5
NOT A MELTING POT: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF
SWEDES AND CZECHS IN SAUNDERS COUNTY, NEBRASKA,
1880 - 1910
by
Raymond D. Screws
'NT
5,..,J...G'r.•.(;... ~12..~"".,,,.. fl'" ......
ebraska
During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Saunders County,
Nebraska was a magnet for Czech, Swede and German immigrants. Many of
these ethnic groups settled throughout the county. Though the Germans seemed
to have blended into American society early on in the county, the Swedes and
Czechs maintained a strong hold on their culture and ethnic identity. This ethnic
pride still exists today in the county. As elaborated in both popular culture and
historical studies over the past century, the melting pot process basically means
that assimilation is taking place. In other words, new arrivals from distinctive
cultures are becoming one with the existing people and are absorbing the
dominant culture. Under these definitions, the Swedes and Czechs in Saunders
County between 1880 and 1910 did not participate in the melting pot process.
Another important factor to understand is ethnic identity. Just because a
person or a society belongs to an ethnic group does not necessarily mean they
have an ethnic identity. In order to possess an ethnic identity an ethnic group
must have it impressed upon them. If a group of people live in an area where
the only people they are influenced by are of the same culture, speak the same
language, and probably practice the same religious beliefs, they will not
contemplate their ethnicity. In other words, they are a group of people who are
the same, who entertain no outside influences from another culture. They may
know that they belong to a certain group, but they will not possess a deep-rooted
ethnic identity because they never had to fight for it. However, when another
cultural group, such as the German influence over the Czechs, invades groups
of people, they well be forced to think about and understand their ethnic identity.
Raymond D. Screws has been the Program Officer at the Nebraska Humanities Council
since July 2001. Prior to that he was the CuratorlDirector of the Saunders County
Historical Society in Wahoo, Nebraska. He is a Ph.D. candidate in history at the
University ofNebraska-Lincoln.
6
When immigrants arrived in America, they were forced to inherit an ethnic
identity whether they owned one before or not.
The components of assimilation and the melting pot theory are important to
diagram. Peter Salins explained that the melting pot metaphor made both the
immigrants and the existing American population indistinguishable from each
other. "The greatest failing ofthe melting-pot metaphor," argued Salins, "is that
it overreaches. It exaggerates the degree to which immigrants' ethnicity is likely
to be extinguished by exposure to American SOciety."1 Rather than a melting
pot, Salins visualized an American society whose culture was continually
changing, via immigration. 2
The term "melting pot" was coined by Israel Zangwill's 1908 play by that
name. Frequently, assimilation and the melting pot idea are regarded as
synonymous. However, the melting pot theory not only involves assimilation but
acculturation as well. In the simplest terms assimilation means that one group
is absorbed into the existing society (although the new group does change the
old group), but cultural identity may still be retained. On the other hand,
acculturation occurs when a group loses their culture to another group (although
ethnic identity may still be observed). Hannibel Gerald Duncan wrote during the
1930s that assimilation was a "cultural process."3 But Duncan was really
speaking of acculturation without differentiating it from assimilation. Salins
recognized the distinction between assimilation and acculturation. He argued
that one could happen without the other. Salins wrote that "Except for the need
to speak. English, acculturation, in the American historical context, may be
meaningless because the base culture to which immigrant communities may be
expected to relate is so fluid." He continued: "It is not clear what it is that
immigrants should be acculturating to." Salins believed that America was closer
to being a melting pot than most scholars were "willing to concede."4 In other
words, what Salins was arguing was that immigrants could assimilate, but not
really acculturate, because they were adding to the culture.
Richard Bernard saw the melting pot as a "concept" rather than a theory.
He argued that "the term 'melting pot' means an assimilated society in which
people from a variety of cultural backgrounds have so intermingled as to form
a new people, distinct· from their forebears."5 In reality, this, in part, is what
occurred. But, as explained above, the melting pot "concept" or "theory" means
that a group ofpeople are assimilating and acculturating into the existing society.
Nancy Green argued that the term melting pot has historically had at least five
7
ere forced to inherit an ethnic
lting pot theory are important to
tlg pot metaphor made both the
lon indistinguishable from each
~phor," argued Salins, "is that
:h immigrants' ethnicity is likely
Idety."! Rather than a melting
",hose culture was continually
el Zangwill' s 1908 play by that
ting pot idea are regarded as
Jt only involves assimilation but
iimilation means that one group
the new group does change the
: retained. On the other hand,
lture to another group (although
Gerald Duncan wrote during the
ess."3 But Duncan was really
19 it from assimilation. Salins
l and acculturation. He argued
wrote that "Except for the need
can historical context, may be
immigrant communities may be
"It is not clear what it is that
lelieved that America was closer
"willing to concede."4 In other
grants could assimilate, but not
the culture.
'concept" rather than a theory.
an assimilated society in which
llave so intermingled as to form
fn reality, this, in part, is what
Jot "concept" or "theory" means
turating into the existing society.
las historically had at least five
definitions. Three of these definitions are explained here. She translated
Zangwill's view to mean that immigrants became Americans. "More literally,
the term has symbolized a process of homogenization, and it has been used as
a synonym for assimilation." Green also demonstrated that the term has
become "a substitute for the history ofimmigration to the United States." What
she found interesting about this usage of the term was that it limited "diversity
rather than homogeneity."6 Clearly the definition of melting pot (and of
assimilation and acculturation) is confusing and debatable. Many are proprietors
of their own concepts of what melting pot means. Regardless of the correct
definition, Maxine Seller argued that, in America, the melting pot is a myth, and
she was correct. 7
Ifthe melting pot concept is not accurate in America, then determining what
is correct is vital before continuing. Michael Kammen explained that many
historians saw American society as "pluralism within a consensus." He also
attested that Americans sustained their "identities while sharing a common set
of assumptions about" American values. "Perhaps the melting pot," pondered
Karnrnen, "was in reality a mosaic? A patchwork quilt? A salad bowl?"8
James Ronda expressed a similar view when he said that America was more
like a "crazy quilt" than a melting pot. 9 Theodore Maynard, writing in a similar
vain, stated that the melting pot was not a "porridge" but rather a "goulash."10
These are astute metaphors. Instead of melting pot, the immigrant influence of
American society is more akin to a stew. In a stew, all the ingredients and their
flavors blend together, but most ofthem are still distinguishable when it is done.
