9, n.p.; “New Mexican Restaurant Opens Today,” Houston Post clipping, 27
August 1961, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 13, n.p.; Ray and Mary Molina, interview by
Thomas H. Kreneck, tape recording, 12 December 1984, Oral History Collection Mexican American
Component, Houston Metropolitan Research Center (HMRC); Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 302303.
The “Felix Special” consisted of a taco, a tostada, chile con queso, guacamole, crisp toasted tortilla chips,
and hot sauce on the side. “Felix Mexican Restaurant” menu, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1,
Folder 3.
87
88
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 302-303.
The tacos and enchiladas were cooked at the Main Street restaurant on a steam table, one of the
few kitchen equipments available there. Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., interview by Thomas H. Kreneck, 2
November 1994 and 5 November 1997.
202
strategy, Felix did not adorn the tables with white tablecloths and forewent regular
dishware for disposable plastic, a decision that also set the cafeteria sharply apart from all
the other restaurants. 89 Like its siblings, the downtown branch performed well for many
years and provided workers with savory dishes just a few blocks from their offices.
Finally, in the summer of 1965, just a few weeks before Felix‟s death, the Tijerinas
opened their seventh and last establishment in the growing city of Pasadena. A smaller
building that Felix rented from a friend, it held a seating capacity of one hundred and ten
people and, as per custom, offered the same menu selection as other restaurants. 90 While
it would sustain brisk business at first, that establishment proved less successful, perhaps
because it lay in a “dry” area, which curtailed the restaurant‟s benefits since no beer nor
wine could be served. Janie, who had originally expressed reluctance about this seventh
location because it stood furthest east of all other branches, would later say that Felix
“shouldn‟t have opened it, and maybe he would have lived.” 91 He had indeed invested a
lot of energy in the new enterprise that hot summer and, already in ill health, became
significantly weaker shortly before the opening. 92 He died of a heart attack on 4
September 1965, leaving Janie in charge of all the restaurants.
89
Ibid.
90
Ibid. Felix also rented the downtown restaurant. While we know he bought the Beaumont,
Westheimer, and Telephone road properties, it is unclear whether he rented or owned the other locations.
91
Ibid.
92
Ibid.
203
Felix Tijerina and Race
In many respects, the life of Felix Tijerina exemplified the experience of the
Mexican American generation. 93 His unwavering quest for social mobility and embrace
of American principles paralleled his efforts to present the cultural attributes of his ethnic
group in a favorable light. Yet when it came to racial minorities and his opinion on how
best they could improve their standing in American society, Felix‟s views remained
accommodationist, and he never took a stand against the established racial order. This
next section briefly examines how Felix dealt with issues of his own birth and immigrant
status, segregation in his restaurants, and how his work within LULAC focused on
improving the educational and linguistic opportunities of Spanish-speaking youths.
Although many Houstonians held him in high esteem, and Anglos formed the
bedrock of his customer basis, Felix nonetheless remained fully aware of his Mexican
origins. Indeed, newspaper articles that otherwise depicted him in a highly favorable
manner nonetheless associated him with “such Latin mannerisms as the lift of an
eyebrow or the wave of his well-manicured hand,” and noted that “his English, even
though it … [was] fluent and even eloquent at times, … [bore] a strong Spanish
93
For further examination of the Mexican American generation, see Mario T. García, Mexican
Americans: Leadership, Ideology, and Identity, 1930-1960, Yale Western Americana Series, no. 36 (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1989); George J. Sánchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture,
and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); David G.
Gutierrez, Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), Chapters 3 and 4; Anthony Quiroz, Claiming Citizenship:
Mexican Americans in Victoria, Texas, Fronteras Series, no. 3 (College Station: Texas A&M University
Press, 2005); José Alamillo, Making Lemonade Out of Lemons: Mexican American Labor and Leisure in a
California Town, 1880–1960, Statue of Liberty-Ellis Island Centennial Series, (Urbana and Chicago:
University of Illinois Press, 2006).
204
accent.” 94 Yet from his early days at the Original Mexican Restaurant until his last
breath, he maintained that he was a United States citizen. Felix carefully crafted a
narrative that placed his birth in rural Sugar Land, Texas, where his family worked as
field hands and barely interacted with English speakers, thereby justifying his difficulties
with the language. He, of course, wove elements of truth in this account. He concealed
that he had been born in General Escobedo, Mexico, and had spent the first ten years of
his life there, but otherwise incorporated his family‟s experiences after they had crossed
the border into the rags-to-riches story that would become known to most Houstonians.
Felix had to prove his American citizenship several times between the mid-1920s and
1950s and went to great lengths to forge documents and produce false testimonies that
stated that he had been born in Sugar Land in 1905.95 In 1956, however, a federal judge
officially settled the case and declared him a citizen of the United States. By then, his
stature among both Mexican-origin and Anglo Houstonians had become so prominent
94
Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston
Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.
95
Felix‟s first immigration problems occurred in 1925, when he took a short trip to his native
village of General Escobedo. Upon his return to the border, he could not show proof of U.S. citizenship.
Because he wanted to get back to Houston quickly so as not to lose his job at the restaurant, he signed a
request for an immigrant visa with the INS and swore that he had been born in General Escobedo, Mexico.
Fifteen years later, Felix again encountered the same problem after trying to re-enter the United States from
Mexico, but managed to return safely to Houston. This second incident, however, prompted the INS to
order him to “get the matter [of his citizenship] straight” and to produce a birth certificate that confirmed he
had been born in Sugar Land, as he claimed. Felix proceeded to locate an elderly African American
midwife in Sugar Land and convinced her to sign an affidavit certifying that she had delivered him. He
submitted it, along with a delayed birth certificate, to INS officials. The latter remained skeptical, but the
matter of Felix‟s citizenship would not resurface for another thirteen years. In 1953, Felix‟s and Janie‟s
adopted son became eligible for U.S. citizenship, so the Tijerinas filed the necessary paperwork with
immigration services. Doubts over Felix‟s immigration status came up once more, and he decided to settle
the matter for good in court. The lawsuit lasted from 1953 to 1956 and received intense scrutiny from the
local Anglo press, which openly supported Felix. For further details on Felix‟s immigration troubles, see
Kreneck, “Sleuthing Immigrant Origins: Felix Tijerina and His Mexican Revolution Roots,” 3, 5-13, and
Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 43-44, 80-83, 157-158, 175-191.
205
that the prosecuting attorney only built a tepid case on behalf of the Immigration and
Naturalization Services. Moreover, Felix had armed himself with a successful and
popular local attorney and received a solid and vocal backing from the mainstream press.
The federal district judge would later not elaborate on his favorable ruling towards a
defendant who, had he not stood among the most successful entrepreneurs of the city,
would likely have endured deportation and lost his fortune in the process. 96 But Judge
Joe Ingraham ate regularly at the restaurant and respected Felix greatly.
Felix not only viewed his own immigrant identity as a potential disadvantage to
his professional achievements but also felt that keeping the racial status quo in his
establishments held paramount importance to his success. Therefore, because the
majority of his loyal customers were white, he adopted a segregationist policy. 97 A note,
entitled “Negroes” and typed on the restaurant‟s letterhead, explained to employees the
proper steps to take should an African American enter the establishment and seek service.
It first cautioned that “the proper thing to say … [was], „I‟m sorry, we cannot serve you
here,‟” and provided instructions on how to dismiss any protesting customer without
having to call the police. 98 Should the black person persist and intervention from law
officers prove necessary in order to remove the individual, the staff was instructed to
inform them that “[Felix had] the right to select [their] customers” because “[they were]
96
Ibid; Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, Chapter Seven.
97
Felix‟s public stance on African Americans‟ civil rights militancy always advocated for the
members of that ethnic group to remain patient and to realize that confrontational tactics, such as the sit-ins
of the late 1950s, would “alienate the friendship of the white people.” Felix Tijerina, untitled and
unaddressed manuscript letter, ca. May 1960, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Folder 27.
98
“Negroes,” Felix Mexican Restaurant memorandum, n.d., Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box
1, Folder 4.
206
operating a private business.” 99 Felix upheld this policy until the passage of the Civil
Rights Act on 2 July 1964. The day following the new law, an internal memorandum
circulated among the restaurants, observing that, “The Civil Rights bill has been signed
into law by the President of the United States. And being good Americans we must obey
this law.” 100 The note also instructed personnel on the best ways to alleviate white
customers‟ resentment of the new policy:
Beginning to-day [sic] Negro citizens will be served in all our restaurants, they
are to be given the same service as any other patron. …
If there is some insulting remark made to the Negro by a white patron, and the
Negro ignores him and says nothing, then ask the white person to refrain from his
remarks to the Negro patron or leave the restaurant.
If both the white and Negro patron get into an argument ask both to leave, and if
they do not call the police. 101
While Felix held accommodationist views towards African Americans and their struggles
for civil rights, he also strongly advocated assimilation for Mexican immigrants and their
children.102 Heavily influenced by his own life story, difficulties with the English
99
Ibid.
100
“Notice,” notice to hostesses, cashiers, and waiters, 3 July 1964, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family
Papers, Box 1, Folder 4.
101
Ibid.
It should be noted that Felix died in September 1965 and left no evidence of how he interacted with black
customers after the passage of the Civil Rights Act. Janie, however, openly expressed her reservations
about black and Hispanic customers in her oral history interview in 1978. She contended that African
Americans were demanding about the quality of food and service and required “a lot of attention.” Janie
concluded by summarily dismissing black and Mexican customers as “the only dissatisfied people that she
ha[d].” The historical records consulted for this project do not illuminate further whether she based her
claims on a few encounters or if she did have less harmonious relations with black and Mexican customers.
See Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16 April 1978.
102
Felix became directly engaged with the African American civil rights movement in Houston in
the spring of 1960, when black students from Texas Southern University, a black institution, organized a
sit-in at a Weingarten supermarket‟s lunch counter. Lewis Cutrer, then Houston mayor, appointed a
biracial committee to put forth suggestions on how to solve the issue and asked Felix to participate. Felix
first expressed his opinions to his colleagues in a one-page-and-a-half-long letter, which quickly received
207
language, and the advantages that claiming American citizenship had bestowed on his
own professional life, Felix tirelessly urged Mexican immigrants to become American
citizens and to speak English to their children from a young age in order to ensure their
educational success and improve their chances for social mobility. In a 1955 Houston
Post feature article, Felix, then regional governor of LULAC, expressed his views on the
importance of education as follows:
There are natives of this country who still think of themselves as “Mexicans”
instead of “Americans.” That is not right: if they are going to live here, they must
become Americans…
We [also] need to see that the young children learn English before they start to
school [sic] so they can keep up with the other children and go on through with
high school.103
One year later, Felix was elected LULAC national president and served an unprecedented
four-year term in that position. He used this platform to extend the organization‟s reach
from coast to coast and to promote the importance of English-language education for
children of Hispanic immigrants. Indeed, he devised a program called “The Little School
of the 400,” which boasted such success that it resulted in its adoption by the State of
coverage from the local press. In his missive, he exhorted black leaders to remain patient and to remember
that “the … plight of the Negro in the South [was] the result of over a hundred years of social and
economic customs and [that] there [was] no way this situation [would] be overcome in a day, week, or even
years.” He also advised them that blacks‟ “best friend [had] been the white man of good will” who helped
establish universities and worked towards giving blacks better job opportunities for their “effort towards
self-improvement.” Such had been Felix‟s stance as national president of LULAC from 1956 to 1960, as
well. See Felix Tijerina, untitled and unaddressed manuscript letter, ca. May 1960, Felix Tijerina Sr.
Family Papers, Box 10, Folder 27.
103
Marie Moore, “When Felix Tijerina Feels Like a Big Shot, He Thinks of Beer Truck,” Houston
Post clipping, 1 August 1955, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 22 (Found in Box 10), n.p.
208
Texas in 1960.104 Arguably his most significant legacy during his LULAC years on a
national scale, Felix put his heart, mind, and wallet into the sponsorship of this program
because it sought to address the linguistic deficiencies of Spanish-speaking preschoolers
by teaching them four hundred basic English words before they entered the first grade. It
yielded such impressive results, especially in the rural areas of Texas where most
Spanish-speaking pupils suffered from school segregation and poverty, that it greatly
influenced Lyndon Johnson‟s “Project Head Start” in 1965.105 While the federal
program‟s goals reached beyond the Little School‟s original agenda, most observers of
educational policy at the time concluded that Felix‟s model in part influenced Head
Start‟s strategies to allay poverty and prevent school dropout among lower-class
students.106
Felix Tijerina was therefore a prominent public figure and civic leader whose
views on race relations and assimilation attracted both criticism and acclaim, and he
remains a controversial figure of the Mexican American generation. Yet, he built a
restaurant chain that would outlive him by forty years and familiarized Anglos with his
own rendition of Mexican culture and food. Poor or rich, he always strove to take part in
the life of both Anglo and Mexican communities and to help those in want, whether they
needed a job, money for education, or assistance paying medical bills. Felix Tijerina had
104
For a thorough examination of Felix‟s presidency of LULAC between 1956 and 1960, as well
as details on the development and implementation of the “Little School of the 400,” see Kreneck, Mexican
American Odyssey, Chapters Eight and Nine.
105
Ibid, 308.
106
Ibid, 307-309.
209
countless friends and acted as a bridge between members of his own ethnic group and the
white community. He embodied the rags-to-riches tales of which enterprising
Houstonians prided themselves and represented the generation of Mexican American
leaders that came of age during the Great Depression. As the priest officiating the
requiem mass exclaimed at his funeral, “this was an outstanding man, and his work is his
monument.” 107 Thereafter, Janie and their two children would tend to his legacy. 108
Felix Mexican Restaurant after Felix, the Evolution of Tex-Mex Food, and Changing
Anglo Culinary Tastes
The Tijerina children were still in school when Felix died in 1965, so the
responsibility of maintaining the family business fell on Janie. Of course, because she
had played such an important role in the management of the restaurants since the
beginning, employees and customers alike naturally supported her as the new public face
of the chain. Even though she herself had become a prominent member of the Anglo and
Mexican-origin communities, Janie knew that the Felix name would remain associated
with her husband and did not alter the business model. Instead, she presented herself as a
hard-working, self-reliant mother and widow who strove to keep all seven establishments
open with the sweat of her brow. 109 For instance, a 1967 Houston Chronicle article
107
John J. Herrera, “His Work Was His Monument,” eulogy, 1965, John J. Herrera Collection,
Box 6, Folder 21.
108
Felix and Janie adopted infant Janie Bell in 1952. Unlike her brother, Janie Belle was born in
Houston. Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 89, 115.
109
Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16 April 1978; Susan Buchanan, “The Busy Lady
behind the Tacos Remembers the Leaner Years,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 2 January 1967, Felix
Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 14, 3 (8); Brenda Beust Smith, “The Chili Lady,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 30 January 1973, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 11, 1 (3); Betty
210
explained that “the menus ha[d]n‟t changed since 1938,” and that Janie only slept four
hours each night, “visit[ed] every one of her restaurants at least once a day,” and took
weekly trips to the Beaumont location. 110 She also picked up food supplies and delivered
them to the Houston restaurants herself, supervised the food quality in all establishments,
and even covered shifts whenever wait staff was needed. 111 Janie engaged fully with the
restaurants immediately after Felix‟s death, and the Houston public continued to
patronize the establishment.
Tex-Mex Food Evolves in the 1970s
Despite the continued popularity of the Tijerina name around town, in no small
part due to Janie‟s hard work and her multiple civic engagements, business at Felix began
to wane during the 1970s. 112 Felix, Jr., joined his mother after obtaining a degree in
Ewing, “Mrs. Felix: A Houston Tradition to Celebrate 57 Years of Business, Community Service,”
Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 July 1986, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Unlabeled Folder, 1
(5).
Janie also supervised Felix‟s catering services and would continue to do so until at least the mid-1980s.
The records in the Tijerina papers do not offer conclusive evidence of the dates of operation for that aspect
of the business. See Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 9; “The 20 Oldest Restaurants in
Houston,” Houston Business Journal clipping, 23 June 1986, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1986-1987,”
HMRC, n.p.
110
Susan Buchanan, “The Busy Lady behind the Tacos Remembers the Leaner Years,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 2 January 1967, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 14, 3 (8).
111
Mrs. Felix Tijerina (Janie) Oral History, 16 April 1978; Susan Buchanan, “The Busy Lady
behind the Tacos Remembers the Leaner Years,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 2 January 1967, Felix
Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 14, 3 (8); Brenda Beust Smith, “The Chili Lady,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 30 January 1973, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 11, 1 (3); Betty
Ewing, “Mrs. Felix: A Houston Tradition to Celebrate 57 Years of Business, Community Service,”
Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 July 1986, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Unlabeled Folder, 1
(5).
112
The archival records consulted for this study do not clearly indicate when business at Felix
establishments began to decline.
For Janie‟s civic engagements and accomplishments, see Susan Buchanan, “The Busy Lady behind the
Tacos Remembers the Leaner Years,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 2 January 1967, Felix Tijerina Sr.
Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 14, 3 (8); Ann James, “Widow Charters Foundation,” Houston Post clipping,
211
finance from Saint Edwards University in Austin, Texas, in the early years of that decade;
he did so because “it seeme[d] natural [to him] that the children ha[d] to continue their
parents‟ legacy and life work.” 113 The injection of young family blood into the operation,
however, failed to help the Felix chain weather the culinary changes that swept through
that decade and would force Janie to close down several locations and eventually lead to
the slow death of Felix Mexican Restaurants.
The 1970s represented a turning point in Americans‟ relationship with cuisine,
especially with regard to the introduction of foreign foods. Houston, a prime host for
immigrants from Latin America and Asia during that decade, became a harbinger of the
nation‟s growing tastes in less familiar flavors and dishes. By 1980, the city counted
48,000 Asians, the majority of whom hailed from China and Vietnam, and 280,000
Hispanics, most from Mexico, but with an increasing number of Central and South
American refugees. 114 Food columnists in the city celebrated the “unspeakable delights”
that accompanied such an influx of new cultures in the metropolitan area and felt that
“Houston‟s ethnic explosion ha[d] educated the collective palate and expanded the
1 June 1967, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 8, Folder 14, 1 (N); Brenda Beust Smith, “The Chili
Lady,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 January 1973, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 11,
1 (3); Betty Ewing, “Mrs. Felix: A Houston Tradition to Celebrate 57 Years of Business, Community
Service,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 July 1986, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Unlabeled
Folder, 1 (5); Jane Hill, “Houston Rotary Picks First Woman Member,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 30
July 1987, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Unlabeled Folder, 28 (1).
113
Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., phone interview by author, 21 June 2009. Felix Jr., worked out of the
Westheimer location most of the time. He later explained that he naturally gravitated towards that
establishment because he had spent his childhood in the apartment above the restaurant.
114
Beth Anne Shelton et al., Houston: Growth and Decline in a Sunbelt Boomtown, Comparative
American Cities Series (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 96; Nestor Rodriguez, “Hispanic
and Asian Immigration Waves in Houston,” in Helen Rose Ebaugh, Janet Saltzman Chafetz, and Michael
Wilkinsom, (eds.), Religion and New Immigrants: Continuities and Adaptation in Immigrant
Congregations, (Washington, D.C.: Association for the Sociology of Religion, 1993), 25-28.
212
culinary consciousness” of residents. 115 In a parallel fashion, Mexican food, as Anglo
customers conceived of it, was redefined in the 1970s in a manner that drastically
transformed the restaurant industry in Texas and throughout the nation. While a growing
number of ethnic restaurants offered meals from Central America and Asia, the Mexican
food industry in Texas received serious criticism from America‟s newest expert in
Mexican fare, Diana Kennedy. A self-taught cook living in Mexico, she published the
ground-breaking The Cuisines of Mexico in 1972, in which she heavily criticized the
“‟mixed plates‟ that passed for Mexican food [in the United States] and challenged
readers to raise their standards” and to familiarize themselves with the flavors and
ingredients that Mexicans consumed instead. 116 Kennedy famously coined the term
“Tex-Mex food” to refer to the dishes that catered to the bland palates of white Texans
and that relied mostly on cheese-laden combination plates and hard-shell, meat-filled
tacos that might have sold well in Texas but held no resemblance to what Mexican
115
Alison Cook, “Unspeakable Delights,” Houston City Magazine, September 1981, 133-136;
Leslie Sowers, “Mouth-Watering Range of Foods Tantalizes Restaurantgoers [sic],” Houston Chronicle
clipping, 15 July 1985, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1980-1985,” HMRC, n.p.
For further information on the explosion of the ethnic restaurant scene in the city, also see Alison Cook,
“Orient Express,” Houston City Magazine, August 1980, 85-88; Ellen Middlebrook, “Chinese Fortunes:
Houston a Restaurant Boomtown,” Houston Post clipping, 7 September 1980, Vertical File, “HRestaurants-1980-1985,” n.p.; Judith Crown, “Restaurants Jockey to Find New Markets,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 1 August 1984, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1980-1985,” n.p.; Judith Crown, “A
More Eastern Flavor: Older Businesses Fear Expanding Asian Community Market May Eliminate
Established Market,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 13 October 1985, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-19801985,” n.p.; “Houston: Residents Eat Out More Than New Yorkers Do,” Houston Post clipping, 11 June
1989, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1988-1990,” HMRC, n.p; Diane Freeman, “Already at the Top in
Ethnic Fare, Mexican Restaurants Freshen Looks,” Houston Post clipping, 1 October 1989, Vertical File,
“H-Restaurants-1988-1989,” 1 (D), 9 (D); Beverly Narum, “Ethnic Choices Winning Out at Restaurants,”
Houston Post clipping, 28 June 1992, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1992,” 1 (D).
116
Robb Walsh, “Mama‟s Got a Brand-New Bag,” Houston Press, 28 September 2000, Houston
Restaurant Association Collection, Box 1, “Restaurant History” Folder, Hospitality Industry Archives,
Conrad N. Hilton College, Houston, Texas, n.p. Also available at http://www.houstonpress.com/2000-0928/dining/mama-s-got-a-brand-new-bag/, accessed 16 November 2010; Diana Kennedy, The Cuisines of
Mexico (New York: Harper and Row, 1972).
213
denizens actually ate. 117 Food historian Robb Walsh summarized the impact of
Kennedy‟s judgment on the accommodationist food that establishments like Felix had
offered to several generations of white Houstonians as follows:
When Kennedy pointed out that Tex-Mex was a bastardized version of Mexican
food, America fell into step behind her. They did so because … authentic or not,
the Texas-Mexican food of Tijerina‟s generation didn‟t reflect the spirit of the
times. Tex-Mex was what we called the Uncle Tomás version of Mexican food.
It was Mexican food for white people. 118
Nothing in the available archival record suggests that Janie or Felix, Jr., responded to
these changing trends in the 1970s. They did not offer new dishes that catered more
closely to baby boomers‟ taste for Mexico‟s regional cuisines, which Diana Kennedy
strongly advocated. Janie did add a few Tex-Mex items, such as the margarita cocktail
and fajitas in the 1970s, but only reluctantly and once they had become staples of the
menus of other Tex-Mex establishments around town. 119 The Felix Restaurants
117
Ibid; Ann Criswell, “Looking at Cooking,” Houston Chronicle, 11 September 1969, 8 (Food
Section). In this article, Criswell explained that tacos were never served with ground beef in Mexico, but
rather offered “thin strips of pork, chicken, or beef,” something unusual in establishments serving so-called
Mexican food in Texas by the turn of the decade. Criswell also debunked the myths about Texan-style
chili, tamales, and cheese-flavored Mexican dishes that Texans enjoyed so much by describing how they
were actually served in an authentic fashion in Mexico. Criswell wrote many articles on Mexican food and
authentic preparation of this ethnic fare throughout the 1970s and 1980s in the Houston Chronicle.
118
Robb Walsh, “Mama‟s Got a Brand-New Bag,” Houston Press, 28 September 2000, Houston
Restaurant Association Collection, Box 1, “Restaurant History” Folder, n.p.
119
Liquor-by-the-drink became legal in the State of Texas in 1971. Until then, Texans who
wished to consume a cocktail at a bar or dance club had to bring their own bottle of liquor and order ice and
a mixer in order to confect their own beverage. The new law generated tremendous income, both for the
state, which taxed the libations, and for food and drinking establishments, whose revenues dramatically
increased as well. For instance, between May and June 1979, Texans spent $194 million on alcohol
purchases in such places. Janie did not favor serving mixed drinks for fear of intoxicated customers but
added them to the menu because of their popularity, especially that of the margarita. Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr.,
phone interview by author, 21 June 2009; “Houston, Liquor-by-the-Drink: Tops in Texas,” Houston Post
clipping, 19 August 1979, Vertical File, “H-Liquor,” HMRC, n.p (D); “BYOB: The Texan and the Bottle:
A Brief History,” Texas Monthly, March 1982, 132-133, 206.
Chapter Five will examine the life of Ninfa Laurenzo, Houston‟s most famous purveyor of fajitas.
214
continued to offer traditional Tex-Mex dishes such as the “Jalisco Special,” featuring
“Toasted Tortillas Spread with Fried Beans, Melted Cheese Topped with Avocado Salad,
Cole Slaw, Tortilla Chips and Hot Sauce,” served on the side. 120 A caption at the bottom
of the menu now also informed “those who ha[d] not eaten Mexican food [that] it [was]
not highly seasoned and [was] not hot,” thereby perpetuating the claim that Felix served
authentic Mexican dishes while easing new customers‟ potential reservations about the
perceived spiciness of any food labeled as Mexican. 121 For the first time since the late
1930s, the Tijerinas, Houston‟s First Family of Mexican restaurateurs, encountered a
serious challenge to their business model. The old Tex-Mex had lost its appeal, and two
possible directions now presented themselves as viable options for the future: a newer
version of Mexican food cooked Texas-style or Mexican cuisine featuring genuine dishes
from Mexico‟s heartland. Nevertheless, Janie and Felix, Jr., either refused to
acknowledge these evolving trends in culinary tastes or simply felt confident that the
restaurant chain and family name had gained enough support and respect among
Houstonians over more than three decades to continue brisk business in all seven
restaurants.
The End of an Era
Even though the Tijerina name would remain associated in many residents‟ minds
with Mexican food and civic accomplishments for several decades after the death of Felix
Sr., its particular brand of dishes would not survive the new cultural makeup of the
120
Menu, “Felix Mexican Restaurant,” 1970s, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 3.
121
Ibid.
215
growing metropolis. By the mid-1970s, Felix, Jr., and Janie started to receive sharp
criticism about the quality of the meals served in different locations. One patron, for
instance, expressed her disappointing experience at the Telephone Road restaurant, where
she received poor service and found the meat in her “Felix Special Dinner” not to taste
fresh. She informed Felix, Jr., that, “if the waitress had been friendly, then even a poor
meal would not have seemed near as bad.” 122 Another disgruntled customer qualified his
dinner at the Kirby branch as a “misfortune” and expressed his dismay that the food he
was served was branded Mexican:
The [tostadas veracruzanas] … were the poorest excuse for any type of Mexican
food I have ever eaten, in the U.S., or in Mexico.
I travel into Mexico often … I know Mexican food very well…and what you
serve is not Mexican food.
… It shall be my neverending duty [sic] to inform friends and business associates
NOT to enter one of your restaurants [sic], for fear of being fed some foreign
substance called food.
Down with Felix! 123
By the mid-1980s, the declining service and food quality likely had coupled with the
insistence of an aging Janie on supervising all restaurants in the midst of an economic
recession that hit Houston especially hard. 124 By 1986, the chain had shrunk to three
122
Mrs. Frank B. Martin to Mr. Tijerina, 23 September 1975, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers,
Box 1, Folder 8.
123
Jack Naite to Felix Restaurants, 25 April 1972, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 1, Folder
8.
124
By the 1980s, Houston‟s economic structure depended heavily on the oil industry and imports.
The sharp fall in oil prices throughout OPEC countries as well as a national decline in oil demand and a
weak economy in the early years of that decade combined to make the recession especially hard for the
city. Reflecting this, by 1986, the unemployment rate across the metropolitan area stood at about 15
percent. See Beth Anne Shelton et al., Houston: Growth and Decline in a Sunbelt Boomtown, 9, 25-26.
216
Felix branches, and Janie and her children leased two others. 125 Felix, Jr., continued to
help his mother run the three establishments while his sister, Janie Bell, worked as
secretary, treasurer, and bookkeeper. 126 As business became less steady, the Tijerinas
would close all locations, save for the flagship restaurant on Westheimer, which, by the
mid-1990s, remained the only legacy of Felix‟s and Janie‟s lifework. The establishment
that had defined much about the Tijerina saga stayed in family hands and would die a
slow death, nurtured into its final days by Felix, Jr.
One could argue that the spirit of the Felix Mexican Restaurant died in 1997,
along with eighty-eight-year-old Janie. Houstonians mourned her passing, and at least
one thousand honored her memory at her funeral, which many dignitaries attended. 127
Felix, Jr., found himself in charge of managing the operation, well aware that the
restaurant held a significant place in his family‟s legacy and had become an institution in
Houston. Despite offers to sell the name for franchise, Felix, Jr., persisted in his efforts
125
Betty Ewing, “Mrs. Felix: A Houston Tradition to Celebrate 57 Years of Business, Community
Service,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 July 1986, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 10, Unlabeled
Folder, 1 (5).
Neither the Tijerina Papers nor the vertical files held at the HMRC give any indication about the respective
closing dates of the Felix branches. Online searches of the Houston Chronicle, whose archives are
available on the Internet from 1986 to the present, also yield little information about the gradual closings.
A consultation of the city directories would be the next step towards uncovering further evidence. By the
time Janie died in 1997, the Westheimer location remained the only running establishment, while the
Tijerina children were leasing the Telephone Road property to Taiwanese restaurant owners and hoping to
sell the Beaumont location. See Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., interview by Thomas H. Kreneck, 2 November
1994 and 5 November 1997; Marty Racine, “Tex-Mex in a State of Mind: Chips and Salsa, Refried Beans,
Enchiladas, Nachos, Fajitas, Huevos Rancheros- They‟re Not Just Foods. They‟re Sustenance for the Soul,
Beatitude for the Belly and Affirmation That Life in Texas Is Good,” Houston Chronicle, 21 June 1998, 8
(Texas Magazine); Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., phone interview by author, 21 June 2009.
126
Ibid. Janie Bell left the family business at some point in the late 1980s or early 1990s to attend
law school, and she and Felix Jr., strongly disagreed over the division of the family‟s estate and fortune
after Janie‟s death, which strained their relationship. Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., phone interview by author, 21
June 2009.
127
“Restaurateur Janie Tijerina Dies at Age 88,” Houston Chronicle, 4 March 1997, 19 (News);
Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., interview by Thomas H. Kreneck, 5 November 1997.
217
to “keep the tradition going.” 128 In fact, he perceived his continuation of his parents‟
work as an “emotional” commitment and felt that the Westheimer restaurant “[was]
almost like a museum” of the city‟s identity. 129 Felix, Jr., strove to keep on serving the
famed cheese enchiladas and chili con queso that had built the restaurant‟s reputation and
had earned the favors of four generations of loyal customers. 130 But by the mid-2000s,
business was floundering, and he found it increasingly difficult to maintain food quality
and pay the staff, most of whom were extended family and longtime employees, while
still generating a profit. 131 By the spring of 2008, Felix, Jr., quietly closed the
Westheimer location, leaving Houstonians to mourn the most well-recognized legacy of
the Tijerinas and one of the temples of Tex-Mex cuisine in Houston. 132 He would later
explain that,
128
Leslie Sowers, “Not So Nouvelle/Restaurants with Half a Century‟s History Are Few in This
City That Thrives on Turnover and the Trend du Jour. Few, but They‟re Still Here. And They‟re Not
Changing,” Houston Chronicle, 2 April 1995, 1 (Lifestyle).
129
Marty Racine, “Tex-Mex in a State of Mind: Chips and Salsa, Refried Beans, Enchiladas,
Nachos, Fajitas, Huevos Rancheros- They‟re Not Just Foods. They‟re Sustenance for the Soul, Beatitude
for the Belly and Affirmation That Life in Texas Is Good,” Houston Chronicle, 21 June 1998, 8 (Texas
Magazine).
130
Renee Kientz, “Tex-Mex Mainstay: Felix Mexican Restaurant Is a Longtime Houston
Tradition,” Houston Chronicle, 5 March 1999, 1 (Dining Guide).
131
Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., phone interview by author, 21 June 2009.
In the early 2000s, two of the Westheimer restaurant‟s longtime and beloved employees died. Frank
Barrera, who worked as a waiter for over fifty years, died in 2001. Joe González, Janie‟s cousin and a cook
at the flagship establishment for over a half century, died a year later. Surely, the loss of these two
employees exacerbated Houstonians‟ awareness that Felix Mexican Restaurant was an aging institution.
See Edward Hegstrom, “Frank Barrera, Waiter at Felix with Generations of Customers,” Houston
Chronicle, 11 December 2001, 25 (A); Rad Sallee, “Longtime Chef González,” Houston Chronicle, 1
October 2002, 15 (A).
132
I borrow the term “temple” from Robb Walsh‟s article, “Temples of Tex-Mex: A Diner‟s
Guide to the State‟s Oldest Mexican Restaurants,” Houston Press, 2 July 2008,
http://www.houstonpress.com/2008-07-03/news/temples-of-tex-mex-a-diner-s-guide-to-the-state-s-oldestmexican-restaurants/, accessed 30 November 2010.
