18
J. W. Joseph
Resistance and Compliance:
CRM and the Archaeology
of the African Diaspora
ABSTRACT
Archaeological investigations carried out in compliance with
the dictates of the National Historic Preservation Act have
played an integral role in developing our understanding of and
approach to the archaeology of the African diaspora. These
cultural resource management (CRM) studies include several
landmark projects that helped shape the national approach
to African American archaeology. However, as with other
sectors of the discipline, CRM archaeology of the African
diaspora is presently suffering from a period of stagnation
and lack of focus. This paper considers CRM’s contribution
to the archaeology of African America, past and present, and
attempts to project the future place of CRM in the study of
the African American past.
Introduction
“Personal decoration, like ceramics, may be an effort
among the freedmen to imitate the master class, or it
may represent a significant African tradition” (Trinkley
1986:279).
African American archaeology and the archaeology of cultural resource management (CRM)
have enjoyed a symbiotic relationship since the
advent of CRM in the late 1960s (by CRM I
refer to archaeological and historical studies
undertaken in compliance with sections 106 and
110 of the National Historic Preservation Act).
Established by the National Historic Preservation
Act of 1966 (and subsequent amendments), CRM
seeks to identify and evaluate archaeological and
historical resources that would be affected by
federally funded, permitted, or mandated projects, as well as those sites located on federal
lands. Sites are evaluated with reference to their
eligibility for listing on the National Register of
Historic Places. Of the four evaluative criteria
for listing, Criterion D, which states that an
archaeological site may be eligible for the scientific information it has provided or can provide,
Historical Archaeology, 2004, 38(1):18–31.
Permission to reprint required.
has become the standard of CRM archaeological
site evaluations.
CRM has taken archaeologists, many trained
as prehistorians but a growing number educated
in historical archaeology, into settings that had
not previously been the focus of historical or
archaeological research. Highway projects, urban
redevelopments, Corps of Engineers reservoirs
and drainage works, and Department of Defense
installation inventories all exposed a wider array
of sites than had traditionally been studied, which
forced archaeologists to develop historical contexts and criteria for assessing the significance
of previously unevaluated resources. In concert
with trends in social history, historical anthropology, and cultural geography, which recognized
the significance of people on the periphery of
traditional history, CRM archaeologists began to
research and recognize the archaeological value
in the study of small farmsteads, urban workingclass house lots, tenant sites, ethnic groups, the
19th century in general, and other archaeological
remains that had previously received little attention by a discipline directed, before the 1960s,
more toward the study of lost Colonial towns,
forts, and the house yards of the well-to-do.
Prominently featured in this new focus was
CRM’s discovery of African America.
The history of African American archaeology
can be traced to a number of landmark studies:
Adelaide and P. Ripley Bullen’s excavation and
Vernon Baker’s analysis of Black Lucy’s Garden,
a freedman site in Massachusetts (Bullen and
Bullen 1945; Baker 1980); Robert Ascher and
Charles Fairbanks’s work with enslaved African
American cabin sites at Ryefield and Kingsley
Plantations in the late 1960s and early 1970s
(Ascher and Fairbanks 1971; Fairbanks 1974);
Robert Schuyler’s (1974, 1980) excavations at
the African American oystering village of Sandy
Ground, New York; John Otto’s (1975, 1980,
1984) doctoral analyses on the archaeology of
Cannons Point plantation; Leland Ferguson’s
(1978, 1980) study of African American colonoware; Jim Deetz’s (1977) study of Parting Ways;
Sarah Bridges’s and Bert Salwen’s (1980) excavations at Weeksville; Joan Geismar’s (1980, 1982)
study of Skunk Hollow; Sam Smith’s (1976,
J. W. JOSEPH—CRM and the Archaeology of the African Diaspora
1977) excavations at the Hermitage Plantation
in Tennessee; and John Combes’s (1972) ethnohistorical and archaeological study of a late-19th
to 20th-century African American cemetery at the
Charles Towne Landing Site, South Carolina.
These studies explored themes and perspectives
that would influence the development of the
discipline, most notably Ascher and Fairbanks’s
search for African cultural retentions; Otto’s
analysis of status variation within the plantation
community as revealed in the archaeological
record; Schuyler’s application of the ethnohistoric approach to African American archaeology;
Combes’s study of African and African American
burial practices; and Deetz’s, Bridges and Salwens’s, Geismar’s, and Schuyler’s recognition of
the significance of African community with settlement structure. While all of these studies were
influential, CRM’s approach to African American
archaeology would largely be structured by the
developments within CRM itself.