The mixture yields the unique flavor of the country but the ingredients are still
perceptible. This may be called cultural pluralism, but the "stew theory" may
extend it a bit further. And as the stew cooks, the original or base ingredient,
the water, (which represents English culture), becomes indistinguishable.
Although it would compose an interesting study, this essay will not attempt
to conclude why Czechs and Swedes in Saunders County remained separate
and distinct, and why they did not readily assimilate into American society.
There have been many studies about Czech immigrants, Swedish immigrants,
and immigration in general. However, little has been written regarding these
two ethnic groups in Nebraska, or in comparing the Swedes and Czechs. There
have been some important books and articles published as well as a few
dissertations and theses. In addition, some local town and church histories have
8
been compiled which express some limited insight into Czech and Swedish
culture in Saunders County.
Past and Present o/Saunders County, Nebraska, 1915, edited by Charles
Perky, a prominent Wahoo banker, revealed more by what it neglected to say
than what it did say. For example, there is a section in the book about Swedish
settlement in Saunders County, but there is nothing about the Czechs. In the
village histories of Swedeburg and Malmo, Perky described the Swedish settlers
who were instrumental in building those communities. Conversely, the histories
of Prague and Morse Bluff failed to mention the strong Czech heritage. Perky
wrote that the small town of Weston was founded by a Bohemian, but then he
ignored the Czech element of the villageY The history of Touhy simply
explained that the major "portion ofthe population is Bohemian in nationality. "12
There are two explanations for this omission: first, that Czechs were considered
second-class people, or second, that the Czechs chose not to participate in the
book project. More than likely, it is a combination of both.
Rose Rosicky explained how Czechs primarily settled specific areas of
Saunders County. Rosicky wrote: "The little town of Prague on the Burlington
& Missouri, named for the Capital City ofBohemia, is so entirely Bohemian that
for many years (and probably now [1929]) the only person of any other
natioJlality was the depot agent." Although this is not a categorical statement
about the lack of assimilation among the Czechs, it does reveal the perception
that, even by the late 1920s, Czechs in this part of the county were still well
defined in their ethnicity. The author also explained that Saunders County was
one ofthe most heavily settled in Nebraska by Czechs.u
In Saunders County History, published in 1983, several ofthe contributors
wrote about Czech and Swede customs such as common foods, music and,
especially, holiday traditions. 14 What this revealed was, that even as late as the
1980s, the traditions, customs and ethnicity of both groups were still alive and
well in Saunders County. Even the languages are still spoken by some of the
older Czechs and Swedes.
Gordon M. Riedesel recognized that the Czech and Swede ethnic groups
remained distinct and were slow to assimilate in Saunders County. In his study
of the geography of rural cemeteries, he argued that "European settlers ...
maintained culture-group ties in the slow process ofacculturation and, therefore,
lived in relatively culturally homogenous areas."15 Riedesel revealed, through
cemeteries, that the Czechs and Swedes existed as separate groups. He
I
____------------------J
9
iight into Czech and Swedish
raska, 1915, edited by Charles
)re by what it neglected to say
tion in the book about Swedish
hing about the Czechs. In the
{described the Swedish settlers
rities. Conversely, the histories
: strong Czech heritage. Perky
led by a Bohemian, but then he
rhe history of Touhy simply
In is Bohemian in nationality. "12
5t, that Czechs were considered
chose not to participate in the
ion of both.
larily settled specific areas of
Ml of Prague on the Burlington
ria, is so entirely Bohemian that
the only person of any other
: is not a categorical statement
s, it does reveal the perception
rt of the county were still well
lfied that Saunders County was
:zechs. 13
~83, several ofthe contributors
15 common foods, music and,
ed was, that even as late as the
lOth groups were still alive and
ue still spoken by some of the
lech and Swede ethnic groups
Saunders County. In his study
:i that "European settlers . . .
ofacculturation and, therefore,
"IS Riedesel revealed, through
:ted as separate groups. He
explained that about 60 percent "of all rural cemeteries in Saunders County are
associated with a church, a culture group or a combination ofthe twO."16
Terrence Jon Lindell showed that in some aspects of life Swedes
assimilated, but in others, the process was extremely slow. He explained that
it was highly unlikely between 1870 and 1900 in Kansas and Nebraska for
Swedes to permit Americans into their families. However, Lindell never
explained ifthis extended to other ethnic groups, including the toleration ofother
Scandinavians. He also explained that "Swedish immigrants lived in two worlds.