218
Like everything else, restaurants have a set life duration. They are meant to
change because what people want changes over time. People loved [the
Westheimer restaurant] so much, and it was such a part of Houston that [they] did
not want it to change. At the same time, [they] stopped coming because the food
we served was not what people wanted any more. 133
In the same conversation, Felix, Jr., characterized the Westheimer location as a
“dinosaur.” 134 Indeed, the closing of the establishment did represent the end of an era. It
epitomized a time when a barely literate son of Mexican migrants with no formal training
in business nor in the hospitality industry made a name for himself and his family
through hard work and a willingness to build bridges between Mexican and Anglo
cultures. Felix Mexican Restaurant symbolized an approach to Anglo-Mexican relations
that chose compromise with the established racial order rather than confrontation. Felix
Tijerina employed cheese enchiladas served in chili gravy and hot sauce on the side to
gain respect and acceptance from Houston‟s Anglo residents; in the process, he built a
fortune and a cultural institution. Yet, in many ways, Felix acted as a forerunner of what
other Hispanic restaurateurs would accomplish more boldly in Houston in the 1970s and
1980s: he introduced white Americans to Latin American culture through their taste buds.
Conclusion
Because it sustained such an explosive economic and demographic growth in the
post-World War II era, Houston has become known for its lack of awareness about its
own history. Yet to this day, the city continues to herald Felix and Janie Tijerina‟s legacy
133
Mr. Felix Tijerina, Jr., phone interview by author, 21 June 2009.
134
Ibid.
219
as a part of its identity. Felix‟s rags-to-riches story was renowned before his death in
1965, and the publication of his biography in 2001 revived interest in his life‟s work and
his and Janie‟s contributions to the city. 135 His dedication to delinquent youths, devotion
to social clubs among Mexican-origin and Anglo residents alike, and his groundbreaking
work with LULAC have now become publicly acknowledged. Similarly, Janie‟s support
of her husband‟s endeavors, her own life story and philosophy about working hard and
sustaining Felix‟s legacy, and her charitable accomplishments have earned her a spot
among the city‟s most prolific citizens and philanthropists. Yet, comparatively little has
been said about what Felix Mexican Restaurants accomplished for race relations
throughout the city. The Westheimer location, of course, opened in fanfare and held a
dear place in the city‟s history, but given Felix‟s ties to the downtown crowds and the
restaurant‟s proximity to that area, perhaps his impact on the culinary tastes of
Houstonians might not have proved so great had he not had the entrepreneurial spirit to
try his hand in other locations farther from the center of the city. By strategically
opening new branches where Anglos chose to live as Houston expanded, Felix and his
cuisine essentially followed them and presented them with an opportunity to taste an
Americanized version of Mexican fare. Food became another way by which Felix acted
as a bridge between the two cultures. In traditional Tex-Mex dishes, the Texan met the
Mexican, and ingredients from both sides of the border met in the middle, forming their
own original mix of flavors, colors, and textures. As the last chapter will demonstrate, by
135
Bob Tutt, “Bet Was a Hot Meal Ticket-Biography Details How Wager Led to Success for
Restaurateur Felix Tijerina,” Houston Chronicle, 18 March 1990, 7 (C); Frank Michel, “To Know Houston,
Come to Know Felix,” Houston Chronicle, 10 September 2001, 22 (A); Barbara Karkabi, “Houston
Odyssey Book Explores Inspirational Life of Restaurateur, Civic Leader Felix Tijerina,” Houston
Chronicle, 2 January 2002, 1 (Houston).
220
the 1970s and 1980s, Americans stood ready to partake more fully in the flavors of the
borderlands and of the interior of Mexico. As fate would have it, Ninfa Laurenzo, the
woman credited for introducing fajitas to Texans and the nation, had been a business
partner and friend of the Tijerinas‟. The Tex-Mex saga would in essence come full
circle.
221
CHAPTER 5
“HOUSTON’S FIRST LADY OF MEXICAN COOKING” 1: NINFA LAURENZO
AND THE REDEFINITION OF MEXICAN CUISINE, 1970s-1990s
By the mid-1970s, food columnists and many Houstonians heralded Felix
Mexican Restaurant as “the backbone … upon which [the city‟s] restaurant scene ha[d]
gained prominence.” 2 Yet as the previous chapter has demonstrated, Felix Tijerina‟s
success at familiarizing Anglos with an Americanized version of Mexican food
eventually led to his chain‟s demise because by the 1970s customers yearned for bolder
textures and flavors. Ninfa Laurenzo, an enterprising widow and gifted cook, would fill
that void by melding traditional cooking from the Rio Grande Valley, innovative recipes,
and a carefully crafted public image that would capture the interest of Houstonians and
many Texans until the 1990s. This final chapter examines another successful story
within the Mexican restaurant industry in Houston and shows how a middle-class
Mexican American woman achieved wealth and fame after a personal tragedy drastically
redefined her life. First, I analyze how Ninfa Laurenzo overcame financial distress by
introducing a new type of Mexican cuisine to Anglo Houstonians. Second, I investigate
what made the “Ninfa taste” so appealing to restaurant-goers in the city in the 1970s and
1980s and how her brand of Mexican cuisine reflected Americans‟ growing interest in a
multicultural dinner table. Ninfa‟s restaurant met with such an early success that the
1
Dai Huynh, “Restaurateur Mama Ninfa Dies,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 18 June 2001,
Houston Restaurant Association Collection, Box 1, “Restaurant History” Folder, Hospitality Industry
Archives, Conrad N. Hilton College, Houston, Texas, n.p. (Death Notices).
2
Mary K., “Cellar Doors Serve It Up with Flavor,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 21 June 1974,
Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 12, Folder 10, 12 (6).
222
matriarch and her family bit into the American Dream with relish and implemented
ambitious expansion plans that encompassed other types of ethnic cuisines, as well.
Finally, I will explain the demise of the family enterprise and the ways in which Ninfa
Laurenzo and her children have left a lasting impact, not only in Houston‟s history, but
also in American culinary and social history. As in Chapter Four, this chapter examines
the evolution of Mexican food and culture as understood by Anglo Houstonians and
explores the impact of generational shifts regarding Mexican cuisine. The story of Ninfa
Laurenzo and her restaurant empire illustrate how American culture and society came to
consider Mexican foodways as a part of the multicultural character of the nation.
Ninfa Before Celebrity
María Ninfa Rodríguez was born on 11 May 1924 in Harlingen, Texas, to Esteban
Rodríguez and Maura Chapa Rodríguez. Her father had fled Monterrey, Mexico, and
moved to South Texas as a political exile in 1911. In Harlingen, Esteban opened the first
ice plant and a hotel in the Rio Grande Valley. He ran these two businesses until the
Great Depression, during which he established himself as a plumbing contractor. 3 Ninfa
3
“Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8; Betty
Ewing, “Mother‟s Day Story: White Cadillac Is Only One Facet of Mama Ninfa‟s Success,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 14 May 1978, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” HMRC, 9 (8), 15 (8);
“Mexican-American Businessperson of the Year 1978,” La Vida Latina en Houston, February 1979, n.p.;
Tedd A. Cohen, “Faith and Good Works,” Forbes Magazine clipping, 16 March 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, Courtesy of Houston History Archives, Special
Collections, University of Houston Libraries, n.p.; Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like
This,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981, 34-39, 69-82; Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine
clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.; “Houston
Sings Praises of Restaurateur Who Cooks with Love,” New York Times, 24 July 1982, 6; Richard Vara, “A
Laudable Feast,” Houston Chronicle, 12 May 1999, 1 (D), 4 (D); Dai Huynh, “Restaurateur Mama Ninfa
Dies,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 18 June 2001, Houston Restaurant Association Collection, Box 1,
“Restaurant History” Folder, n.p. (Death Notices); Dai Huynh, “Muere „Mamá‟ Ninfa Laurenzo,” La Voz
223
grew up on a small ranch along with her six brothers and five sisters, graduated from high
school, and attended college in the early 1940s. 4 During those early years, she not only
acquired a formal education, but also learned the culture and foodways of this borderland
region. Such an apprenticeship would prove essential to her success in the restaurant
business later on.
In 1945, Ninfa visited her twin sister, Pilar, who had married and lived in
Providence, Rhode Island. There, Ninfa met Dominic Laurenzo, a distant relative of
Pilar‟s husband and a young engineer of Jewish and Italian extraction and married him a
year later. Ninfa moved to the east coast with Tommy, as Dominic‟s friends and family
called him, and worked in a beauty parlor on the weekends; their first son, Roland, was
born in 1947. The cold weather, however, proved difficult for Ninfa, who was
accustomed to the warm climate of South Texas. Thus the young couple moved to
Houston in 1948 in search of business opportunities in the food industry, a sector that
appealed to both of them. 5
de Houston clipping, 20 June 2001, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper
Clippings, 1, 8. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
4
The sources remain unclear as to the nature of Ninfa‟s post-secondary education. Newspaper
articles alternatively mention that she attended college in Kingsville, Texas, where she purportedly
obtained a Bachelor of Science in education, or Durhan Business School in Harlingen, Texas. The next
step would be to inquire with these two institutions whether Ninfa Laurenzo received a degree from either
one of them. See “Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8;
“Mexican-American Businessperson of the Year 1978,” La Vida Latina en Houston, February 1979, n.p.;
“The Ninfa‟s Story,” public relations document, September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2,
Press Coverage-News Kit, 1-3; Dai Huynh, “Restaurateur Mama Ninfa Dies,” Houston Chronicle clipping,
18 June 2001, Houston Restaurant Association Collection, Box 1, “Restaurant History” Folder, n.p. (Death
Notices).
5
Ninfa had read that Houston was the fastest growing city in the years immediately following
World War II. Tommy originally contemplated moving to Los Angeles, where some of his relatives worked
in the funeral home business, but after flipping a coin, the young couple moved to Houston instead. See
“Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8; Betty Ewing,
224
In 1949, Ninfa and Tommy rented a building in the barrio on the east side of town
and started a wholesale food company that reflected both of their ethnic heritages. Over
the next two decades, Rio Grande Food Products Company would become one of
Houston‟s major suppliers of tortillas and pizza dough to local restaurants. 6 Felix
Tijerina was one of the Laurenzos‟ steadiest clients and provided them with increased
business each time he opened a new location of his Mexican restaurant chain around
town. Moreover, as Felix and Tommy developed a close friendship, the older
restaurateur offered words of advice to ensure Rio Grande‟s success. 7 In the 1950s,
Ninfa decided to add tamales to their food offerings, which she sold for thirty-five cents a
dozen, and by the early 1960s Tommy delivered frozen pizza, a product that was not
common at that time. 8 Sixteen-hour days paid off, and the Laurenzos‟ enterprise grossed
a yearly income ranging between $300,000 and $400,000.
“Mother‟s Day Story: White Cadillac Is Only One Facet of Mama Ninfa‟s Success,” Houston Chronicle
clipping, 14 May 1978, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 9 (8), 15 (8); Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You
Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981, 34-39, 69-82; “Ninfa Laurenzo
distinguida dama que ha triunfado en los negocios es un orgullo de nuestra raza, ha recibido muchas
satisfacciones y honores pero también ha trabajado mucho para merecerlo [sic],” El Sol, 28 July 1982, 2;
Dai Huynh, “Restaurateur Mama Ninfa Dies,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 18 June 2001, Houston
Restaurant Association Collection, Box 1, “Restaurant History” Folder, n.p. (Death Notices); Dai Huynh,
“Muere „Mamá‟ Ninfa Laurenzo,” La Voz de Houston clipping, 20 June 2001, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 1, 8. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
6
Most sources describe Rio Grande Food Products Company as a “wholesale food distributing
and manufacturing company.” In the retellings of the Ninfa story, however, the business was solely
referred to as a tortilla factory. “Feeding the Multitudes,” Houston clipping, July 1968, Vertical File, “HFood,” HMRC, 22-25; Richard Vara, “A Laudable Feast,” Houston Chronicle, 12 May 1999, 1 (D), 4 (D);
Ninfa R. Laurenzo‟s resumé, 1998, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 10, Public Service-Check
Donations, n.p.
7
Tommy acted as a pall bearer at Felix Tijerina‟s funeral, and Janie Tijerina and Ninfa were both
active in the Mothers‟ Club at Saint Thomas High School, which their children attended. See photograph
caption, newspaper clipping, unknown newspaper, early 1960s, Felix Tijerina Sr. Family Papers, Box 6,
Folder 2, n.p.; Thomas H. Kreneck, Mexican American Odyssey, 166-167.
8
Richard Vara, “A Laudable Feast,” Houston Chronicle, 12 May 1999, 1 (D), 4 (D).
225
In the early 1960s, Ninfa and Tommy relocated to 2704 Navigation Boulevard in
the Second Ward, one of Houston‟s oldest barrios, where they established themselves and
their five children in a two-story house that abutted their business. Their earnings
allowed them to send their daughter and four sons to local parochial schools. 9 The
Laurenzos had therefore managed to set up a business that provided them with a
comfortable way of life.
Their professional success gave Ninfa and Tommy a sense of deep personal
fulfillment, yet they yearned to open a restaurant together and to develop a menu that
reflected their Mexican and Northern Italian roots. On a fateful day in January 1969,
however, that dream died along with Tommy, who succumbed to a sudden and massive
cerebral hemorrhage. 10 Forty-two-year-old Ninfa now found herself a widow with five
children and a business to shoulder on her own. But running Rio Grande Food Products
by herself quickly proved exhausting. She even later accused former customers and staff
of “taking advantage of her lack of business knowledge” during that time of
9
Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981,
34-39, 69-82; Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.; “Houston Sings Praises of Restaurateur Who
Cooks with Love,” New York Times, 24 July 1982, 6; “The Ninfa‟s Story,” public relations document,
September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 1-3; Richard Vara,
“A Laudable Feast,” Houston Chronicle, 12 May 1999, 1 (D), 4 (D); “Dai Huynh, “Restaurateur Mama
Ninfa Dies,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 18 June 2001, Houston Restaurant Association Collection, Box
1, “Restaurant History” Folder, n.p. (Death Notices); Dai Huynh, “Muere „Mamá‟ Ninfa Laurenzo,” La Voz
de Houston clipping, 20 June 2001, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper
Clippings, 1, 8.
10
“Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8; Betty
Ewing, “Mother‟s Day Story: White Cadillac Is Only One Facet of Mama Ninfa‟s Success,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 14 May 1978, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 9 (8), 15 (8); Jerry Lazar,
“¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981, 34-39, 69-82; Jerry
Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2,
Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.; David Kaplan, “Ninfa Laurenzo Focuses on Cancer Foundation,” Houston
Post clipping, 22 December 1993, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” n.p.
226
readjustment. The transition had placed the company more than $50,000 in debt by
1973.11 As a result, Ninfa could not secure financial backing from any bank and faced
significant expenses to keep up with new federal regulations that would have required an
entire remodeling of the business‟s physical plant. 12 Confronted with certain failure, she
decided to honor her husband‟s legacy by opening a small restaurant in the front of the
building in order to earn enough money to keep Rio Grande Food Products open. Little
did she know that in doing so, she would revolutionize the Mexican food industry, both
in Houston and throughout the state of Texas.
The Birth of a Culinary Figure in the Barrio
Early on, Ninfa and her children crafted a narrative about her beginnings in the
restaurant industry that would change very little over the next twenty-eight years of her
career. According to that account, Ninfa resolved to open a small restaurant in the front
of the factory after she visited Our Lady of Guadalupe Basilica in Mexico City and
prayed for hours. A few days later, “she dreamed of a taco stand on the site of her
factory” and decided that it might represent the only way to save Rio Grande Food
Products from bankruptcy. 13 She informed her children of her decision, “mortgaged the
11
Tedd A. Cohen, “Faith and Good Works,” Forbes Magazine clipping, 16 March 1981, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.
12
Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers,
Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.
13
Tedd A. Cohen, “Faith and Good Works,” Forbes Magazine clipping, 16 March 1981, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.; “Houston Sings Praises of Restaurateur
Who Cooks with Love,” New York Times, 24 July 1982, 6; Tay Polo Miranda, “Mamá Ninfa, la reina del
tex-mex,” Semana News clipping, 22-28 June 2001, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, OversizedNewspaper Clippings, n.p. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
227
two-story clapboard house, which along with the factory and two nearby vacant lots
formed her husband‟s entire estate,” and borrowed $5,000 from a family friend in
Mexico.14 She used the money to convert the front of the factory into a small dining
room, bought furniture from a fire sale, and summoned her children back home for help
running the establishment. 15 Ninfa‟s new enterprise opened in July of 1973 and quickly
became successful thanks to efficient service and original dishes that most Houstonians
had never tasted before.
A Family Affair
From the beginning, Ninfa crafted a narrative of a widow who opened a little
restaurant in order to support her family. 16 Indeed, at the center of her public image,
Ninfa placed a reinvention of self in the midst of grief and economic distress.
Throughout her career, she described “cannibaliz[ing] her own kitchen” for pots, pans,
silverware, and glassware because she could not afford to buy new ones at first. 17 The
restaurant also meant change for her children; her three oldest, Roland, Jack, and Phyllis
left college to help her with the business. The two youngest sons, Tommy and Gino, still
14
“Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8; Jerry
Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981, 34-39, 69-82;
“‟Mama Ninfa,‟” Houston Business Journal clipping, 6-12 September 1996, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5,
Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 16-17.
15
Ninfa‟s children expressed incredulity when she told them of her plans to open a small
restaurant because she only cooked one big meal per week when they were young. See “Ninfa Laurenzo: A
Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8.