Three studies from the South Carolina lowcountry signal CRM’s recognition of African
America and are founding elements in the discipline of African American archaeology: Lesley
Drucker and Ronald Anthony’s investigation of
the Spiers Landing enslaved African American
house (Drucker and Anthony 1979; Drucker
1981), William Lees’s investigation of Limerick
Plantation (1980), and Thomas Wheaton, Amy
Friedlander, and Patrick Garrow’s (1983) excavations of Yaughan and Curiboo Plantations.
The work at Yaughan and Curiboo (Wheaton
et al. 1983) was particularly significant in its
influence on the discipline of African American archaeology because it found the remains
of earth-walled, African-style dwellings as well
as conclusive evidence for the production of a
low-fired earthenware ceramic—known as colonoware—by enslaved African Americans within
the villages (for further discussion of colonoware,
see Ferguson 1978, 1980, 1989, 1992; Lees and
Kimery-Lees 1979; Wheaton and Garrow 1985;
Garrow and Wheaton 1989). These discoveries
showed a clear linkage between African cultural
behaviors and African adaptation to the New
World. However, Wheaton and colleagues (1983)
also witnessed the gradual replacement of these
African artifacts with European and American
ceramics and house styles. As a result, they presented a model of acculturation that posited the
loss of most archaeologically identifiable African
19
cultural traits by the early-19th century and the
eventual Americanization of enslaved Africans.
This transformation from African to African
American has formed the paradigm of CRM African American archaeology over the past decade
and a half. As illustrated by the opening quote
from Michael Trinkley’s investigation of the
African American freedman village of Mitchellville, CRM archaeologists have routinely debated
whether the objects of African American archaeology are legacies of African cultural behaviors
or evidence of African American efforts to emulate Euramerican culture, in particular concepts
and markers of social status. The majority of
CRM studies have concluded that so-called Africanisms ceased to exist by the 19th century. In
the absence of readily recognizable African cultural attributes, CRM archaeologists have treated
African American sites, artifacts, and behaviors as
analogs to their Euramerican counterparts. Sites
and assemblages have thus been analyzed using
concepts and indices developed for Euramerican
sites that are well suited to the cursory-level
analysis and interpretation of many CRM studies—George Miller’s (1980, 1991) socioeconomic
index scaling and Stanley A. South’s (1977)
artifact patterning in particular. The outcome of
these studies have been two-fold: emphasizing
African Americans’ impoverished socioeconomic
status within Euramerican economy and society,
and measuring African American assimilation as
seen in part by the assumed acceptance by African Americans of the Euramerican socioeconomic
structure and cultural ideals. What these studies have routinely failed to seek or identify are
evidences of continued African behaviors and the
resistance to Euramerican cultural norms, as well
as indications of the formation of a creolized,
African American culture with its own distinct
values and behaviors. Several recent studies
illustrate CRM archaeology’s ability to contribute to the study of African American creolization
and provide signposts for the future of African
American CRM.
This paper summarizes the results of CRM
African American archaeology within the broad
functional contexts of plantations, freedmen
villages, tenancy, urban studies, and cemeteries. The overviews provided for each of these
categories are meant to provide an introduction
to the general drift of African American CRM
and should not be considered as comprehensive
20
assessments of all of the CRM archaeology conducted within a given context. This summary
also reflects my geographic bias and is thus
weighted toward the archaeology of Georgia and
South Carolina. These overviews are followed
by a summary of CRM’s impact on African
American archaeology and recommendations for
the future direction of CRM studies.
Plantation Studies
By far, the majority of African American
archaeological studies conducted within a CRM
context have been completed on plantation sites,
a statistic that applies to academic archaeology as
well. This archaeological bias in favor of plantation sites is also found in historical studies and
also reflects the social condition of the majority
of African Americans within the United States
prior to the Civil War. Plantation studies have
been conducted throughout the southeast, from
the seaboard states of the original 13 colonies to
the interior states such as Kentucky and Tennessee. However, coastal plantations have received
significantly greater attention than plantations of
the piedmont and interior. In part, this reflects
differences in the agrarian economy of the coast
versus the interior and the effects of varying crop
economies on site formation and preservation.