In their public world they sought assimilation into and acceptance by American
society. But they also had a private world, bounded by church and family,
where the Swedish language and heritage prevailed."I? Also, Lindell showed
that, although Swedes sent their children to public schools, they also attended
Sunday school and Swedish summer school, which kept their language and
culture alive. In addition, Luther Academy in Wahoo continued to preserve
Swedish heritage during the l880s. 18
Many ofthe local town and church histories in Saunders County neglect the
rich ethnic background of their communities. The History of Prague,
Nebraska, however, presents a strong Czech identity.19 The church histories
better convey the ethnic history of their congregations. The St. Wenceslaus
Catholic Church in Wahoo, Czech Presbyterian Church of rural Weston, and the
Swedeburg Covenant Church printed fine histories that are laden with the ethnic
background and pride oftheir churches.2°
This study is comprised of two sections. The first part compares Czechs
and Swedes in Saunders County and the second section looks at evidence of
assimilation and acculturation and the reluctance of these two groups to stir
themselves in the melting pot of American society. Both sections utilize the
marriage records and the 1910 census.
10
Figure 1
Year ofmarriage*nationalist ofhusband crosstabulation
Count
Nationality of husband
Total
year of
marriage
1880
1885
1890
1895
1900
1905
1910
Total
Czech
Swede
Other
20
20
31
29
30
45
42
217
16
25
22
22
22
25
8
140
1
1
2
3
4
4
15
37
46
55
51
55
74
54
372
year ofmarriage*nationality of wife crosstabulation
Count
Nationality of wi til
Total
year of
marriage
Total
1880
1885
1890
1895
1900
1905
1910
Czech
Swede
Other
20
20
32
29
32
42
46
221
16
23
22
22
1
3
1
21
2
5
1
13
27
7
138
37
46
55
51
55
74
54
372
II
Figure 2
'and crosstabulation
nationality ofhusband*language of husband crosstabulation
Count
,fhusband
Total
de
I
1
2
I
,
I
a
language of husband
Other
3
4
4
15
Total
37
46
55
51
55
74
54
372
English
Czech
nationality Czech
of
Swede
husband
Other
70
136
7
92
Total
213
92
Swede
8
8
10
5
1
22
38
172
149
8
22
351
Nationality ofwife*language of wife crosstabulation
Count
lfe crosstabulation
language of husband
Total
y ofwife
Total
:de
Other
)
I
I
3
~
I
~
l
7
7
8
2
5
1
13
37
46
55
51
55
74
54
372
English
Czech
nationality Czech
Swede
of
Other
wife
61
104
6
110
Total
171
110
Swede
I
30
6
30
33
40
172
140
6
33
351
COMPARISON
Marriages
In comparing the Czechs and Swedes in Saunders County, the marriage
records will be analyzed first. The study looks at marriage certificates at five­
year intervals, beginning with 1880 and ending in 1910. In all, seven years of
marriage licenses are analyzed over this thirty-year period. In these seven
years, 372 marriage licenses were studied. Ofthese marriages, 225 involved at
least one Czech and 147 at least one Swede. Figure I shows, by gender, the
year by year numbers of how many Czechs and Swedes were married. The
12
category "other" are people of other ethnic backgrounds who married Czechs
or Swedes. The year 1885 was the only one in which more Swedes were
married in Saunders County than Czechs. Obviously, as more and more Czechs
and Swedes came into the county, there were more marriages involving these
ethnic groups. In 1875 there were five Swedish marriages and only one Czech
marriage. In 1880 that number grew to twenty Czech and sixteen Swedish
marriages in Saunders County.21 The marriage records reveal when Czech and
Swede immigration into Saunders County escalated. It appears that during the
five-year period between 1875 and 1880 is when this jump transpired.
In 1885 there were more Swedes married in the county than Czechs. There
were twenty-five marriages involving Swedes and twenty Czechs. In 1890
there were thirty-one Czechs and twenty-two Swedish marriages. In 1895,
twenty-nine Czechs and twenty-two Swedes. In 1900, there were thirty Czech
and twenty-two Swede marriages. In 1905 there were forty-five Czech and
twenty-five Swede marriages, with one of the marriages involving both ethnic
groups. Finally, in 1910 there were forty-two Czech and only eight Swedish
marriages. Again, as in 1905, there was one marriage between a Czech and a
Swede. On average, there were thirty-one marriages in those seven years
involving at least one Czech and twenty Swede marriages, for a differential of
slightly more than 33 percent. And even if the large disparity of 1910 is thrown
out, the number of Czech marriages remains significantly higher than Swede
marriages. Without 1910, there were 29.2 Czech and twenty-two Swede
marriages per year. Still there is a difference of slightly more than seven. 22 By
this single analysis, it can be determined that there were probably more Czechs
than Swedes residing in Saunders County. And there were definitely more
Czechs of marriageable age in the county than Swedes.
In the seven years studied, Czech men married 212 Czech women, one
Swede, and four of other nationalities. Swedish men married 130 Swedish
women, one Czech and nine women of other nationalities. Besides the 212
Czech men that Czech women married, they also wed one Swede and eight men
of other ethnic backgrounds. In addition to the 130 Swedish men, Swedish
women married one Czech and seven men from nationalities other than those
from Sweden or Bohemia and Moravia.
When analyzed on a yearly basis, a determination can be made when the
Czechs and Swedes married out of their ethnic group. In 1890, one Czech
woman married a man from another nationality other than a Swede and in 1900
two Czech women did the same. In
that involved a Czech woman and
1910, of the forty-six Czech wom
married men of other ethnic backgrl
1880, one woman married a man of
in 1880, the year 1885 saw one m
a man ofanother nationality. In 1890
Swede or Czech. During 1895, thl
women and men of other ethnic bal
married a Czech and three wed men
seven Swedish women who were
men. 23
In 1905, one Czech man marri,
Czech men married women ofother
married a women who was not ofth,
a Swedish man married a non-Sw
men married women of other natio
Swedish man wed a woman of ano
In 1900, and again in 1905, two ~
between Swedish men and women 01
In 1910 one Swedish man was united
It is easy to see that most Cz~
ethnic group up to 1910 in Saunders ~
the rate of exogamy grew through the
Swedes in the county were still pra
Figure I demonstrate this analysis.