16
17
Richard Vara, “A Laudable Feast,” Houston Chronicle, 12 May 1999, 4 (D).
“The Ninfa‟s Story,” public relations document, September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 1-3; Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,”
Houston City Magazine, May 1981, 36; Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August
1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.
228
attended secondary school and also worked at the restaurant during their free time. 18
Ninfa would later recall those early times in the restaurant business as challenging
because of frequent lack of sleep and time to eat, which often caused her to faint in the
kitchen.19 Ninfa and the children nevertheless persevered and especially emphasized
good service and food of steady quality.
An important part of the family‟s business strategy stressed that working at the
eatery allowed them to stay close together and to mourn the loss of Tommy. As Ninfa
would later comment, they strove to project a cohesion that would become one of the
main elements of the Ninfa brand: “[It‟s] a combination of personalities, of the concept of
our food …, and just plain hard work. I guess you could say we cook with love, pride,
dedication, and caring.”20 These characteristics would remain associated with the
restaurant‟s public image. Moreover, Ninfa articulated an approach to good service that
melded the comfort of a family environment with pleasant waiting manners. “Two
ingredients that should come from any home is [sic] family love and courtesy,” she
18
Ibid; “Ninfa‟s: Tacos to Riches,” Restaurant Hospitality Magazine clipping, January 1982,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 2, Oversized-Scrapbooks, 16; “‟Mama Ninfa,‟” Houston Business
Journal clipping, 6-12 September 1996, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper
Clippings, 16.
Roland attended the Naval Academy and was serving at Houston‟s naval reserve training center when he
was discharged to help his widowed mother. Jack was pursuing a master‟s degree in urban studies and city
planning at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology when his mother asked him to return home in April
1973. Phyllis, Ninfa‟s only daughter, was studying hotel and restaurant management at the University of
Houston. See Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May
1981, 36; “Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8.
19
Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May
1981, 36; Bob Borino, “Destitute Widow Turned Taco Stand into a $30 Million Empire,” Globe clipping,
unknown day and month, 1983, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper clippings,
n.p.
20
“Ninfa‟s: Tacos to Riches,” Restaurant Hospitality Magazine clipping, January 1982, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 2, Oversized-Scrapbooks, 16.
229
stated.21 Because she declared her children an integral part of her motivation for cooking
good food and for generating enough money to sustain herself and her family, Ninfa was
perceived as an enterprising woman who had entered the restaurant business with a drive
that surpassed that of her competitors.22 She quickly became known to the public as
“Mama Ninfa,” a widow who strove to serve genuine Mexican food in the name of
preserving family unity and celebrating her Mexican heritage.
Ninfa’s Food
Ninfa selected dishes that broke away from the traditional Tex-Mex meals that, by
the 1970s, had an increasing number of detractors who were hungry for new offerings.
Drawing from family recipes and her own experience growing up in the Rio Grande
Valley, she decided to serve up flavors and textures unknown to most Houstonians.
Claiming that “she felt that [residents] wanted authentic Mexican food,” Ninfa took the
risky step of filling her menu with dishes bearing unfamiliar names. 23 Her flautas de
pollo (deep-fried chicken rolled tacos), chilpanzingas (a corn tortilla turnover stuffed
with ham and cheese), and sopapillas (fried pastry) immediately intrigued customers and
21
“Dine Out in Houston with Hans Willi Rotheudt,” Houston Post clipping, 22 August 1975,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 7 (C).
22
Ibid; “Ninfa‟s: Tacos to Riches,” Restaurant Hospitality Magazine clipping, January 1982,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 2, Oversized-Scrapbooks, 16; “Houston Sings Praises of
Restaurateur Who Cooks with Love,” New York Times, 24 July 1982, 6; Bob Borino, “Destitute Widow
Turned Taco Stand into a $30 Million Empire,” Globe clipping, unknown day and month, 1983, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper clippings, n.p.; Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never
Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981, 36; Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D
Magazine clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.;
David Kaplan, “Ninfa Laurenzo Focuses on Cancer Foundation,” Houston Post clipping, 22 December
1993, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” n.p.
23
“Ninfa‟s: Tacos to Riches,” Restaurant Hospitality Magazine clipping, January 1982, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 2, Oversized-Scrapbooks, 16.
230
would become staples of her future menus. 24 Houstonians also heralded her as a pioneer
for purportedly being the first restaurateur in the city to use fresh cilantro, an herb
popular in Mexican and Asian cooking. 25 In fact, her green sauce, an alternative to the
tomato-based salsa that Mexican restaurants had served on the side of combination plates
for decades, became most famous for its unusual mix of sour cream and cilantro and
gained broad appeal right away. Ninfa‟s restaurant also offered an appetizer of free chips
for customers to dip into a red sauce much spicier than what they had been accustomed
to, which lent the eatery a reputation of a low-priced place because these food items cost
the customers nothing. 26 Finally, the restaurant embraced the liquor-by-the-drink law
that had been in place in Texas since 1971, and Roland concocted a potent version of the
24
“Dine Out in Houston with Hans Willi Rotheudt,” Houston Post clipping, 22 August 1975,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 7 (C); Marcia Hayslett,
“Houston Scene,” On the Town clipping, June 1976, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 1, OversizedScrapbooks, n.p.; Betty Ewing, “Mother‟s Day Story: White Cadillac Is Only One Facet of Mama Ninfa‟s
Success,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 May 1978, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 9 (8), 15
(8); “Vigésimo aniversario: Ninfa‟s Mexican Restaurant,” La Voz de Houston clipping, 14 July 1993, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 5. The translation from Spanish to
English is mine.
25
“Ninfa‟s Avocado Sauce,” unknown newspaper, clipping, 31 August 1980, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 9, Folder 4, Oversized-Scrapbooks, n.p.; Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like
This,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981, 35; Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping,
August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.; “The Ninfa‟s
Story,” public relations document, September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press
Coverage-News Kit, 1-3; “Vigésimo aniversario: Ninfa‟s Mexican Restaurant,” La Voz de Houston
clipping, 14 July 1993, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 5.
26
Ibid; Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.
Ninfa‟s red sauce contained four sprigs of cilantro, one jalapeño chile, and two dried chiles de arból (bird‟s
beak chile). Such a red salsa tasted fairly unusual and spicy to most Houstonians by the mid-1970s. See
Robb Walsh, The Tex-Mex Cookbook: A History in Recipes and Photos (New York: Broadway Books,
2004), 219.
231
margarita, which he named “Ninfarita.”27 It was “not too sweet and [had] a clear bite of
tequila.” 28 Ninfa called these cocktails “frosty giants [that could] quench the fire of
jalapeño peppers” and claimed that they provided the perfect accompaniment to “relaxing
and snacking” at her restaurant. 29 What earned Ninfa‟s restaurant almost instant success,
however, was a rather simple dish that consisted of charbroiled beef rolled in tortillas.
The tacos al carbón created an immediate sensation. Ninfa sold 250 on her first day of
business, and her name remains associated with the popular dish in Texas to this day. 30
Ninfa Laurenzo had thus turned the front of her flailing tortilla factory into a restaurant
that offered an entirely new culinary experience steeped in genuine Mexican cuisine.
Just like Felix Tijerina and his generation of Mexican restaurateurs, Ninfa served
an Americanized version of Mexican food, but she ensconced her meals in an aura of
tradition and authenticity that most food critics and customers did not question. Indeed,
one of the Laurenzos‟ strategies consisted of claiming that their business had found
inspiration for many of their recipes in the heart of Mexico. For instance, Ninfa included
chilpanzingas on her menu early on and claimed respectively that the dish originated in
Guadalajara, Mexico, and in a fictitious city whose name closely resembled the capital of
27
“Houston, Liquor-by-the-Drink: Tops in Texas,” Houston Post clipping, 19 August 1979,
Vertical File, “H-Liquor,” HMRC, n.p. (D); “BYOB: The Texan and the Bottle: A Brief History,” Texas
Monthly, March 1982, 132-133, 206.
28
Ninfa‟s menu, n.d., Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 3, Folder 3, Artifacts-Menus.
29
Ibid.
30
Dai Huynh, “Muere „Mamá‟ Ninfa Laurenzo,” La Voz de Houston clipping, 20 June 2001,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 1, 8; Ann Criswell, “Ninfa‟s,” in
Houston Gourmet Cooks (Houston: Fran Fauntleroy, 1987), Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 5, Press
Coverage-Magazines, 60.
232
the Mexican State of Guerrero, Chilpancingo. 31 A creative cook, she had invented the
recipe herself. 32 Yet, food critics and reporters throughout Houston and Texas wrote
about Ninfa‟s food and its purported origins without checking the veracity of the family‟s
claims, which helped perpetuate Ninfa‟s reputation as an engine of culinary innovation.
Ninfa‟s most heralded dish, the tacos al carbón, received the largest
misrepresentation from the press and the Laurenzos alike. Because Houstonians had
never tasted such tender and juicy chunks of beef served in hand-rolled fresh tortillas
before, they did not question Ninfa‟s assurances that she was merely replicating a dish
that could only be found in Mexico. Yet, just as with the mythical origins of the
chilpanzingas, she crafted two versions about how she had decided to serve tacos al
carbón. In the first, she explained that she recreated them in memory of her late husband
who once ate them in Mexico City and loved their flavor and texture. In another, she
declared that her eldest son and son-in-law had “discovered [them] on a vacation in
Mexico City” and, after returning to Houston, “slaved over [a friend‟s] charbroiler trying
to perfect [them].” 33 Ninfa later acknowledged, however, that she “was just serving the
31
“Dine Out in Houston with Hans Willi Rotheudt,” Houston Post clipping, 22 August 1975,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 7 (C); Betty Ewing, “Mother‟s
Day Story: White Cadillac Is Only One Facet of Mama Ninfa‟s Success,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14
May 1978, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” (8), 15 (8); “Dine Out Houston,” Houston Post
clipping, 20 August 1976, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 1, Oversized-Scrapbooks, 6 (E);
“Vigésimo aniversario: Ninfa‟s Mexican Restaurant,” La Voz de Houston clipping, 14 July 1993, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 5.
32
Ninfa‟s, Inc., Food and Beverage Consultant Guide, May 1985, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1,
Folder 6, Biographical Background-Business Plans and Training, 33.
33
“Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8; Jerry
Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981, 35.
233
same kind of good honest food at [her] restaurant that [she] used to eat at home.” 34
Indeed, fajitas, as tacos al carbón became known as their popularity spread on a national
level in the late 1970s and early 1980s, had for decades been a common dish for the
vaqueros (cowboys) of South Texas and northern Mexico. Skirt steak, the meat
originally used for fajitas, was a cut ordinarily found in butchers‟ shops in the Rio
Grande Valley by the 1930s. 35 Ninfa was therefore the first restaurateur to introduce
Anglo Houstonians to fajitas, but she had not invented them, nor did they originate in the
heart of Mexico. 36 As food historian Robb Walsh suggested:
The fact is, of course, that fajitas eaten with spicy salsa and fresh flour tortillas
didn‟t come from … interior Mexico… They came from the Lower Rio Grande
Valley. It was more authentic all right, but it wasn‟t authentic Mexican, it was
authentic Tejano.37
Part of the Ninfa legend nonetheless maintains that she “popularized and introduced
[tacos al carbón] to this country” in 1973, and that she was “the forerunner of the fajita
34
Robb Walsh, The Tex-Mex Cookbook, 214.
35
Fajita is the diminutive form of the Spanish word faja, which means skirt. It refers to the
diaphragm muscle of a steer, which is shaped like a short belt. It is called “skirt steak” in English.
Vaqueros (cowboys) received the least desirable pieces of meat, such as the head, the intestines, and the
diaphragm as part of their pay. Because skirt steak is not tender, they pounded it with a hammer, marinated
it in lime juice, and grilled it. Additionally, as the fajita craze caught on in the United States, the price of
skirt steak jumped from 49 cents a pound in Texas in 1976 to anywhere between $2.49 and $4 in Texas by
1993. Most Texan and American restaurateurs quickly turned to more tender cuts, such as rib eye and
flank steak, since they required no preparation. Food historian Robb Walsh concludes that “it was the
national distribution of feedlot-fattened American beef that started the fajita craze.” See John Morthland,
“Low Steaks,” Texas Monthly, March 1993, 52-57; Robb Walsh, The Tex-Mex Cookbook, 210-214.
36
It should be noted here that fajitas and tacos al carbón became conflated in the public‟s mind in
the early 1980s. Technically, the meat found in tacos is cut in chunks, and the tortilla is rolled for the
customer in the kitchen. Fajitas are served with meat that is sliced and served on a sizzling platter and
must be assembled by the customer. Moreover, both dishes traditionally only consist of beef, but as the
craze caught on, restaurateurs decided to add shrimp, chicken, and pork in their fajitas selection. See Ann
Criswell, “Ninfa‟s,” in Houston Gourmet Cooks (Houston: Fran Fauntleroy, 1987), Ninfa Laurenzo Papers,
Box 2, Folder 5, Press Coverage-Magazines, 60; Robb Walsh, The Tex-Mex Cookbook, 211-212.
37
Robb Walsh, The Tex-Mex Cookbook, 214.
234
craze [that swept] the nation” in the 1980s and thereafter. 38 As with many other aspects
of food history, it is difficult to check the veracity of such broad claims to fame. 39 It
remains undeniable, however, that Ninfa offered a dish that became so popular that it
quickly spread throughout the menus of other Mexican restaurants around town and
across the state.
Ninfa made waves in Houston‟s restaurant scene when she opened her ten-table
establishment in 1973. Not only did she offer Houstonians new and bolder versions of
Mexican food, but she also represented a generation of entrepreneurs for whom a
Mexican American heritage was to be celebrated and marketed as broadly as possible.
Unlike Felix Tijerina, who strove to accommodate his dishes to Anglo tastes and who hid
his own Mexican citizenship, Ninfa sought out flavors and names for her menu offerings
that conjured up a partaking in Mexican culture within the confines of a Mexican
American family restaurant. Moreover, she complicated the ethnic aspect of her cuisine
by advertising that, while her cooking reflected genuine Mexican traditions, it also
melded in Italian flavors because of the legacy of her late husband. Indeed, Tommy, the
son of Italian immigrants, had never held much fondness for Mexican-style cuisine, so
Ninfa‟s home cooking had mostly consisted of Italian dishes when he was alive. In her
restaurant, Ninfa thus used Italian ingredients such as olive oil, Parmesan, Romano, and
38
Ninfa‟s, Inc., Food and Beverage Consultant Guide, May 1985, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1,
Folder 6, Biographical Background- Business Plans and Training, 36.
39
As Robb Walsh explains, the first person to sell commercial fajitas in Texas may have been
Sonny Falcon, who ran a booth at an outdoor festival in Kyle, Texas, in 1969. That same year, the Round
Up Restaurant in Pharr, Texas, allegedly became the first establishment in the state to serve fajita meat. To
most Texans, however, Ninfa‟s remains the birthplace of fajitas. Robb Walsh, The Tex-Mex Cookbook,
211.
235
Mozzarella cheeses, and even pizza sauce. 40 Undaunted by the inner contradiction in
incorporating such traditional Italian food items in supposedly authentic Mexican cuisine,
Ninfa often proudly declared in the press that, “the type of food we cook is Mexican …
but I say I cook with an Italian flair. I call it gourmet Mexican food.” 41 A journalist
commented that, “whatever she calls it, her perception of the American palate couldn‟t
have been more timely.” 42 Indeed, Ninfa caught Houstonians‟ changing culinary moods
at the right time. The ethnic revival of the 1970s coincided with baby boomers‟ “appetite
for exotica,” which translated into a growing interest in Asian and Mexican foods
nationwide.43 She also anticipated the taste for “fusion food” that would take over the
restaurant industry in the early 1980s, and that blended ingredients from two or more
ethnic cuisines from around the world. 44 Ninfa‟s brand would therefore owe its success
to this savvy reading of Houstonians‟ hunger for cross-cultural culinary exchanges.
40
“Dine Out in Houston with Hans Willi Rotheudt,” Houston Post clipping, 22 August 1975,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 7 (C); Tedd A. Cohen, “Faith
and Good Works,” Forbes Magazine clipping, 16 March 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2,
Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.; Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City
Magazine, May 1981, 34-39, 69-82; Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August 1981,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.; “Ninfa‟s: Tacos to Riches,”
Restaurant Hospitality Magazine clipping, January 1982, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 2,
Oversized-Scrapbooks, 16; “Vigésimo aniversario: Ninfa‟s Mexican Restaurant,” La Voz de Houston
clipping, 14 July 1993, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 5.
41
Tedd A. Cohen, “Faith and Good Works,” Forbes Magazine clipping, 16 March 1981, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.
42
Ibid.
43
Donna R. Gabaccia, We Are What We Eat: Ethnic Food and the Making of Americans
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 215.
44
California chef Wolfgang Pucks, for instance, became famous for his blend of Asian,
Mediterranean, and regional American cuisines in the early 1980s. See Gabaccia, We Are What We Eat,
216.