Coastal crops included rice, indigo, Sea Island
cotton, tobacco, and sugar cane. Of these, rice
cultivation in particular and sugar and indigo to
lesser degrees were associated with stable plantation settlements because of the high labor
investment needed to create rice, indigo, and
sugar-cane fields. These fields were enriched
through tidal flooding, and the profits of these
crop economies financed the creation of substantial plantation homes and complexes. Village
architecture was more likely to be permanent
on these plantations than on upcountry plantations, and thus the locations of enslaved African
American villages are more readily identifiable.
In contrast, short staple cotton, the primary crop
of the interior, quickly exhausted soil nutrients.
Hence cotton-field locations were rotated every
three to five years. Outlying upland plantation settlements were relocated with the fields
to minimize transportation of enslaved African
Americans from the plantation center to the
fields. Cabins were routinely constructed of
log, and the archaeological legacy of these
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 38(1)
short-lived settlements is negligible. As a result,
it is extremely difficult to identify outlying village locations on upland plantations (Anderson
and Joseph 1988:422–424).
Coastal plantations have also received a significantly greater degree of study than upland
plantations because of the nature of development
and federal permitting on the coast. The past
two decades have witnessed a significant amount
of development in coastal areas, particularly in
South Carolina. Federal permitting increases the
likelihood that a coastal development will require
CRM study, either through Corps of Engineers
permits (where projects are situated on major
waterways or will affect wetlands) or through
various coastal regulatory agencies that receive
federal support. Between Drucker and Anthony’s
excavations at Spiers Landing in 1979 and 1998,
there have been more than 30 enslaved African
American site excavations within coastal South
Carolina alone (Drucker and Anthony 1979;
Carillo 1980; Lees 1980; Wheaton et al. 1983;
Zierden et al.1986; Abbott and Brockington 1989;
Poplin and Brockington 1989; Trinkley 1989,
1990, 1991, 1993a, 1993b; Wayne and Dickinson 1990; Brooker 1991; Gardner and Poplin
1992; Adams 1993, 1994a, 1994b, 1995a, 1995b;
Trinkley et al. 1993, 1995; Adams and Trinkley
1994; Eubanks et al. 1994; Kennedy et al. 1994;
Poplin and Brooker 1994; Trinkley 1995, 1996;
Wayne et al. 1996a, 1996b). This figure does
not include sites identified during CRM surveys
that were not recommended for excavation or
thats were preserved in place.
These excavations have revealed several important aspects of African American life on the
lowcountry plantations of the old South. Work
at Yaughan and Curiboo, as well as subsequent
excavations at Wapoo Plantation (Gardner and
Poplin 1992) and elsewhere, have revealed the
presence of wall trench/mud-walled domestic
architecture that is likely African in style and
construction (Carl Steen [1999] suggests these
structures could also reflect French architectural
traditions). These excavations, coupled with the
recovery of enslaved African American-made
colonowares at a number of lowcountry plantation sites, suggest a measure of social autonomy
which enslaved African Americans in coastal
South Carolina experienced during the 18th century. In combination with historical documentation, it appears that African Americans at work
J. W. JOSEPH—CRM and the Archaeology of the African Diaspora
on lowcountry rice and indigo plantations prior
to and shortly beyond the Industrial Revolution
lived in villages consisting of African-style housing and ate from handmade earthenwares similar
to those used in Africa, relying on traditional
African cultural practices to adapt to the New
World. Indeed, Africans represented a majority
of the South Carolina population by 1740, and
the appearance of the colony was such that by
1737 Swiss visitor Samuel Dyseli would remark,
“Carolina looks more like a negro country than
like a country settled by white people” (qtd. in
Wood 1974:132–133).
Interpretations based on CRM archaeology have
shown that during the 18th century, enslaved
African Americans in coastal South Carolina
functioned under minimal supervision, lived in
isolated villages, and grew rice on the margin
of coastal swamps. This situation changed in
the last decades of the 18th century and the
first decades of the 19th century as the plantation economy matured. Plantation settlement and
architecture became more structured and formal,
and African American villages were moved from
peripheral locations to a core area comprised of
the main house and its domestic and agricultural supporting facilities. Artifacts changed as
well, with European-made industrial ceramics
replacing African American colonoware as the
dominant ceramic within the plantation villages.
While the majority of CRM studies have treated
this change within the African American world
as a product of acculturation, it is important to
recognize that this change affected plantations as
a whole and not simply the material culture of
slavery. Tidal rice agriculture, employing dikes
and locks and the tidal surge to flood and drain
rice fields, became prominent, and with it arose
more stable and profitable plantation complexes.
Previously planters had resided in Charleston and
allowed their plantations to be run by overseers.