Swedes married outside their ethnic !!
1910. The women, however, did not
and women among the Czechs and
endogamy. For men, in 1880, there ~
in 1885 there were three, 1890 therl
there were six and 1910 witnessed t\l
one marriage outside their own natia
marriage, in 1890 there were two, in
1905 there were five, and in 1910111
ethnic background. Swedish men rna
13
.ckgrounds who married Czechs
le in which more Swedes were
[ously, as more and more Czechs
more marriages involving these
h marriages and only one Czech
nty Czech and sixteen Swedish
: records reveal when Czech and
lated. It appears that during the
en this jump transpired.
1 the county than Czechs. There
i and twenty Czechs.
In 1890
I Swedish marriages.
In 1895,
[n 1900, there were thirty Czech
here were forty-five Czech and
marriages involving both ethnic
) Czech and only eight Swedish
narriage between a Czech and a
marriages in those seven years
e marriages, for a differential of
large disparity of 1910 is thrown
significantly higher than Swede
Czech and twenty-two Swede
)f slightly more than seven. 22 By
lere were probably more Czechs
And there were definitely more
Swedes.
narried 212 Czech women, one
dish men married 130 Swedish
nationalities. Besides the 212
so wed one Swede and eight men
the 130 Swedish men, Swedish
>m nationalities other than those
mination can be made when the
ric group. In 1890, one Czech
{other than a Swede and in 1900
two Czech women did the same. In 1905, again there was only one marriage
that involved a Czech woman and a man who was not Czech or Swede. In
1910, of the forty-six Czech women who wed, one married a Swede and four
married men of other ethnic backgrounds. Turning to Swedish women during
1880, one woman married a man of another nationality who was not Czech. As
in 1880, the year 1885 saw one marriage, which involved a Swedish woman and
a man of another nationality. In 1890, again one Swedish woman married a non­
Swede or Czech. During 1895, there were no marriages involving Swedish
women and men of other ethnic backgrounds. In 1900, one Swedish woman
married a Czech and three wed men of other nationalities. Finally, in 1910, all
seven Swedish women who were married in Saunders County wed Swedish
menY
In 1905, one Czech man married a Swedish woman. Also that year three
Czech men married women of other nationalities. In 1910, only one Czech man
married a women who was not of the same ethnic group, or a Swede. In 1880,
a Swedish man married a non-Swede or Czech. During 1885, three Swedish
men married women of other nationalities who were not Czech. In 1890, one
Swedish man wed a woman of another ethnic background who was not Czech.
In 1900, and again in 1905, two marriages took place in Saunders County
between Swedish men and women of other nationalities who were not Czech.
In 1910 one Swedish man was united in marriage with a Czech. 24
It is easy to see that most Czechs and Swedes married within their own
ethnic group up to 1910 in Saunders County. Although the numbers were small,
the rate of exogamy grew through the years. Nonetheless, by 1910, Czechs and
Swedes in the county were still practicing endogamy. The simple charts in
Figure 1 demonstrate this analysis. For men, the rate in which Czechs and
Swedes married outside their ethnic group grew very slightly between 1880 and
1910. The women, however, did not experience a steady climb. For both men
and women among the Czechs and Swedes, 1895 was a year of 100 percent
endogamy. For men, in 1880, there was one marriage outside their ethnic group,
in 1885 there were three, 1890 there was one, 1900 proved to be two, 1905
there were six and 1910 witnessed two. Among the women, in 1880 there was
one marriage outside their own nationality. In 1885, there was again one such
marriage, in 1890 there were two, in 1900 there were three such marriages, in
1905 there were five, and in 1910 there were five marriages outside their own
ethnic background. Swedish men married someone from another nationality ten
14
times. Czech men married non-Czechs five times. Swedish women married
non-Swedes eight times. And Czech women married men of other nationalities
on nine occasions. 25
Ofthe Czech husbands born in Europe, 31 were from Moravia and 97 from
Bohemia. In all, 128 of 217 Czech men were born in Europe, or 59 percent.
Thirty-three Czech women were born in Moravia and 84 came from Bohemia,
for a total of 117 out of 221. This was 53 percent. Out of 140 Swedish men
who were married in Saunders County, 72.1 percent or 101, were born in
Sweden. Eighty-seven Swedish women out of 138, were born in Sweden. This
constituted 60.9 percent. Among the Czechs, many more came from Bohemia
than Moravia. For Czech husbands, 1905 was the year in which the most came
from Moravia, with six. The year 1905 was also when the most Czech wives
were born in Moravia, with nine. It is clear from this data, that a higher
percentage of first generation Swedes were getting married in the county
between 1880 and 1910, than Czechs. 26
The average age when Czechs and Swedes married reveals a possible
cultural difference between these two ethnic groups. The average age of Czech
men married in Saunders County between 1880 and 1910 was 25.8 and the
average age for Czech women was 21.3. The age difference between Czech
husbands and wives was 4.5 years. The average age for Swedish husbands
was 30.5 with their wives average age at marriage at 25.2 with a differential of
5.3 years. The difference between the ages of Czech and Swedish husbands
and wives ofless than one year is not important. However, the age in which the
Czechs and Swedes tended to marry is significant. On average, between 1880
and 1910, Swedish men were 4.7 years older than Czech men when they
married. It was similar with the women as the Swedes were almost 4 years
older than the Czechs when they got married. In fact, Swedish women were
almost as old as Czech men when both married. 27
Census
The 1910 Saunders County census also reveals much information about the
Czechs and Swedes. To draw a sample of these ethnic groups in the county,
two precincts and two towns or villages were chosen for the study. The
precincts are Bohemia, in the extreme northwest corner of the county, and
Richland, excluding the town of Ceresco, in the southern, middle section of the
county, with Lancaster County bordering on its south. The towns chosen are
Prague and Malmo. The precinl
and Swedes in a rural setting and
but in a town setting. Bohemia Prl
The Czech population was 475, or
There were no Swedes in Bohe
excluding Ceresco, there were 77
605. This number constituted 77.
Precinct. This precinct supported
population in 1910 was 394 with 3
four Swedes in Prague, but three 0
have been counted as both Swedes
were 214 residents, with 138 ofthl
the total population. Only 14 Czec.