236
The Clientele
Tacos al carbón, of course, were nothing new in Mexican restaurants located in
the barrios, but because most Anglo Houstonians rarely patronized food establishments in
those neighborhoods, they had never tasted that type of ethnic fare before. 45 In fact, it
seems that Ninfa only expected to cater to a Mexican-origin crowd in her early days as
her occasional advertising only appeared in the local bilingual press. 46 Although also in
the barrio, Ninfa‟s restaurant was situated in an industrial area so close to downtown that
it attracted a steady stream of Anglo customers. Indeed, employees at nearby businesses,
such as Cameron Iron Works and Hughes Tool Company, as well as downtown office
workers, drove past her business on their way to work and gave it a try at lunchtime.
Enticed by the novelty of the food and the quality of the service, they returned in the
evening with their friends and family. Within its first year of operation, Ninfa‟s restaurant
built a growing customer base, mostly through word of mouth. 47 The little restaurant on
Navigation Street quickly became a sensation among Anglo diners avid for that novel
Mexican taste.
Ninfa‟s restaurant represented a significant shift in residents‟ growing interest in
ethnic cuisine in the 1970s, not only because of the type of food the establishment served
45
Richard Vara, “A Laudable Feast,” Houston Chronicle, 12 May 1999, 4 (D).
46
“Something Different… Ninfa‟s,” advertisement, La Vida Latina en Houston, January-February
1974, n.p.
47
“Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers,
Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.; “The Ninfa‟s Story,” public relations document,
September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 1-3; Dai Huynh,
“Restaurateur Mama Ninfa Dies,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 18 June 2001, Houston Restaurant
Association Collection, Box 1, “Restaurant History” Folder, n.p. (Death Notices).
237
but also because of its geographical location. Indeed, the eatery stood in the Second
Ward, an overwhelmingly Mexican neighborhood that otherwise remained unknown to
most Houstonians. Ninfa herself would later say that she had started “on the wrong side
of town,” and part of her public image revolved around the claim that “many first-time
customers were surprised to find polite, college- educated, English-speaking” staff in
such a part of the city. 48 In fact, one newspaper article qualified the switch from a
Mexican-origin to Anglo clientele in the early days of the restaurant as “neighborhood
browns compet[ing] for tables with retail and corporate executive types,” implying that
middle- and upper-class Anglos stepped on Mexican-origin customers‟ turf. 49 The same
article depicted the experience of Anglo customers venturing into the barrio to eat at
Ninfa‟s restaurant in the following blunt and racially biased language:
Ninfa‟s early customers from across town inevitably had to be taken by the hand
and led to the spot by a friend in the know. Once someone entered the
neighborhood, there was a certain frisson… a wee misgiving about the safety of
the car, perhaps, or even one‟s well-being.
Once inside Ninfa‟s doors, though, the fears were assuaged. 50
While not all press coverage spoke of Ninfa‟s culinary crossover in such racialized terms,
newspaper articles emphasized her restaurant‟s appeal as, in the words of one El Sol
piece, a “central meeting and interchanging of the two linguistic cultures of the western
hemisphere”51 The ten-table eatery that had started as a way to pay off Rio Grande Food
48
Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers,
Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.
49
Ibid.
50
Ibid.
51
“Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8.
238
Products‟ debt had thus become a much bigger success than either Ninfa or her children
had anticipated. Soon, expansion would become necessary in order to accommodate the
appetites of a growing number of customers curious about that “Ninfa taste.”
Biting into the American Dream
During her first two years in business, Ninfa implemented changes that ensured
sustained profit. After four months, the restaurant generated enough income for sons
Jack and Tony to earn seventy-five dollars a week, and Ninfa could afford to hire her first
employee. One day, Lydia Rubio, an out-of-work Mexican-origin mother who spoke no
English, walked into the eatery and asked for a job, explaining that she needed money to
feed her children. Touched by the single mother‟s plight and quite willing to receive
some help in the kitchen, Ninfa hired Rubio, who learned how to cook the family‟s
recipes and would spend her entire career working for the Laurenzos. 52 Furthermore, the
growing flow of customers called for an expansion of the restaurant‟s seating capacity.
In 1974, Ninfa added twenty-four tables, which quickly proved insufficient. A year later,
the family secured a 50,000-dollar loan that enabled them to double the restaurant‟s size
to 3,800 square feet, with a total of 175 chairs, and close the tortilla factory in the
process.53 While that decision sounded the official death of Rio Grande Food Products,
52
Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May
1981, 38; “Ninfa Laurenzo distinguida dama que ha triunfado en los negocios es un orgullo de nuestra
raza, ha recibido muchas satisfacciones y honores pero también ha trabajado mucho para merecerlo
[sic],” El Sol, 28 July 1982, 2.
53
“Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8; “The
Ninfa‟s Story,” public relations document, September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press
Coverage-News Kit, 1-3; “Vigésimo aniversario: Ninfa‟s Mexican Restaurant,” La Voz de Houston
239
the brainchild of Ninfa and Tommy Laurenzo, it also opened the door for further
popularity and greater profits for the family.
In those early years, Ninfa worked mostly in the kitchen to ensure consistent food
quality while her children concentrated on service. But Mama Ninfa also greeted diners
and offered faithful patrons a taste of dishes with which she was still experimenting and
had not yet added to the menu. She was also known for hugging her regular customers
warmly and singing songs to them, thereby enhancing the cordial, family-like atmosphere
upon which her restaurant built its success. 54 Lines soon “stretched out the door and
down the street,” and the Laurenzos had to “dispatch someone to serve chips and green
sauce and the famous „Ninfarita‟” in order to accommodate hungry customers waiting in
line.55 Even Hollywood and music celebrities such as Rock Hudson, Paul Simon, and
George Benson were known to enjoy a meal at Ninfa‟s restaurant when they were in
town. Such popularity led the local press to declare that “stargazing … [was] another of
Ninfa‟s attractions.” 56 With their family enterprise meeting such an overwhelming
clipping, 14 July 1993, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 5; Dai
Huynh, “Restaurateur Mama Ninfa Dies,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 18 June 2001, Houston Restaurant
Association Collection, Box 1, “Restaurant History” Folder, n.p. (Death Notices). The translation from
Spanish to English is mine.
54
“Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8; Untitled,
Houston City Magazine, October 1982, n.p.; Dai Huynh, “Restaurateur Mama Ninfa Dies,” Houston
Chronicle clipping, 18 June 2001, Houston Restaurant Association Collection, Box 1, “Restaurant History”
Folder, n.p. (Death Notices).
55
“The Ninfa‟s Story,” public relations document, September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 2.
56
1981, 39.
Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May
240
success and customers who now also hailed from out-of-town, the Laurenzos
contemplated expansion as a viable business strategy.
A Second Location
By 1976, Ninfa‟s restaurant operated at full capacity, and Rio Grande Food
Products‟ debt had long been paid off. The family had found a comfortable, if busy,
work schedule, and no one had considered opening a second establishment. That
changed when Lenny Friedman, a regular patron, suggested that a more central location
would prove convenient to many diners who had to drive across town to eat at the
restaurant. Friedman mentioned to Roland, Ninfa‟s oldest son, that one of the
commercial buildings he owned just a few miles west of downtown Houston had become
vacant and asked him to consider his offer. Roland immediately felt enthusiastic about
the prospect of an additional restaurant, as did his mother, who rejoiced over the idea of
“duplicating their success.” 57 On the other hand, the rest of the children expressed
serious doubts about expanding. Indeed, Jack and Tony Mandola, Phyllis‟s husband, had
hoped to return to their graduate studies, and Jack voiced the deepest reservations about
dividing family management between two locations. Mama Ninfa, however, would later
explain her decision to heed Roland‟s advice by affirming that, “the others were afraid
we‟d lose everything. I thought, I know how to be poor. What was the difference?” 58
57
“The Ninfa‟s Story,” public relations document, September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 2.
58
Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May
1981, 39; “The Ninfa‟s Story,” public relations document, September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1,
Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 2; “Vigésimo aniversario: Ninfa‟s Mexican Restaurant,” La Voz de
Houston clipping, 14 July 1993, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings,
5.
241
Acting against most of her children‟s wishes, she let Roland take charge of expanding the
business. Within a few weeks, he had secured a 190,000-dollar loan from the Small
Business Administration and made the preparations for the new restaurant. Ninfa
relished the idea of sharing her family‟s product and service with as many customers as
possible.59
On 20 April 1976, the second establishment opened at 6154 Westheimer, and the
family organized a private party that included “a mob of famous faces” from the city‟s
wealthiest Anglo entrepreneurs. 60 The new location had its share of detractors, prime
among them regular patrons who felt that “they were no longer conspirators protecting a
great secret” and “feared that Ninfa‟s would take the all-too-predictable downhill slide
that so often accompanie[d] expansion.” 61 Despite worries about a decline in the quality
of the food and service, success continued to soar. Jack, the most vocal opponent of
expansion, stayed at the Navigation restaurant as manager, while Roland took on the new
establishment. Thanks to a pool of regular patrons and a central location that attracted
new ones, the Laurenzos conducted business more briskly than ever. Lunchtime drew
four hundred customers to the Navigation place and six hundred to Wesheimer, and in the
evening, seven hundred dined at the original restaurant and one thousand at the second
59
Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May
1981, 39; “The Ninfa‟s Story,” public relations document, September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1,
Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 2.
60
Marge Crumbaker, “Schmitt‟s Sounds Fade from Crystal Forest,” Houston Post clipping, 27
April 1976, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 8 (B); “We‟re
Rolling Out the Red Carpet,” invitation flyer, 20 April 1976, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 1,
Oversized-Scrapbooks.
61
1981, 65.
Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like This,” Houston City Magazine, May
242
location.62 Celebrities now also made appearances at the new establishment, which
added to its renown. Indeed, one most recited story involved actor John Travolta, who
purportedly often requested that his plane land in Houston in order to satisfy a craving for
Mexican fare at the Westheimer location. 63 Contrary to the fears of customers and food
columnists, the opening of a second establishment had not jeopardized the quality of the
food and service. In fact, the mid-1970s represented the heydays of Ninfa‟s restaurants.
While the Laurenzo name would continue to be associated with fine Mexican food and
the famed tacos al carbón, the family‟s decision to expand further would lead to serious
challenges for their restaurant concept.
Devising an Advertisement Campaign
Now that they had duplicated their business model successfully at the second
location, the family, especially Ninfa and Roland, felt that they could develop a set of
branches in a way that would emulate other restaurant chains. 64 As the Laurenzos stood
poised to open their third location, Roland sought out professional advice on marketing
and advertising strategies in the spring of 1977. He settled with Gulf State Advertising, a
Houston-based company whose one-line campaign advertisements had met with success.
62
Richard West, “From Mexico with Love,” Texas Monthly clipping, June 1977, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 8, Folder 1, Oversized-Scrapbooks, n.p.; Jerry Lazar, “¡Ninfa! You Never Read Anything Like
This,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981, 39.
63
Dai Huynh, “Muere „Mamá‟ Ninfa Laurenzo,” La Voz de Houston clipping, 20 June 2001,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 8.
According to the Laurenzo children, Travolta also had his own private table at Ninfa‟s during the shooting
of the 1980 movie Urban Cowboy, which was set in Houston.
64
Robb Walsh, “Mama Ninfa and her Comeback Kids,” Houston Press clipping, 6 August 1998,
Houston Restaurant Collection, Hospitality Industry Archives, Conrad N. Hilton College, Houston, Texas,
15.
243
Aware that other Mexican restaurant chains were considering entering the local market,
Roland emphasized the Laurenzos‟ need to fend off future competition. Larry
Sachnowitz, one of the agency‟s star copywriters, suggested, “why not simply say thank
you. … Better yet, say it in Spanish. Say „¡Gracias!‟” He promptly added, “that way,
when the competition arrives, you‟ll still be sitting pretty.” 65 Sachnowitz reasoned that
“anybody who had been to Ninfas [sic] would know why the restaurant was saying thank
you, and anybody who hadn‟t been would wonder why and find out.” 66 Within a few
weeks, 250 billboards and buses were displaying the new poster, which featured a parrot,
the phrase “¡Gracias!,” and the restaurant‟s name in red letters with a black background. 67
Mama Ninfa explained that she chose the tropical bird as the restaurant‟s emblem
because it represented “a symbol of love,” thus building on the theme that had become
the mainstay of their public image. 68 The strategy worked. Sales at both restaurants went
up significantly, and the new advertisement even received praises in the local press.
Indeed, an El Sol column characterized the campaign as a “publicity stunt” for its brevity,
sincerity, and originality. 69 Equipped with efficient advertising that gave Ninfa‟s
65
Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers,
Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.
66
Ibid.
67
Ibid.
68
Betty Ewing, “Mother‟s Day Story: White Cadillac Is Only One Facet of Mama Ninfa‟s
Success,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 May 1978, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 9 (8).
69
Gaby Jiménez, “Comentarios,” El Sol, 18 August 1977, 5. The translation from Spanish to
English is mine.
244
restaurants greater presence in the community, the Laurenzos set out to expand their
business, launching new locations in Houston first and then venturing outside of the city.
Consolidating the Local Market
As they planned to grow their business, the Laurenzos incorporated the restaurant
brand under Ninfa‟s Tacos al Carbón, Inc.70 Roland served as its president and sat on the
Board of Directors, of which Ninfa acted as the chair. He also was responsible for
making decisions about opening further locations. 71 Confident that the local market
could accommodate more Ninfa‟s branches, the family proceeded to open a third
establishment at Echo Lane and Katy Freeway, northwest of downtown, in September
1977, and a fourth by the William P. Hobby Airport, southeast of the city, five months
later. The four restaurants boasted over five hundred staff and generated 2 million dollars
in payroll, which made the chain a significant local employer.72 The company continued
to conduct good business as it established each new branch in growing residential areas,
populated by the mostly Anglo middle-class customers who had become regular patrons
of the eateries. Ninfa expanded her menu selection by adding new dishes that she had
always wanted to create but never had had time to craft until then. Her new mango ice
70
The rest of this chapter will refer to Ninfa‟s Tacos al Carbón, Inc. as Ninfa‟s, Inc.
71
Betty Ewing, “Mother‟s Day Story: White Cadillac Is Only One Facet of Mama Ninfa‟s
Success,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 May 1978, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 9 (8);
“Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8.
It should be noted that all the Laurenzo children above eighteen years of age had a seat on the Board of
Directors. By the early 1980s, Roland was still president, Jack its vice-president and in charge of the
restaurant operations, Phyllis ran public relations, and Tommy headed the staff training program. See Tedd
A. Cohen, “Faith and Good Works,” Forbes Magazine clipping, 16 March 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers,
Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.
72
Betty Ewing, “Mother‟s Day Story: White Cadillac Is Only One Facet of Mama Ninfa‟s
Success,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 May 1978, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 9 (8).
245
cream and an Italian-style veal cutlet, for instance, furthered her reputation as a creative
cook who loved blending flavors not found at other restaurants. These new dishes also
continued to indicate Anglo consumers‟ eagerness to partake in a Mexican dining
experience that did not entirely resemble that of denizens south of the border but
nonetheless passed for genuinely Mexican cuisine to Anglo palates in Houston. 73 Finally,
Ninfa‟s son Jack ensured that the staff at all four locations knew how to properly prepare
his mother‟s recipes in a consistent manner by conducting regular training sessions in the
kitchen.74 The Ninfa‟s restaurant model had become so successful and had managed to
maintain quality of food and service so well that a Texas newspaper declared that, “at this
particular point in time no other Texas restaurant dictates the dining-out habits of so
many of its city‟s inhabitants.” 75 Another column pronounced it “so in, you may not get
in.” 76 Based on such favorable reports, it appeared that expansion had proved a sound
business decision and had not damaged the brand‟s image.
The restaurant also consolidated its hold on the local market by offering catering
services. At its inception, the establishment only supplied parties of a few hundreds, but
under the direction of Phyllis, who received formal training in restaurant and hotel
73
Ellen Middlebrook, “Ninfa Credits Love, Prayer, Hard Work and a Tasty Taco,” Houston Post
clipping, 4 June 1978, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants,” HMRC, 17 (C); “The Company,” company profile
booklet, 1990s, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Biographical Background-Business Plans and
Training, 20.
74
Ellen Middlebrook, “Ninfa Credits Love, Prayer, Hard Work and a Tasty Taco,” Houston Post
clipping, 4 June 1978, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants,” 17 (C).
75
Richard West, “From Mexico with Love,” Texas Monthly clipping, June 1977, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 8, Folder 1, Oversized-Scrapbooks, n.p.
76
Untitled, Texas Monthly clipping, April 1977, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 1,
Oversized-Scrapbooks, n.p.
246
management at the University of Houston, that aspect of the business also soared. 77 By
the turn of the 1980s, catering generated 10 million dollars annually, and the Laurenzos
proudly announced that they had arranged dinner parties for celebrities such as Bob
Dylan and the Bee Gees. 78 The patronage of such famous persons added to Mama
Ninfa‟s exposure in respected publications such as National Geographic, Time Magazine,
Business Week, and Vogue, along with her portrayal in a documentary about the few
Houstonians who had struck a fortune outside of the oil industry. 79 The family‟s business
model received such high praises both from the press and their customers that the
economic possibilities must have seemed without limit for their restaurant chain.