Czech and Swede. These four p
Swedes. 28
In Bohemia Precinct in 1910, 7
or 91. 9 percent within the husb
nationality of the wife. In the to
Czech women or 93.8 percent wi
percent ofthe wife's nationality. In~
Swedish women, which came to ~
husband and 96.1 percent within ~
Malmo in 1910, twenty-four Swec!
percent within the nationality ofthe
nationality. 29
Looking at Bohemia Precinct
someone other than a Czech or SWl
not married and had no children 1
Precinct married two men other thal
were single with no children living
married to a Swedish woman and fi
at their residence. One Czech WI
Swede, and eight were not marrie4
precinct of Richland, three Swedish
other than Swedes or Czechs. Sixt4
home. Among the Swedish womeJ
times. Swedish women married
larned men of other nationalities
were from Moravia and 97 from
born in Europe, or 59 percent.
via and 84 came from Bohemia,
:rcent. Out of 140 Swedish men
l percent or 101, were born in
138, were born in Sweden. This
many more came from Bohemia
:the year in which the most came
also when the most Czech wives
If from this data, that a higher
getting married in the county
~
:des married reveals a possible
oups. The average age of Czech
~80 and 1910 was 25.8 and the
Ie age difference between Czech
:rage age for Swedish husbands
iage at 25.2 with a differential of
)f Czech and Swedish husbands
It. However, the age in which the
:ant. On average, between 1880
ler than Czech men when they
he Swedes were almost 4 years
. In fact, Swedish women were
d .27
\Teals much information about the
lese ethnic groups in the county,
ere chosen for the study. The
lwest comer of the county, and
le southern, middle section ofthe
its south. The towns chosen are
15
Prague and Malmo. The precincts were elected to provide a sense of Czechs
and Swedes in a rural setting and the villages were chosen for the same reason,
but in a town setting. Bohemia Precinct had a total population in 1910 of 488.
The Czech population was 475, or 97.3 percent of all the people in the precinct.
There were no Swedes in Bohemia Precinct. In Richland Precinct, again
excluding Ceresco, there were 778 people with a total Swedish population of
605. This number constituted 77.7 percent of the population in rural Richland
Precinct. This precinct supported no Czechs. In the town of Prague, the total
population in 1910 was 394 with 384 being Czech, or 97.5 percent. There were
four Swedes in Prague, but three ofthose were half Czech. These three people
have been counted as both Swedes and Czechs. In the village of Malmo, there
were 214 residents, with 138 ofthem being Swedish. This was 64.5 percent of
the total population. Only 14 Czechs lived in Malmo, but four ofthem were half
Czech and Swede. These four people have been counted as both Czechs and
Swedes. 28
In Bohemia Precinct in 1910, 79 Czech men were married to Czech women
or 91.9 percent within the husband's nationality and 95.2 percent with the
nationality of the wife. In the town of Prague, 75 Czech men were married to
Czech women or 93.8 percent within the nationality of the husband and 89.3
percent ofthe wife's nationality. In Richland precinct, 98 Swedish men married
Swedish women, which came to 83.8 percent within the nationality of the
husband and 96.1 percent within the nationality of the wife. In the village of
Malmo in 1910, twenty-four Swedish men married Swedish women or 75.0
percent within the nationality ofthe husband and 64.9 percent within the wife's
nationality. 29
Looking at Bohemia Precinct again, one Czech man was married to
someone other than a Czech or Swede. There were six Czech men who were
not married and had no children living at home. Czech women in Bohemia
Precinct married two men other than Czechs or Swedes and two Czech women
were single with no children living at home. In Prague, one Czech man was
married to a Swedish woman and four Czech men were single with no children
at their residence. One Czech woman married a man other than Czech or
Swede, and eight were not married with any children living at home. In the
precinct of Richland, three Swedish men were married to women ofnationalities
other than Swedes or Czechs. Sixteen men were single without any children at
home. Among the Swedish women, two married non-Swedes or Czechs and
16
two were single with no children at home. In the town of Malmo, two Swedish
men married non-Czechs or Swedes and six were single with no children living
at their residence. Of the Swedish women, one married a Czech man, two
married men of nationalities other than Czech or Swede and ten were not
married with any children living at home. Of the men and women of both
nationalities who were counted as married, some were actually single. But
because they had children living at home, the census listed where their fathers
were born. Hence, it was determined what nationality the spouses had been
before they had died or left. 30
The 1910 census, and again examining Richland (excluding Ceresco) and
Bohemia Precincts and the towns of Malmo and Prague, reveals where Czechs
and Swedes were born and where their spouses were born. Of Czech men
born in Moravia seven married women from the same Czech region, and one
married a Bohemian. Two Moravian men had wed women who were born in
Nebraska. Of the Bohemian men, 80 married women from Bohemia, one
married a woman from Moravia, 17 married women born in Nebraska and five
married women born in other states. Of course the Czech women's numbers
are the same except that two women born in Bohemia married men born in
America outside of Nebraska and eight married men born within the state. No
MoraVian women married men born outside of Europe. Eighty-four Swedish
men married women also born in Sweden. In addition, men born in Sweden
were married to 15 women born in Nebraska and one woman born in another
state. Swedish women born in Sweden were married to two men born in
Nebraska and one man born in America outside of Nebraska. 39
MELTlNGPOT
Utilizing much of the same data, which has already been interpreted in this
study, and adding some new evidence, the next section of this paper
demonstrates that the melting pot process in Saunders County, Nebraska did not
characterize the Czechs and Swedes up to 1910. A group of people may
assimilate, for instance, in politics or learning to speak English, but they are only
becoming Americanized in one or two aspects. Being involved in the melting pot
is more than a single involvement in American society. Also, it must be
remembered that a group of people who have a similar ethnic background can
retain their ethnic identity and still assimilate. One of the reasons that they still
identify themselves as an ethnic gm
own background. In order to ass'
society, the practice of endogamy
group of people of the same ethnic'
alive, and are not marrying other p
even patriotic Americans. It just
melting pot.
Both Czechs and Swedes in Sa'
Czech men married Czech women
married Czech men 95.9 percent of
men 94.2 percent of the time and S
rate of 92.9 percent. It did not matt,
generation: they still, as a whole, re
did marry someone from another
married each other. In fact, in the s
in the marriage records, only one C~
Swede woman married a Czech manl
1905, respectively. Understandabl~
other groups as the twentieth centu~
men and women of these two groups 1
studied between 1880 and 1895, aj
married out of their ethnic group. 1
study, between 1900 and 1910, twel
own nationality, and this number ill
Despite the fact that more Czechs anc
after 1900, the overall numbers durinj
too low for exogamy to be considere
of Czechs and Swedes' practice of e
marriage, these two groups were not
1910. The fact that a few more Cze
others after 1900 may show a trend 1
to practice exogamy. 31
This same conclusion can be C01
Precinct, 98 men were married to
someone from another background.
to non-Swedes in Richland Precinct.
: town of Malmo, two Swedish
e single with no children living
ie married a Czech man, two
1 or Swede and ten were not
. the men and women of both
!llC were actually single. But
msus listed where their fathers
tionality the spouses had been
Illand (excluding Ceresco) and
Prague, reveals where Czechs
es were born. Of Czech men
le same Czech region, and one
wed women who were born in
d women from Bohemia, one
men born in Nebraska and five
~ the Czech women's numbers
Bohemia married men born in
men born within the state. No
Europe. Eighty-four Swedish
addition, men born in Sweden
ld one woman born in another
married to two men born in
ofNebraska. 39
already been interpreted in this
next section of this paper
iders County, Nebraska did not
10. A group of people may
;peak English, but they are only
leing involved in the melting pot
an society. Also, it must be
similar ethnic background can
iDe ofthe reasons that they still
17
identify themselves as an ethnic group is because few are marrying outside their
own background. In order to assimilate and acculturate fully into American
society, the practice of endogamy should decline. However, just because a
group of people of the same ethnicity are keeping their traditions and customs
alive, and are not marrying other people does not mean they are not citizens or
even patriotic Americans. It just means they have never fully entered the
melting pot.
Both Czechs and Swedes in Saunders County were practicing endogamy.
Czech men married Czech women 97.7 percent of the time and Czech women
married Czech men 95.9 percent ofthe time. Swedish women married Swedish
men 94.2 percent of the time and Swedish men married Swedish women at a
rate of92.9 percent. It did not matter if Czechs or Swedes were first or second
generation: they still, as a whole, refused to practice exogamy. And when they
did marry someone from another ethnic group, Czechs and Swedes rarely
married each other. In fact, in the seven years sampled between 1880 and 1910
in the marriage records, only one Czech woman married a Swede man and one
Swede woman married a Czech man. These marriages took place in 1910 and
1905, respectively. Understandably, more Czechs and Swedes married into
other groups as the twentieth century emerged, when more second-generation
men and women ofthese two groups began to become adults. In the four years
studied between 1880 and 1895, a combination of nine Czechs and Swedes
married out of their ethnic group. In the last three years investigated in this
study, between 1900 and 1910, twenty-one married someone other than their
own nationality, and this number includes the two Czech/Swede marriages.
Despite the fact that more Czechs and Swedes married out oftheir ethnic group
after 1900, the overall numbers during the first ten years ofthe century were still
too low for exogamy to be considered. The numbers, all well over 90 percent
of Czechs and Swedes' practice of endogamy, demonstrate that, in regards to
marriage, these two groups were not assimilating in Saunders County through
1910. The fact that a few more Czechs and Swedes were beginning to marry
others after 1900 may show a trend that, in another generation, they did begin
to practice exogamy.31
This same conclusion can be confirmed by the 1910 census. In Richland
Precinct, 98 men were married to Swedish women and only three married
someone from another background. Only two Swedish women were married
to non-Swedes in Richland Precinct. In the town of Malmo, 24 Swedish men
18
married Swedish women. Only two Swedish men were married to non-Swedes
and three Swedish women had married non-Swedes. In Bohemia Precinct, 79
Czech women were married to Czech men and only two married non-Czechs.