Expanding Beyond Houston
In light of their success in the Houston market, Ninfa and her children set their
sights on other Texas cities where they felt their brand of Mexican food would be
received well. In August 1978, just a few months after her fourth establishment had
made its debut in Houston, Ninfa launched a new restaurant location in San Antonio.
The grand opening drew over one thousand well-wishers and even boasted the presence
of the city‟s mayor. The Laurenzos had invested 2 million dollars in the new restaurant,
77
“Ninfa‟s Specialties,” photo caption, Houston Chronicle clipping, 30 June 1976, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 1, Oversized-Scrapbooks, n.p.; Betty Ewing, “Mother‟s Day Story: White
Cadillac Is Only One Facet of Mama Ninfa‟s Success,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 14 May 1978, Vertical
File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 9 (8).
78
Shelby Hodge, “At Home: Ninfa Laurenzo,” Houston Post clipping, 7 January 1979, Vertical
File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 2 (AA); “Ninfa‟s: Tacos to Riches,” Restaurant Hospitality Magazine
clipping, January 1982, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 2, Oversized-Scrapbooks, 16.
79
“Ninfa Laurenzo: A Well Known Name in Our Community,” El Sol, 13 April 1978, 8; Shelby
Hodge, “At Home: Ninfa Laurenzo,” Houston Post clipping, 7 January 1979, Vertical File, “BiographyNinfa Laurenzo,” 2 (AA).
247
which started operating only three weeks after they had purchased the building. 80 Both
Houston‟s and San Antonio‟s press recited the Ninfa‟s rags-to-riches story that by now
had become a familiar refrain to many Houstonians. Mentioning the use of computers in
her restaurants, articles continued to present Ninfa as a businesswoman ahead of her
time.81 Some of Ninfa‟s children and friends became wary about the business expanding
out of town, and especially into a city with a full supply of Mexican eateries such as San
Antonio. Tommy, one of Ninfa‟s youngest sons, recalled that the opening of that
establishment overwhelmed him. Moreover, one close family friend had counseled that
the Laurenzos only “get [themselves] one restaurant apiece. … Otherwise, there [would
be] too many headaches, … too much bickering and fighting.” 82 While this person‟s
advice offered a cautionary approach to turning a family restaurant into a full-blown
chain, Roland‟s enthusiasm for conquering new markets would not be quenched for some
time.
Within two years of testing out the San Antonio market, Roland devised a forceful
penetration of the Dallas area, where he opened four new branches, along with four new
locations in Houston. In the year 1980 alone, the number of Ninfa‟s restaurants
throughout the state expanded to a total of thirteen. The company now employed over
80
“Restaurant Briefs,” Houston Post clipping, 31 August 1979, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8,
Folder 1, Oversized-Scrapbooks, n.p.; Marcy Meffert, “Dreamer Finds Tortilla Treasures,” San Antonio
Light clipping, 2 September 1979, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 1, Oversized-Scrapbooks, 3 (5).
81
82
Ibid.
Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers,
Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.
248
1600 staff persons and generated 32 million dollars in annual revenues. 83 Ninfa used the
local press, by now a familiar means of public relations, to reassure the Houston public
about the family‟s sound business conduct. Indeed, she asserted her confidence in the
new ventures by praising their staff of professionals, which “consist[ed] of analysts,
accountants, engineers, programmers, [and] administrators.” 84 They were “proven
leaders” in their fields and would usher the Houston-based family restaurant into a new
era of expanded success. 85 In fact, by the early 1980s, Ninfa announced that she and
Roland were hoping to start opening new locations soon outside of the state of Texas and
projected that the business would become a national franchise by the end of that decade,
with 500 million dollars in revenues. In order to do so, she explained that 135 Ninfa‟s
restaurants would dot the country. Such a plan entailed launching one new establishment
every month until the late 1980s. 86 She dismissed the critics who doubted that the family
would succeed in implementing such designs by stating, “If you have the will, a proper
83
“Ninfa Opens It‟s [sic] 7th Restaurant,” El Sol, 16 July 1980, 1; Jerry Lazar, “Enchilada
Empire,” D Magazine clipping, August 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press CoverageNews Kit, n.p.; Olga Soliz, “Houston Highlights,” El Sol, 10 October 1980, 3; Percy Duran, “Latino
Success Stories—Plunkett and Flores Aren‟t Alone,” El Sol, 28 January 1980, 8; “The Ninfa‟s Story,”
public relations document, September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press CoverageNews Kit, 2-3.
84
“Ninfa‟s Reports Rapid Growth,” Houston Post clipping, 24 October 1974, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 9, Folder 4, Oversized-Scrapbooks, n.p.
85
86
Ibid.
Leslie Loddeke, “Ninfa‟s Horizons Encompass 135 Restaurants, Large Hotel, Mexican Frozen
Foods Line,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 8 September 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 8, Folder 2,
Oversized-Scrapbooks, n.p. (3); Bob Borino, “Destitute Widow Turned Taco Stand into a $30 Million
Empire,” Globe clipping, unknown day and month, 1983, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1,
Oversized-Newspaper clippings, n.p.
Ninfa and Roland also planned to launch a large chain of hotels and to enter the frozen food industry.
These projects never saw the light because Ninfa‟s, Inc. faced severe financial problems in the 1980s and
1990s.
249
attitude and the help of God, you can achieve anything.”87 Managing just thirteen
restaurants, however, quickly proved more difficult than Ninfa and Roland had
anticipated, and their dreams of further expansion would have to be revisited several
times over and eventually abandoned.
Managing a Multi-Million Dollar Restaurant Chain
With locations spread across three cities and a staff of 1600, Mama Ninfa had to
travel a significant amount while remaining creative in the kitchen. As the public face of
the restaurant, she also had to make herself visible to customers. Even though she did not
visit her establishments in San Antonio and Dallas as often, she explained how she
ensured that her Houston patrons knew that she was still strongly involved with the
business:
At least two or three times a week, I dress up in one of my long Mexican dresses
and go around to my restaurants and see that things are running okay, and that the
meals are right. “I‟m Ninfa,” I tell customers. “How do you like my food
tonight?” 88
Since her children had left the ranks of the wait and kitchen staff to work at the
headquarters, Mama Ninfa knew that her presence at the restaurants reconnected her
rags-to-riches story with the experience of dining at one of her establishments. The days
when coming to the Navigation restaurant guaranteed that one would see her laboring in
87
Bob Borino, “Destitute Widow Turned Taco Stand into a $30 Million Empire,” Globe clipping,
unknown day and month, 1983, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper clippings,
n.p.
88
Tedd A. Cohen, “Faith and Good Works,” Forbes Magazine clipping, 16 March 1981, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.
250
the kitchen or greeting customers were long gone. The Laurenzos nonetheless ensured
that she remained present in the customers‟ minds by devising a series of strategies to
retain the faithful and attract new customers.
Maintaining Food Quality and Good Service across All Locations
The tacos al carbón that made Mama Ninfa a successful restaurateur became so
famous that they had spread across the menus of many Texas restaurants by the early
1980s. Such popularity compelled the Laurenzos to trademark the product under the
name “Tacos a la Ninfa.” 89 They would remain a favorite order at all branches, since
they had, after all, turned her restaurant into an instant sensation in the 1970s. Customers
also continued to herald the green sauce, the “Ninfarita” cocktail, and most of the
charbroiled meat dishes as among the best of their kind throughout the city. 90 In order to
keep up with the latest food trends and to prevent diners‟ apathy, Ninfa kept on
expanding her selection by creating new dishes. She, however, chose to display them in a
rather unusual manner. Indeed, the early 1980s saw the birth of the Off-the-Menu menu.
The Laurenzos created it with the hopes of increasing patrons‟ anticipations about the
wide variety of the food offerings at Ninfa‟s restaurants. Hidden under a bushel basket,
the unofficial menu boasted a broad range of items pricier than those on the regular menu
but that received high marks from diners, such as the chiles rellenos (stuffed chiles) and
the alambre abrigado (charbroiled ham, beef, peppers, tomatoes, and onions rolled into a
89
W.L. Taitte, “A Good Catch,” Texas Monthly clipping, May 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 209-211; “The Ninfa‟s Story,” public relations document,
September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 3.
90
Ibid; “Critics‟ Choice,” Houston City Magazine, August 1984, 45.
251
flour tortilla).91 Most customers, however, found the practice irritating. One food critic
described the Off-the-Menu menu concept as follows:
Expansion may not have hurt the Laurenzos‟ food, but if this ploy is any
evidence, it does seem to have impaired their common sense. When you sit
down, you are handed the regular menu; if you‟re lucky, you notice the button on
the waiter‟s shirt, advising customers to ask for the second menu, the world‟s
least-kept and most irritating secret. There is no doubt that some of Ninfa‟s best
dishes are on this menu … but I still question the affectation. 92
Although the number of dishes on the Off-the-Menu menu gradually diminished over the
years, the disappearance of complaints in food columns and restaurant reviews by the
mid-1980s suggests that customers eventually accepted the practice. 93 Moreover, the
Laurenzos decided to make frequent changes to the regular menu so as to introduce a
wide variety of dishes. That approach also brought its share of detractors, who disliked
the fact that Ninfa took away some longtime favorites, like chilpanzingas and some
charbroiled meats, as she added new meals. 94 This led a restaurant reviewer to conclude
that writing about the “tinkering with [the] menu” proved “an exercise in futility”, and
91
W.L. Taitte, “A Good Catch,” Texas Monthly clipping, May 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 209-211; “Restaurant Reviews,” Houston City Magazine, May
1981, n.p.; “Ninfa‟s,” Houston City Magazine, August 1982, n.p.
92
W.L. Taitte, “A Good Catch,” Texas Monthly clipping, May 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 209-211.
93
One undated menu features a half-page section about the Off-the-Menu menu, in which Ninfa
informed customers that they should ask their waiter to see the selection if they chose to do so. Because it
bears no date, it is difficult to gauge whether this was an alternative to the button on waiters‟ shirts urging
customers to ask about it. By February 2011, Ninfa‟s Off-the-Menu menu only boasted three or four
dishes, according to an employee working at the original Ninfa‟s on Navigation Boulevard. “Off Menu
Specialties,” menu, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 3, Folders 3, Artifacts-Menus, n.p.; phone conversation
between author and Ninfa‟s employee, 7 February 2011.
94
By 1985, the chilpanzingas had been brought back on the menu by popular demand. Taking
items off the menu and then re-inserting them by customers‟ request had become a common strategy at
Ninfa‟s by the mid-1980s. This explains some patrons‟ complaints about the constant “tinkering” with the
menu.
252
that “a loud howl of protest” was in order. 95 This regular change in the restaurants‟ food
selection indicates that the Laurenzos were anxious to keep customers coming and
suggests that they might have been ill-prepared to manage multiple locations.
Their most successful strategy consisted in ensuring that the public received
frequent exposure to Mama Ninfa. For instance, the restaurant‟s menus featured
numerous photographs and stories that conveyed the impression of thumbing through a
family album with the matriarch by one‟s side, explaining the meaning of each picture. 96
Ninfa also appeared in the local press often, which kept her and her eateries in the
public‟s mind. Additionally, the team that trained her staff emphasized that each
individual working at the chain formed a part of her extended family. As such, they
served as Ninfa‟s “ambassadors” and were urged to display a “congenial, cheerful, …
gracious, [and] enthusiastic” attitude towards serving guests, who were to be treated as
“king[s]” and “queen[s].”97 Finally, Ninfa‟s restaurants also offered customers flexibility
with new “light” dishes, possibilities to substitute items for one another, and multiple
portion choices. 98 The company therefore tried to uphold its reputation for consistency
and good service while keeping up with the changing demands of diners. With over a
95
“Restaurant Reviews,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981, n.p.; “Ninfa‟s,” Houston City
Magazine, January 1982, 104.
96
Numerous Ninfa‟s menus can be found in Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 3, Folders 1-7, ArtifactsMenus. Another is located in the “Houston Restaurant Collection” box, Hospitality Industry Archives,
Conrad N. Hilton College.
97
Ninfa‟s, Inc., Food and Beverage Consultant Guide, May 1985, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1,
Folder 6, Biographical Background-Business Plans and Training, 5.
98
Ibid; “We Work Hard on Only One Thing—The Food, the Food, the Food!” Ninfa‟s menu,
1985, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 3, Folder 1, Artifacts-Menus, n.p.
253
dozen locations to supervise and Roland‟s ever-present emphasis on expansion, however,
the family brand gradually lost its appeal among many patrons.
As one studies the evolution of the Ninfa‟s chain, the Laurenzos‟ slow loss of
control over their brand appears quite starkly. The Dallas branches, which Roland had
masterminded, constituted one of the poorest business decisions the family made when
they initially decided to expand. Roland would later recall that by opening four eateries
in one urban area far away from Houston, where the Laurenzo name did not have any
clout, they “cannibalized” themselves. 99 From the beginning, reports signaled that
service at these establishments did not meet the usual standards found in Ninfa‟s
restaurants in Houston, and complaints about cold food abounded. By 1984, the family
had sold two of these locations, along with the San Antonio branch, which also drained
resources and did not generate sufficient revenue. 100 Clearly, growth outside of the
Houston metropolitan area had not brought the good fortunes that the Laurenzos
anticipated.
Branching out within the city did not prove successful either. With each new
location, the family lost oversight of operations. Increasingly, press coverage decried
99
Diane Freeman, “Ninfa‟s Strategy: New Foods, Cities,” Houston Post clipping, 5 June 1988,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 5, Press Coverage-Magazines, 1 (D).
100
Ibid; Tedd A. Cohen, “Faith and Good Works,” Forbes Magazine clipping, 16 March 1981,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, n.p.; W.L. Taitte, “A Good Catch,”
Texas Monthly clipping, May 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit,
209-211; Drusilla Gómez, “Ninfa‟s, Inc., Five Year Growth Plan: July 1984-June 1989,” 1984, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Biographical Background-Business Plans and Training, 3; “The Ninfa‟s
Story,” public relations document, September 1986, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Press
Coverage-News Kit, 5; Robb Walsh, “Mama Ninfa and her Comeback Kids,” Houston Press clipping, 6
August 1998, Houston Restaurant Collection, 15; Richard Vara, “A Laudable Feast,” Houston Chronicle,
12 May 1999, 4 (D).
254
poor and hasty service and a decline in the quality of food. Despite Ninfa‟s and Roland‟s
precautions in choosing new managers and training cooks, serious discrepancies between
establishments quickly made themselves apparent. 101 Complaints about “miserably” dry
chicken, an over-salted green sauce, and even margaritas that “tasted like glycerin” were
reported to Ninfa‟s, Inc., headquarters and in reviews. 102 A Texas Monthly column
lamented the loss of the “Ninfa taste” as follows:
Ninfa‟s chain stills feeds on the Mama Ninfa myth, her “I struggled greatly to
bring you great food” legend. So when she doesn‟t bring great food, people tend
to take it personally. 103
Most food columnists and many diners, however, agreed that the original Ninfa‟s
restaurant on Navigation had kept the level of food quality, good service, and friendly
atmosphere that had made the family wealthy and famous. While other extensions
exuded a “prefabricated” feeling, “the offbeat charm of the original location” continued
101
W.L. Taitte, “A Good Catch,” Texas Monthly clipping, May 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 211; “Dining Out,” Houston City Magazine, September 1981, n.p.;
Alison Cook, “The Texas Food Manifesto,” Texas Monthly, December 1983, 146; Mimi Swartz,
“Houston‟s 20 Most Powerful Women,” Houston City Magazine, September 1982, 34; “Dining Out,”
Houston City Magazine, November 1985, 51; Robb Walsh, “Mama Ninfa and her Comeback Kids,”
Houston Press clipping, 6 August 1998, Houston Restaurant Collection, 18.
102
“Restaurant Reviews,” Houston City Magazine, May 1981, n.p.; “Dining Out,” Houston City
Magazine, September 1981, n.p.
Customer complaints for the year 1986 may also be found in Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1,
Correspondence-Business. Each of these features the form that customers filled out after eating at one of
Ninfa‟s restaurants, their explanation about what they felt did not prove satisfactory with their dining
experience, and Ninfa‟s response. Ninfa replied to each customer individually and always offered a
“complimentary certificate” for future use at one of her restaurants. She concluded all of her letters by
explaining that she felt “genuinely sorry” about the customer‟s dissatisfaction and asked them to try one of
her establishments again.
103
Alison Cook, “The Texas Food Manifesto,” Texas Monthly, December 1983, 146.
255
to attract Mama Ninfa‟s most loyal and purist fans. 104 By the mid-1980s, over-expansion
had clearly taken its toll on the family enterprise. Customers kept patronizing the various
locations across town because they quite simply enjoyed the dishes, and eating at Ninfa‟s
restaurants had become a Houston tradition. Yet Roland‟s sustained ambitions, poor
business decisions, and a severe contraction of Houston‟s economy combined to bring
about the slow decline of Mama Ninfa‟s famed brand of Mexican food.