Only one Czech man was married to a woman outside his ethnic background in
Bohemia Precinct. In the village of Prague, 75 Czech women had married
Czech men and only one married a non-Czech man. This one Czech woman
was Nettie Bowers, who was married to the Burlington depot agent, Joseph
Bowers. As explained above, Rose Rosicky, in her study published during the
late 1920s, explained that possibly the only person in Prague who was not a
Czech in 1929 was the depot agent. Prague was not that much different in 1910
than it was during the 1920s. Only one Czech man was married to a non-Czech,
and she was Swedish. Just as the marriage records revealed, the 1910 census
shows that Czechs and Swedes in Saunders County were not marrying outside
their own nationality. Even in a town like Malmo, where Swedes were living in
close proximity to many non-Swedes (non-Swedes made up 35.5 percent of the
population), most Swedes married Swedes. 32
Of course, when people lived mostly around those oftheir own nationality,
they were more likely to practice endogamy. But living around people of one's
own ethnicity, with few other nationalities around, is another example of non­
assimilation. As the 1907 plats of Bohemia and Richland precincts reveal in
Maps I and 2, Czechs and Swedes clustered in their own areas. 33 The 1910
census conveys the same information. Bohemia Precinct, and the town of
Prague both supported just under 100 percent Czech populations. In Richland
Precinct, excluding the town of Ceresco, over three-fourths were Swedish and
the village of Malmo maintained a Swedish population of almost two-thirds. 34
The final example is the language spoken by each group. According to the
1910 census, of all married Czech women and those single but head of their
household, 110 spoke the Czech language (meaning they did not speak English)
and 61 spoke English. In all, 64.0 percent of Czech women spoke only Czech.
Ninety-two Czech men spoke Czech, or 53.5 percent, and 70 spoke English.
With more than 50 percent of the Czech husbands and wives speaking only
Czech or not speaking English, this group was not assimilating. A much higher
rate of Swedes were speaking English than Swedish. Only 30 Swedish women
spoke Swedish with 104 speaking English. In other words, 21.4 percent spoke
Swedish. Among the men, eight spoke only Swedish, or 5.4 percent, and 136
spoke English. This reveals that the Swedes had learned to speak English at a
higher rate than the Czechs. Sw
percent more than Swedish women.
usually were heads of the househol,
money. Because ofthis, the men wo
and other businessmen. Of the Cz,
than likely, most also spoke their naJ
Through 1910 in Saunders Co
jump into America's melting pot. M
but that was only one aspect of the
practiced endogamy, no matter w:
groups lived in communities, w
predominantly Czech or Swedish.
1880 and 1910, the 1910 census,
Precincts, through quantitative m
Swedes, as groups, did not assimilatl
of American society as a whole.
"Although the American melting
founding, it has never had heat and
human strains into one indistinguis
mentioned above, there may have b
Americanize, but not in every area.
Czechs and Swedes needed to becD
pot process, and clearly, they did not
Nl
1
1. Peter D. Salins, Assimilation Americani
2. Ibid., 56.
I
3. Hannibal Gerald Duncan, Immigration
1933), 520.
4. Salins, 56.
5. Richard M. Bernard, The Melting Po~
Twentieth-Century Wisconsin (Minneapo~
6. Nancy L. Green, "Ie Alelting-Pot: II,
JW.71al ofAmerican History 86, no3 (l99i
7. Maxine Seller, To Seek America: A III
Jerome S. Ozer, 1977), 8.
8. Michael Kammen, "A Nation of Natic
m were married to non-Swedes
edes. In Bohemia Precinct, 79
only two married non-Czechs.
lutside his ethnic background in
75 Czech women had married
man. This one Czech woman
3urlington depot agent, Joseph
I her study published during the
:rson in Prague who was not a
•not that much different in 1910
an was married to a non-Czech,
:ords revealed, the 1910 census
unty were not marrying outside
10, where Swedes were living in
ies made up 35.5 percent of the
i those oftheir own nationality,
ut living around people of one's
md, is another example of non­
Id RicWand precincts reveal in
in their own areas. 33 The 1910
mia Precinct, and the town of
:zech populations. In Richland
hree-fourths were Swedish and
lulation of almost two-thirds. 34
y each group. According to the
1those single but head of their
Iling they did not speak English)
:zech women spoke only Czech.
percent, and 70 spoke English.
lands and wives speaking only
lot assimilating. A much higher
~dish. Only 30 Swedish women
>ther words, 21.4 percent spoke
Nedish, or 5.4 percent, and 136
ui learned to speak English at a
19
higher rate than the Czechs. Swedish men spoke English at a rate of fifteen
percent more than Swedish women. 35 This may be because, in 1910, the men
usually were heads of the household and responsible for making the family's
money. Because ofthis, the men would have had more dealings with merchants
and other businessmen. Of the Czechs and Swedes who spoke English, more
than likely, most also spoke their native tongues, especially the first generation.
Through 1910 in Saunders County, Nebraska, Czechs and Swedes did not
jump into America's melting pot. Most Swedes were learning to speak English,
but that was only one aspect of the process. Just as the Czechs, Swedes still
practiced endogamy, no matter what language they spoke. In addition, both
groups lived in communities, whether rural or in towns, which were
predominantly Czech or Swedish. By investigating marriage records between
1880 and 1910, the 1910 census, and the 1907 plats of Richland and Bohemia
Precincts, through quantitative methods, the statistics prove that Czechs and
Swedes, as groups, did not assimilate. But it is possible that this is a reflection
of American society as a whole. Historian Melvyn Dubofsky wrote that
"Although the American melting pot has been cooking since the nation's
founding, it has never had heat and pressure sufficient enough to blend diverse
human strains into one indistinguishable mass of American humanity. "36 As
mentioned above, there may have been aspects in which these groups began to
Americanize, but not in every area. In order to become fully American, the
Czechs and Swedes needed to become involved in every phase of the melting
pot process, and clearly, they did not.
NOTES
1. Peter D. Salins, Assimilation American Style (New York: Basic Books, 1997), 48.
2. Ibid., 56.
3. Hannibal Gerald Duncan, Immigration and Assimilation (Boston: D.C. Heath & Co.,
1933),520.
4. Salins, 56.
5. Richard M. Bernard, The Melting Pot and the Altar: Marital Assimilation in Early
Twentieth-Century Wisconsin (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980), xvii.
6. Nancy L. Green, "Le A1elting-Pot: Made in America, Produced in France," The
Jw.71al ofAmerican History 86, no3 (1999): 1192.
7. Maxine Seller, To Seek America: A History ofEthnic Life in the United States (n.p.:
Jerome S. Ozer, 1977), 8.
8. Michael Kamrnen, "A Nation of Nations," in American Issues: Understanding Who
20
We Are, ed. William T. Alderson (Nashville: American Association for State and Local
History, 1976), 11.
9. James P. Ronda, "Lewis and Clark: Who Cares? Why Brother," address delivered at
"Navigating through 'Lewis and Clark'" Planning conference, St. Joseph, Missouri, 7
September 2001.
10. Theodore Maynard, The Catholic Church and the American Idea (New York:
Appleton, Century, Crofts, 1953), 113.
11. Charles Perky, ed, Past and Present of Saunders County Nebraska: A Record of
Settlement, Organization, Progress and Achievement. Vol. 1. (Chicago: S.J. Clarke
Publishing, 1915), 130.
12. Ibid., 132.
13. Rose Rosicky, A History of Czechs (Bohemians) in Nebraska. (Omaha: Czech
Historical Society ofNebraska, 1929), 98-99.
14. Saunders County History, (Wahoo, Neb.: Saunders County Historical Society, 1983),
13-15.
15. Gordon M. Riedesel, "The Cultural Geography of Rural Cemeteries: Saunders
County, Nebraska" (M.A. Thesis, University ofNebraska at Omaha, 1979), 18.
16. Ibid., 66.
17. Terrence Jon Lindell, "Acculturation Among Swedish Immigrants In Kansas And
Nebraska, 1870-1900" (ph.D. Diss., University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 1987), iii-iv.
18. Ibid., 148-156.
19. The History of Prague, Saunders County, Nebraska, 1887-1937. (The Prague
Herald, 1937), passim.
20. St. Wenceslaus Parish of Wahoo, 1878-1978, (N.p., n.d.), passim; Czech
Presbyterian Church: Centennial, 1882-1982. (N.p., 1982), passim; Swedeburg
Covenant Church Centennial, 1876-1976. (N.p., n.d.), passim.
21. Saunders County, Nebraska, Marriage Certificates, 1880-1910. The significance of
the statistics throughout the essay is .05 or less.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid.
28. 1910 Federal Census, Saunders County, Nebraska.
29. Ibid.
30. Ibid.
31. Marriage Certificates.
32. 1910 Census.
33. Saunders County, Nebraska Plat Book. (Des Moines: The Brown-Scoville
Publishing Co., 1907).
34. 1910 Census.
35. Ibid.
Industriall
36.
Melvyn Dubofsky.
(Whelling, ILL: Harlan Davidson, 1996),
03•••
It:,"~
..
.."
J.1 ••
••'J_
,­•
B.,
i/'"""'"
.I .... ,.
,
Map 1
H
.E
I
,.
I
11
19l
21
ican Association for State and Local
Why Brother," address delivered at
conference, St. Joseph, Missouri, 7
I
34. 1910 Census.
35. Ibid.
Industrialism and the American Worker,
36.
Melvyn Dubofsky.
(Whelling, ILL: Harlan Davidson, 1996), 10.
1865-1920.
'ld the American Idea (New York:
iers County Nebraska: A Record of
lent. Vol. 1. (Chicago: S.1. Clarke
:ans) in Nebraska. (Omaha: Czech
lers County Historical Society, 1983),
phy of Rural Cemeteries: Saunders
'aska at Omaha, 1979), 18.
Swedish hnrnigrants In Kansas And
~braska-Lincoln, 1987), iii-iv.
febraska, 1887-1937.
(The Prague
/978, (N.p., n.d.), passim; Czech
(N.p., 1982), passim; Swedeburg
..), passim.
ltes, 1880-1910. The significance of
..
411'....
tlllt .. u.t..
,u::.. .... - I
C'o.., .. e. .. L.
J>._._.,'.~",~:::~.
ka.
Map 1
(Des Moines: The Brown-Scoville
1907 plat, Bohemia Precinct
22
"DECONSTRUC
OSAGE SUBSISTENCE
POLl
..
STOf;KINlO
II
E
e
T
..
~
I.
"
N
Map 2
CA'
T
t
JIl
JIUIIN'
6T.u~
PAA""
Jl'tUt:J;B
e
0
U
If
T
Y
For most Americans, the Wi
adventurous and positive era wi
embodies the symbol of American
the lone trapper who conquered th,
for future generations. American
portrayals of physically and mor;
dwarfed both their contemporaries
Redford's stirring performance as
Indians, and the mountains thl
ambassadors to the western Indi
settlement of the West for indus
posts, such as St. Louis, blosso
However, trading posts established;
commercial exchange and jumping
Historian David Wishart
places where news, customs, and
traders. l He also noted that the
natural and congenial interaction b
view of the American fur trade p
decades, and perpetuated an ideali
However, within the last twenty-fi
1907 plat, RicWand District
Jeff Means' interest in Western Hist
career after a four-year tour in the
candidate at the University of Oklaho:
Americans of the Great Plains region,
family ties to tribe and his love for
centers on the Oglala Lakota and the
century.