Financial Difficulties and Diversification
By 1985, Ninfa‟s, Inc., faced significant financial distress, and in October of that
year, Roland struck a deal with McFaddin Ventures. The biggest nightclub operator in
the country at the time, it hoped to diversify its portfolio by entering the restaurant
industry. The business arrangement seemed advantageous to the Laurenzos. In addition
to a quarterly fee based on sales, McFaddin paid them $635,000 for the right to operate
future Ninfa‟s locations. Moreover, Roland joined the corporation‟s executive board.
The agreement also suited Roland‟s plans for expansion because the contract required
McFaddin to open twelve new establishments by 1989. 105 By 1987, however, the two
companies found themselves pitted against each other in multiple lawsuits. They settled
104
W.L. Taitte, “A Good Catch,” Texas Monthly clipping, May 1981, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
1, Folder 2, Press Coverage-News Kit, 211.
105
License agreement between Ninfa‟s, Inc. and McFaddin Ventures, fourth draft, 15 October
1985, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2, Biographical Background-Business Plans and Training;
“Firm Acquires Rights to Develop, Operate New Ninfa‟s Restaurants,” Houston Post clipping, 18 October
1985, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1980-85,” HMRC, 3 (C); “Spectator,” Houston City Magazine, July
1986, n.p.; Brian Levinson, “Lawsuits Pit Ninfa‟s Against McFaddin Chain,” Houston Chronicle clipping,
8 January 1987, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1986-87,” HMRC, n.p.; Daniel Benedict, “McFaddin
Problems Piling Up,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 3 April 1988, Vertical File, “H-Nightclubs,” HMRC,
n.p.; “‟Mama Ninfa,‟” Houston Business Journal clipping, 6-12 September 1996, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers,
Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 17; Robb Walsh, “Mama Ninfa and her Comeback
Kids,” Houston Press clipping, 6 August 1998, Houston Restaurant Collection, 13.
256
their dispute in 1988, with Ninfa‟s, Inc., back in control of the Mexican restaurant
chain.106 Roland was again in charge of deciding what direction to take the family
company in order to survive a depressed economic climate and dealing with the problems
inherent with supervising twelve locations.
The economic crisis that hit Houston especially hard in the mid-1980s caused
Ninfa‟s business to lose fifteen percent of its normal profit. Competition for the Mexican
food market had also significantly increased in that decade. Indeed, whereas the city only
boasted 150 Mexican establishments in the early 1980s, by 1988, that number had soared
to more than 500. Roland attempted to offset the financial loss by cutting food and labor
costs, but he became convinced that diversification within the restaurant industry
represented the safest way to continue forward. 107 In order to do so, he created RioStar
Corporation in 1989. The holding company had been “formed by the shareholders of
Ninfa‟s, Inc., to acquire and expand top rate food service chains utilizing the highly
106
Relations between McFaddin and Ninfa‟s Inc. first grew sour when McFaddin fired Roland,
who had been sitting on its executive board, only nine months after hiring him. Roland was laid off, along
six other executives, because McFaddin lost $20 million in 1986 alone. In August of that year, McFaddin
sued Ninfa‟s, Inc., alleging that the Laurenzos had threatened to picket at restaurants owned by the
company and were actively defaming its name. The Laurenzos counter-sued, accusing McFaddin of breach
of contract and of stealing Ninfa‟s recipes. See Brian Levinson, “Lawsuits Pit Ninfa‟s Against McFaddin
Chain,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 8 January 1987, Vertical File, “H-Restaurants-1986-87,” n.p.; Laurel
Brubaker, “Hot Nightclubs Feel the Big [sic],” Houston Business Journal clipping, 17 November 1986,
Vertical File, “H-Nightclubs,” n.p.; Diane Freeman, “Nightclub Giant Loses Appetite for Running
Restaurants: McFaddin Retreats amid Heavy Losses,” Houston Post clipping, 12 June 1988, Vertical File,
“H-Nightclubs,” n.p.; Robb Walsh, “Mama Ninfa and her Comeback Kids,” Houston Press clipping, 6
August 1998, Houston Restaurant Collection, 13.
107
“Economy Brings Restaurant „Shakeout‟,” Houston Post clipping, 19 January 1987, Vertical
File, “H-Restaurants-1986-87,” 1 (F), 10 (F); Diane Freeman, “Ninfa‟s Strategy: New Foods, Cities,”
Houston Post clipping, 5 June 1988, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 5, Press Coverage-Magazines, 1
(D).
257
experienced management team of Ninfa‟s, Inc.” 108 The Laurenzos decided to take their
first forays into non-Mexican restaurants with Bambolino‟s, a pizza-by-the-slice drivethru concept for which they felt Houston had an appetite. Because his father, an Italian
American, had sold pizzas with Rio Grande Food Products, Roland reasoned that such a
new venture made sense because Italian cuisine ran in the family‟s blood. There would
be fourteen such establishments around town. 109 RioStar also invested in four Cajunstyle eateries as well as a seafood restaurant. By the mid-1990s, the company owned a
total of thirty-eight restaurant locations, spread across three southern states. 110
Overstretched and in debt, RioStar would soon be forced to declare bankruptcy, and in
the process, would bring the end of Ninfa‟s restaurants under Laurenzo ownership.
By the fall of 1996, RioStar owed its main food and equipment supplier $2.8
million and could not show financial viability in order to secure further loans. 111 Five
108
RioStar Corporation, use of funds booklet, 1989, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 2,
Biographical Background-Business Plans and Training, 1.
109
“Economy Brings Restaurant „Shakeout‟,” Houston Post clipping, 19 January 1987, Vertical
File, “H-Restaurants-1986-87,” 1 (F), 10 (F); Diane Freeman, “Ninfa‟s Strategy: New Foods, Cities,”
Houston Post clipping, 5 June 1988, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 5, Press Coverage-Magazines, 1
(D); “‟Mama Ninfa,‟” Houston Business Journal clipping, 6-12 September 1996, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers,
Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 17; Dee Gill, “They Mean Business: These Go-Getters
Wouldn‟t Let a Little Oil Crisis Stop Them,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 8 July 1990, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 1, 2 (S3).
110
By 1996, most of RioStar‟s restaurants were versions of Ninfa‟s. The corporation owned
regular Ninfa‟s restaurants, Ninfa‟s fajitas delivery outlets, and Ninfa‟s cafés, which featured a smaller
menu selection. By 1996, Roland had also sold three of the four Creole-style establishments he had bought
in 1989. As for the Bambolino‟s pizza drive-thrus, the family converted most of these locations into
Ninfa‟s establishments and sold Bambolino‟s assets by 1993. See “Vigésimo aniversario: Ninfa‟s Mexican
Restaurant,” La Voz de Houston clipping, 14 July 1993, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2,
Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 5; “‟Mama Ninfa,‟” Houston Business Journal clipping, 6-12 September
1996, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 17.
111
Greg Hassell, “Sysco Goes to Court vs. RioStar,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 18 October
1996, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 2, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 1 (C), 10 (C); Robb
258
different parties sued the company, which forced Roland to declare Chapter 7 bankruptcy
in October of that year. Mama Ninfa had entrusted the management of her business to
her eldest son back in the 1980s and mostly had acted as the public face of the Ninfa‟s
brand. She, therefore, had been sparsely involved in the expansion plans that eventually
led to the financial downfall of her restaurant. In fact, she admitted to feeling “shocked”
when she found out that the business model that she had worked so hard to develop
would leave family hands. 112 She never, however, publicly blamed Roland for his
unrealistic ambitions and poor business management skills. It remained unquestionable
that he had made some seriously unsound decisions. For instance, his dreams of
launching the Ninfa‟s brand in California had required a $1 million investment in a
restaurant that never came to fruition. He also later conceded that “RioStar [had]
borrowed 2 million dollars at 20 percent interest” as a last resort. 113 Ninfa‟s, Inc., had
essentially sunk into debt with the opening of the Dallas branches in the early 1980s and
never recouped its losses. Roland explained that he felt that the “only [viable] option was
to grow out of debt” by taking on new ventures. 114 Rationalizing his decision to diversify
the family business, he stated that:
If one restaurant, even one whole restaurant concept, failed, try again, just as soon
as you can borrow the money. If 28 Ninfa‟s are making money, why not license
another two or three for the trademark payments? 115
Walsh, “Mama Ninfa and her Comeback Kids,” Houston Press clipping, 6 August 1998, Houston
Restaurant Collection, 16.
112
Robb Walsh, “Mama Ninfa and her Comeback Kids,” Houston Press clipping, 6 August 1998,
Houston Restaurant Collection, 16.
113
Ibid.
114
Ibid.
259
By the mid-1990s, it became apparent that this approach to debt management had
suffocated RioStar and stretched its financial viability beyond recovery. Roland had
clearly miscalculated his diversification and expansion plans, and creditors would soon
close in to recover their own losses.
In 1998, Austin-based Serranos Café and Cantina took over RioStar, which
signaled the end of Ninfa‟s restaurants under the Laurenzos‟ command. The matriarch
and her children nonetheless struck a deal that removed debt and secured the family‟s
finances. Under the judge-approved plan, Serranos would “pay 100 cents on the dollar to
RioStar‟s creditors,” Ninfa and her kids were authorized to open six new Ninfa‟s
establishments in the future, and Mama herself received a comfortable monthly stipend
from Serranos to continue to act as the restaurant‟s spokesperson. 116 The Ninfa‟s
restaurant saga, as defined by this Mexican American family, had come to an end.
Ninfa‟s locations continue to dot Houston‟s landscapes today, and each establishment
still displays the familiar Laurenzo photos that remain associated with the matriarch‟s
story. Yet the family never returned to the brand that made their name synonymous with
fajitas in Houston. Instead, Ninfa retired, and Roland and his brother Jack opened a
Mexican restaurant of their own in 1998.117 Failure with RioStar seemed to have tamed
115
Ibid.
116
Ibid; Dai Huynh, “Muere „Mamá‟ Ninfa Laurenzo,” La Voz de Houston clipping, 20 June 2001,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 8. Ninfa‟s stipend was
contractually set to gradually decrease over the years. In 1998, Serranos paid her $16,500 per month, in
1999, $15,500, and $14,500 in 2000. In 2001, the year of her death, she earned $13,500 a month.
117
Ibid.
260
Roland‟s expansionist impulses, as Houston only counted three El Tiempo locations by
2011.118 The Laurenzo name thus continued to be associated with Mexican cuisine in the
city even after the family‟s ownership of the chain concluded.
Ninfa and Community Service
As Ninfa quickly gained stature as a successful businesswoman among Anglo and
Mexican-origin Houstonians alike, she dedicated as much of her free time to causes of
various constituencies. While she would later act as the national spokesperson for the
Cancer Foundation and other organizations, from early on, Ninfa became the public
figure for East End barrio residents, where she had spent most of her life as a Houstonian.
She lent her support to citywide policies and activities that enhanced Houston‟s
awareness of its Mexican-origin population and implemented positive changes in the
daily lives of barrio residents. For instance, she played a notable role in the Mexican
Americans for Better Transit campaign in 1978, when she became the only female and
sole Hispanic member of the interim board of the Metropolitan Transit Authority. 119 She
worked tirelessly to mobilize Mexican American voters in favor of a significant extension
of the existing public transportation system. As a well-known accomplished
businesswoman, in August 1978 she used her clout and Spanish-speaking skills to reach
Mexican-origin residents through radio announcements, opinion pieces in the local
bilingual press, and appearances at many community events to convince them to cast
118
119
See http://www.eltiempocantina.com/index.html, accessed 25 January 2011.
“The Interim Board,” La Prensa, 11 August 1978, 5 (A). For further details on this campaign,
see the Mexican Americans for Better Transit Collection, Box 1, Folders 1-3, HMRC.
261
their vote. She vocally supported plans for increased employment of Mexican-origin
contractors and Spanish-speaking bus drivers. She also advocated the implementation of
Spanish-language services and additional bus routes between the East End barrio and the
rest of the city. When voted upon, the proposal even received the support of a majority
of Anglos. 120 Early on, Ninfa thus showed Houstonians of Mexican and Anglo
backgrounds that they shared similar opinions beyond their taste for Mexican food. She
would do so repeatedly by throwing her support behind causes that united a majority of
the city‟s residents, including issues as varied as justice, health, the arts, economic
opportunities, and gender equity. 121
120
“Usted: En sociedad,” La Prensa, 24 March 1978, 5; “Regional Transit Plan,” El Sol, 27 April
1978, 6; “Community: MTA Board Adopts 1st Part of Transit Plan: Minimum Standards for Buses,” La
Prensa, 7 July 1978, 4 (A); “En Houston: Comité de transporte promociona East End minibus,” La Prensa,
7 July 1978, 1; “¡Transporte para Houston! Líderes hispanos respaldan la creación de un Nuevo plan de
transporte,” El Sol, 3 August 1978, 1; “Mexican-American Forces Endorse MTA,” El Sol, 3 August 1978,
1; “Endorsement,” El Sol, 3 August 1978, 2; Ninfa Laurenzo, “MTA and its Importance to Hispanics
Houston [sic],” La Prensa, 4 August 1978, 2 (A); “Broad Support Developing for Transit Election Aug.
12,” La Prensa, 4 August 1978, 5 (A); “Broad Support Developing for Transit,” El Sol, 10 August 1978,
n.p.; “Mexican-American, Affluent Whites Strongest for MTA,” El Sol, 17 August 1978, 1; Mr. Raúl
Castillo, interview by Thomas H. Kreneck, tape recording, 23 August 1978, Oral History Collection
Mexican American Component, Houston Metropolitan Research Center (HMRC). The translation from
Spanish to English is mine.
121
“X-Mas at Ninfa‟s,” El Sol, 8 September 1977, 8; The University of Texas System Cancer
Center, M.D. Anderson Hospital and Tumor Institute, certificate in appreciation for dedication to Pediatric
Christmas Card Project, 25 January 1978, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 3, Folder 1, Artifacts-Plaques;
“Houston Ready for Bellas Artes,” La Prensa, 31 March 1978, 7 (A); “Cámara mexicana de comercio elige
nueva directiva,” El Mexica, 28 June 1979, n.p.; “‟Arte de Mexico‟ en Ripley House,” El Sol, 26 September
1979, n.p.; “Ole! [sic] Come to a Mexican Fiesta,” unknown newspaper, n.d., Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
8, Folder 1, Oversized-Scrapbooks, n.p.; “TAMACC Dallas Convention Biggest Ever,” El Sol, 23 July
1980, n.p.; Olga Soliz, “Houston Highlights,” El Sol, 23 September 1981, n.p.; Olga Soliz, “Houston
Highlights,” El Sol, 18 November 1981, n.p.; Janice DelValle to Ninfa Inc., 3 April 1987, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 1, Folder 1, Correspondence-Business; George Simons to Ninfa Laurenzo, 27 April 1987,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1, Correspondence-Business; David Kaplan, “Ninfa Laurenzo
Focuses on Cancer Foundation,” Houston Post clipping, 22 December 1993, Vertical File, “BiographyNinfa Laurenzo,” n.p.; Greg Burns to Ninfa Laurenzo, 9 October 2000, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1,
Folder 1, Correspondence-Business; The Furniture Bank to Ninfa Laurenzo, 11 December 2000, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1, Correspondence-Business; Michelle Cordua to Ninfa Laurenzo, 12
November 2000, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1, Correspondence-Business; Evin Thayer
Scholarship Fund to Ninfa Laurenzo, 12 December 2000, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1,
262
An examination of Ninfa Laurenzo‟s public and civic life cannot end without
mentioning her active interest in politics. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, she was
asked to consider political office in Houston, but she declined the opportunity because
she was preoccupied with maintaining and expanding her restaurant business. By the late
1980s, however, as a millionaire restaurateur whose professional activities mostly
revolved around matters of public relations for the Ninfa‟s chain, she became engaged
with the Republican Party. Through her food establishments and her involvement with
Houston‟s social and civic affairs, Ninfa had developed an acquaintance with George H.
W. Bush and his family. Indeed, Bush and his wife enjoyed sharing a meal at Ninfa‟s
restaurant whenever they visited Houston. 122 In 1988, Ninfa even received the honor of
seconding George H. W. Bush‟s nomination for President of the United States at the
Correspondence-Business; Dorothy E. F. Caram to Ninfa Laurenzo, 12 December 2000, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 1, Folder 1, Correspondence-Business; Underprivileged Children‟s Christmas Party, certificate
of appreciation, n.d., Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 8, Public Service-Award Certificates; Ninfa
Laurenzo‟s check donations, 2000, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 10, Public Service-Check
Donations. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
122
“‟Mama Ninfa,‟” Houston Business Journal clipping, 6-12 September 1996, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 17; Dai Huynh, “Restaurateur Mama Ninfa
Dies,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 18 June 2001, Houston Restaurant Association Collection, Box 1,
“Restaurant History” Folder, n.p. (Death Notices); “Houston‟s „Mama‟ of Mexican Cuisine Dies,”
Click2Houston.com clipping, 18 June 2001, Houston Restaurant Association Collection, Box 1,
“Restaurant History” Folder, n.p. (Death Notices); Dai Huynh, “Muere „Mamá‟ Ninfa Laurenzo,” La Voz
de Houston clipping, 20 June 2001, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper
Clippings, 8; Marcello Marini, “Se apaga una estrella que brilló sobre nuestro cielo de Houston,” La
Información clipping, 21-27 June 2001, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper
Clippings, n.p. The translation from Spanish to English is mine.
At the request of the President and First Lady, Ninfa also often brought food from her restaurants to the
White House in the 1980s. When Ninfa died, George H.W. Bush issued a written statement in which he
declared: “Ninfa was a leader in the business community and a loyal ally and friend in the political arena.
Barbara and I and the rest of the Bushes treasured our personal friendship with her.” “Houston‟s „Mama‟ of
Mexican Cuisine Dies,” Click2Houston.com clipping, 18 June 2001, Houston Restaurant Association
Collection, Box 1, “Restaurant History” Folder, n.p. (Death Notices).
263
Republican Convention held in New Orleans, Louisiana.123 She dismissed political
pundits‟ speculations that the presidential candidate had chosen her because of her
Hispanic descent, but she also informed the press that if his decision had been solely
motivated by his desire to court the Latino vote, she found it an honor to represent
Hispanic Americans at the convention. 124 Ninfa would remain active in Republican
politics until her death in June 2001.125
The last decade of Mama Ninfa‟s life presented her with challenges, as she had to
witness the loss of her restaurant chain and was confronted with cancer. At least
publicly, she did not grieve losing her business, and she seemed to rejoice spending time
at El Tiempo, her sons‟ newest restaurant venture. On 17 June 2001, however, she
succumbed to her fight against bone cancer at the age of seventy-seven. Houstonians
mourned the passing of a local icon whose face and brand of Mexican food had become
123
Frank J. Fahrenkopf, Jr., to Ninfa Laurenzo, invitation to Republican Convention, 4 August
1988, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1, Correspondence-Political; Bill Coulter, “Ninfa Laurenzo to
Second Nomination of George Bush,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 11 August 1988, Vertical File,
“Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 1 (A), 10 (A); Felix Sanchez, “Ninfa Laurenzo to Help Second Nomination,”
Houston Post clipping, 11 August 1988, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 1 (A), 15 (A); Ninfa
Laurenzo, speech to Republican Convention, draft, undated, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 5,
Public Service-Speeches.
124
Felix Sanchez, “Ninfa Laurenzo to Help Second Nomination,” Houston Post clipping, 11
August 1988, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” 1 (A), 15 (A).
125
Ninfa actively supported Texas Governor George W. Bush throughout the 1990s, and she also
lent her voice to radio announcements endorsing his candidacy to the 2000 presidential election. Moreover,
she read the Pledge of Allegiance at the opening ceremony of the 1992 Republican Convention in Houston.
George W. Bush to Ninfa Laurenzo, invitation to open house, 8 March 1993, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box
1, Folder 1, Correspondence-Personal Letters; Greg Burns, president of Magic Circle Women‟s Republican
Group, to Ninfa Laurenzo, 9 October 2000, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1, CorrespondencePersonal Letters; political radio announcement endorsing George W. Bush, English language, Fall 2000,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1, Correspondence-Personal Letters; political radio announcement
endorsing of George W. Bush, Spanish language, Fall 2000, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1,
Correspondence-Personal Letters; George W. Bush to Ninfa Laurenzo, thank you letter, 16 January 2001,
Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1, Correspondence-Personal Letters.
264
so familiar during the previous three decades. 126 After all, Ninfa Laurenzo, the widow
entrepreneur and gifted cook, epitomized Houston‟s celebrated motto that a can-do
attitude can achieve almost anything in the “Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt.”
Conclusion
Ninfa Laurenzo was and remains a legendary Texas figure. She built a food
empire that no other Houstonian of Mexican descent has ever managed to equal. She also
exposed Anglo Houstonians to a taste of authentic Mexican cuisine much more accurate
than that of her famed predecessor and early business collaborator, Felix Tijerina.
Indeed, where Felix served enchiladas with a mild red sauce on the side, Ninfa spiced up
hers with jalapeño peppers. The food she offered her customers represented the second
generation of Texas-style Mexican fare. While she never really explained why she
decided to cook such a foreign-tasting food for patrons accustomed to the blander style of
Tex-Mex for which Felix had become famous, Ninfa clearly had an inkling for what a
new generation of diners desired. An inventive and adventurous chef, she devised
recipes of her own, found inspiration in some Mexican dishes, and otherwise served the
food that she had grown up eating in the borderlands region of South Texas. There,
126
Ninfa first suffered from breast cancer in the mid-1990s, which she successfully beat, initially.
See Robb Walsh, “Mama Ninfa and her Comeback Kids,” Houston Press clipping, 6 August 1998, Houston
Restaurant Collection, 15; Dai Huynh, “Restaurateur Mama Ninfa Dies,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 18
June 2001, Houston Restaurant Collection, Box 1, “Restaurant History” Folder, n.p. (Death Notices); Dai
Huynh, “Muere „Mamá‟ Ninfa Laurenzo,” La Voz de Houston clipping, 20 June 2001, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, Oversized-Newspaper Clippings, 1, 8; Tay Polo Miranda, “Mamá Ninfa, la reina
del tex-mex,” Semana News clipping, 22-28 June 2001, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 5, Folder 1, OversizedNewspaper Clippings, n.p.
265
Anglo and Mexican cultures met and continue to mingle, and Ninfa and her restaurants
embodied this blend.
The college-educated daughter of a Mexican political exile, Ninfa Laurenzo
engaged in activities that directly related to the life of barrio residents, but she felt equally
comfortable in middle- and upper-class Anglo milieus. Like Felix Tijerina, she became a
prominent public figure because she could seamlessly navigate both cultures. Ninfa used
her stature among Houstonians and Texans to foster greater community awareness about
issues dealing with education, poverty, health, and the arts. She also was a lifelong
advocate for the advancement of Latinos and a strong supporter of Hispanic female
entrepreneurs. That commitment led to her induction in the Texas Women‟s Hall of
Fame in 1988. She also was nominated as “Woman of the Century” by the Austin Texas
Chamber of Commerce in 1999 and by the Houston-based Hispanic Women in
Leadership organization in 2000.127 Throughout her lifetime, Ninfa received many such
awards celebrating her achievements and devotion to others. 128
127
Texas Women‟s Hall of Fame, award ceremony pamphlet, February 1989, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 2, Folder 2, Public Service-Event Pamphlets; Ninfa R. Laurenzo‟s resumé, 1998, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 10, Public Service-Check Donations; Margaret Palacios Rodriguez to Ms.
Ninfa Laurenzo, 22 November 1999, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 1, Folder 1, Correspondence-Business;
“Hispanic Women in Leadership‟s „Woman of the Century,‟” pamphlet, March 2000, Ninfa Laurenzo
Papers, Box 2, Folder 1, Public Service-Event Pamphlets.
128
Ibid; “Outstanding Mexican-American Business Woman [sic] of the Year,” El Sol, 13 April
1978, 1; “A Chicana Salute to Ninfa Laurenzo,” Houston JWY Chicana Caucus award plaque, 28 April
1978, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 3, Folder 2, Artifacts-Plaques; “Owner of Ninfa‟s Will Get Business
Award,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 31 December 1978, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa Laurenzo,” n.p.;
“Mexican-American Businessperson of the Year 1978: Ninfa Laurenzo,” La Vida Latina en Houston,
February 1979, n.p.; Texas Mexican-American Business Hispanic Hall of Fame Award to Ninfa Laurenzo,
award plaque from the Texas Association of Mexican-American Chambers of Commerce, July 1979, Ninfa
Laurenzo Papers, Box 3, Folder 3, Artifacts-Plaques; Olga Soliz, “Houston Highlights,” El Sol, 19
November 1980, n.p.; Olga Soliz, “Houston Highlights,” El Sol, 13 May 1981, n.p.; “Top
Businesswoman,” Houston Chronicle clipping, 21 August 1981, Vertical File, “Biography-Ninfa
Laurenzo,” n.p.; Big Brothers and Sisters of Houston, the President‟s Award, plaque, 1982, Ninfa Laurenzo
266
Ninfa Laurenzo therefore stands among Houston‟s most influential entrepreneurs
and civic leaders. Thanks to a shrewd understanding of restaurant-goers‟ evolving
culinary tastes, her warm personality, and her ability to keep herself in the public‟s eye,
she changed the eating habits of her city and beyond. Overreach and poor business
decisions in the later years did bring about the end of her family‟s ownership of her
restaurant chain, but her culinary legacy has become acknowledged throughout Texas and
increasingly, the United States. Nowadays, Americans across the nation do not question
the presence of sizzling fajitas on the menus of Mexican restaurants. Ninfa Laurenzo
played her part in bringing that aspect of Mexican American culture into the mainstream
of food offerings.
Papers, Box 4, Folder 5, Artifacts-Plaques; “Reconocimiento a negociantes hispanos,” El Sol, 17 July 1985,
1; “Bush Appoints Ninfa to PACA,” Houston Post clipping, 26 September 1992, Vertical File, “BiographyNinfa Laurenzo,” n.p.; “Ninfa Laurenzo, Business Woman [sic] of the Year,” United Cerebral Palsy of
Greater Houston luncheon, 21 April 1994, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 3, Public Service-Event
Pamphlets; Appreciation Award to Ninfa‟s Restaurant, Jefferson Davis Hispanic Alumni Association
Scholarship, 1996, Ninfa Laurenzo Papers, Box 2, Folder 8, Public Service-Award Certificates. The
translation from Spanish to English is mine.
267
CONCLUSION
On 17 February 1982, Ruben Treviso, a Congressional liaison for Hispanic
organizations in Washington, D.C., published an opinion piece in El Sol entitled, “The
Taco Invasion—Food for Thought.” 1 In it, he celebrated the recent penetration of
Mexican food into mainstream American culinary ways by recounting how newspaper
food sections across the nation now had “expanded their gastronomic cultural awareness”
to include “tips on preparing nopales, churros, and Tex-Mex meatballs.” 2 Moreover,
Treviso reported that “customer counts in Mexican restaurants [had] increased nearly 30
percent every year since 1974,” and that one could find Mexican food establishments
serving authentic dishes in most of the country‟s major cities. 3 He also noted that, during
National School Lunch Week, the U.S. Assistant Agriculture Secretary, Carol Tucker
Foreman, had told journalists that “„tacos and beans … were not only nutritious, … but
[also that] such meals helped students learn about a different culture.‟” 4 Treviso
concluded that, since the Senate Building boasted a “‟Mextravaganza‟ build-your-owntaco alternative lunch stand,” and that “every Thursday, the White House itself feature[d]
Mexican food in its staff dining room,” surely “the day [was] coming when the United
1
Ruben Treviso, “The Taco Invasion—Food for Thought,” El Sol, 17 February 1982, n.p.
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
4
Ibid.
268
States [would] be a nation whose revered traditions included beisbol and Mom‟s tamale
pie.” 5
Just as this column connects local culture with the national one, this dissertation
explores how the endeavors of some of Houston‟s Mexican-origin entrepreneurs and
civic leaders themselves participated in the mixing of Mexican culture into the American
identity in the post-World War II period. My research highlights how the efforts of these
individuals emphasized the importance of the Mexican heritage to the country‟s fourthlargest metropolis in the post-1945 decades. My study also uncovers how, at the same
time, Anglo Houstonians adopted elements of Mexican culture as their own. By focusing
on the commemorations of a Mexican patriotic holiday, Spanish-language broadcasting,
and Mexican food, this dissertation has shown how manifestations of Mexican ethnicity
helped a major urban center incorporate the heritage of its Mexican-origin population into
its self-perception and self-definition. As Mexican-origin people have established
communities in cities throughout the United States, especially after the 1950s, my
research offers points of comparison for the study of similar processes in other American
cities.
The Fiestas Patrias committee, Felix and Angie Morales, Felix and Janie
Tijerina, and Ninfa Laurenzo all sensed that the culture of the Mexican-origin community
deserved recognition beyond the barrios. They also perceived that, with the right
approach, Houston was ready to welcome Mexican ethnicity in its public spaces. The
demographic explosion that followed World War II quickly turned the city into a
5
Ibid.
269
multicultural metropolis, so exchanges became inevitable as more and more immigrants
made it their destination. Music, festivals, and food constituted platforms that showcased
the sounds, flavors, and history of the Mexican-origin community. By celebrating and
selling Mexican culture, the civic leaders that are the subject of this dissertation led the
way towards establishing Mexican heritage as an intrinsic part of Houston‟s modern
identity. They shared their culture with all Houstonians, and in the process, ensured that
encounters with aspects of Mexican culture would become a part of the regular life of the
city.
Food, patriotic festivals, and music became avenues where cultural appropriation
remained of central importance, as events organizers and restaurateurs put forth their own
interpretations of Mexican culture, and Anglos proceeded to consume it. Mexican culture
thereby became commodified to appeal to people with no Mexican heritage.
Nonetheless, the middle-class leaders depicted in this study succeeded in retaining
ownership of the versions of Mexican culture they wanted the Houstonian community to
embrace. Their endeavors resulted in greater exchanges between two communities that
theretofore had had little interaction.
By using Houston‟s public spaces to display their ethnic heritage, these Mexicanorigin civic leaders and entrepreneurs exposed lo mexicano to outside forces and had to
negotiate the definition of Mexican ethnicity. In the case of the Fiestas Patrias, events
that celebrated pride in the Mexican heritage led Houstonians to recognize their fellow
residents‟ bicultural identity. But the festivities also faced the dangers of co-option from
national corporations eager to court the Hispanic dollar by commodifying the
270
independence day holiday and Mexican culture at large. Fiestas Patrias committee
members managed to retain control over the planning of the events, but they could not
prevent national businesses or local radio stations from seeking to make a profit from the
activities. Yet Juan Coronado and Armando Rodriguez accomplished what they had
originally intended and brought the city together a few days out of the year to
commemorate Mexico‟s history, specifically, events that resonated with the United
States‟ own identity.
In a similar fashion, KLVL offered a public platform that introduced Mexicanorigin residents to their Spanish-speaking brethren and to listeners of other ethnic
backgrounds. Felix and Angie Morales, however, only achieved financial success when
they secured the advertising portfolios of national corporations that sought to attract a
new pool of Spanish-speaking customers through the radio‟s airwaves. By providing
broadcasting and translation services to businesses otherwise unprepared to deal with
Mexican-origin consumers, KLVL also engaged in the ultimate commodification of
culture: advertising. The station nonetheless served as an important tool for
communication between groups that would otherwise likely not have been exposed to one
another‟s ethnic ways and worldviews, and it was a pioneer for its role in making
Mexican culture and music a part of Houston‟s life.
Finally, Felix‟s and Ninfa‟s Mexican restaurants adapted Mexican food to the
contemporary tastes of their Anglo patrons. In Felix‟s time, authentic Mexican fare
meant mild, cheesy combination plates served with a glass of American beer. As his
successor in the industry, Ninfa offered potent “Ninfaritas” and a wide variety of spicier
271
dishes to customers hungry for something more foreign-tasting. Both restaurateurs
became wealthy by claiming to deliver genuine aspects of Mexican culture in the plates
of customers willing to consume it. By exposing Anglo patrons to new flavors, these two
entrepreneurs brought ethnic food into the mainstream. Their particular blend of cuisine
is now widely known as Tex-Mex, but in their respective eras, eating at Felix‟s or Ninfa‟s
restaurant meant tasting authentic Mexican dishes and by extension, experiencing
Mexican culture through one‟s taste buds.
This dissertation demonstrates how the study of the experience of the Mexicanorigin community in Houston in the post-World War II era sheds light on the role of
business and culture in the blending of ethnic communities in multicultural urban
environments. More specifically, my research contributes to the existing scholarship on
modern Mexican American history by looking at how the Houston Mexican-origin
community transformed the racial, social, and cultural makeup of a large metropolis in
ways that occurred before, alongside, and after civil rights movements. Indeed, the bulk
of the scholarship available about the post-World War II period focuses on the Chicano
Movement and fights for equal rights in the streets, parks, schools, and court rooms of
American localities, small and large. My research offers an examination of the role of
middle-class Mexican-origin men and women in adding Mexican ethnicity to the
definition of a modern American metropolis. They and their counterparts in other cities
across the United States shaped the ways in which so much of Americans‟ contemporary
behavior now involves dealings with Mexican culture. Indeed, while immigration from
Mexico remains a contentious issue to this day, average Americans nonetheless take their
272
families and friends out to eat at local Mexican restaurants frequently; they witness, and
sometimes join, street parades commemorating Mexican holidays; and their children
learn the Spanish language in school. As this dissertation has shown, the post-World War
II era presented Americans with opportunities to consume Mexican culture, both
passively and actively. In the process, Mexican cultural ways have come to form a part
of the modern American identity.
273
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