The profits of tidal rice agriculture as well as
its geography, which emphasized proximity to
the coastal rivers that were the region’s highways
of the era, induced planters to move onto their
plantations, establish large plantation homes, and
create more stable plantation structures. Racial
tension was clearly a factor in these changes.
Planters moved outlying villages into the bighouse sphere and organized these villages along
streets where enslaved Africans could be more
easily supervised.
21
I have suggested elsewhere (Joseph 1989,
1993a, 1993b, 1997a) that the ideology of the
Industrial Revolution, which focused on labor
management and units of production, came to
dominate the mindsets of lowcountry planters
and left in its wake plantation factories. Within
this European-American ideology, material cultural came to reflect class and social status, not
cultural identity. As a result, images of Africa
had no place. Ben Sullivan recalled that
Old man Okra he wanted a place like he had in Africa
so he built himself a hut. I remember it well. It was
about twelve by fourteen feet and it had a dirt floor and
he built the sides like basket weave with clay plaster
on it. It had a flat roof that he made from bush and
palmetto and it had one door and no windows. But
Master made him pull it down. He say he ain’t want
no African hut on his place (qtd. in Works Project
Administration 1940:179–180).
As the nature of the lowcountry plantation
economy shifted from an informal system in
which enslaved African Americans had a degree
of social and cultural autonomy to a highly structured and profitable industry in which planters
displayed economic and social standing through
architecture and its organization, the appearance
of Africa was forcibly erased from the plantation
landscape (Joseph 1993a).
Culture change, however, is not acculturation.
CRM’s treatment of enslaved African Americans
within the Euramerican cultural system has by
and large ignored the importance of African
American resistance to change and the processes
of creolization, applying formulas such as artifact patterning and the socioeconomic status
index to show that enslaved African Americans
were “acculturated” and of a lower socioeconomic status than Euramerican planters. Work
outside CRM, most notably Kenneth Brown’s
excavations at the Levi Jordan Plantation in
Texas and more recently at Frogmore Plantation in Beaufort, South Carolina, has recovered
evidence of African ritual practices and beliefs
through artifact caches (containing Euramerican
manufactured artifacts) found in the floors of
African American dwellings. Brown suggests
that archaeologists working on the plantation
must be more cautious in recording and recognizing the contexts of artifacts as well as being
more cognizant of African belief systems and
their potential material reflections (Brown and
Cooper 1990; Brown 2001).
22
Freedmen Villages
Southern enslaved African Americans began
leaving their plantations to seek Union encampments following Union General Benjamin Butler’s
decision to treat enslaved African Americans who
had fled to the protection of the Union forces
at Fort Monroe, Virginia, as contraband of war.
As the numbers of enslaved African Americans
reaching Union lines increased, a plan to house
them was needed. The result was the establishment of freedmen villages, camps established to
support the freedmen until the war’s end. These
villages were established primarily in coastal
areas where the Union army had formed occupations supported by their superior naval resources.
Most villages were of short duration, only the
wartime years, although some persisted after the
conclusion of the Civil War.
Two of these village sites, Mitchellville in
South Carolina and James City in North Carolina, have been the focus of extensive archaeological investigations (Trinkley 1986; Wheaton
et al. 1990). Union forces both planned these
freedmen villages and dictated their architecture. In these respects, life within the villages
was not significantly different from life on the
plantations. Both towns were occupied after
the war ended, and the artifacts from both
archaeological excavations are predominantly
from the 1870s and 1880s. Both Trinkley’s and
Wheaton’s analyses focus on the use of artifact
patterning and socioeconomic indexing to judge
status. Wheaton notes that socioeconomic status
among the James City sites was slightly higher
than measured for enslaved African American
sites, while Trinkley notes that some high-status
artifacts (considered to be products of the plantation big houses) had found their way into the
archaeological record of the freedmen camps.
Interestingly, Wheaton and colleagues (1990:
247–248) note evidence of communal behavior
within James City, as witnessed by the use of
central wells within urban blocks as well as
other aspects of the archaeological and historical record. They view this communal chord as
the most African element of James City.
Tenancy
For many southern African Americans, agricultural tenancy was the keynote of the postbellum
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 38(1)
South. The archaeological legacy of African
American tenancy is represented by a number of
CRM studies (Anderson and Muse 1982, 1983;
Orser et al. 1982; Trinkley 1983; Brockington
et al. 1985; Orser and Nekola 1985; Joseph et
al. 1991). These studies have contributed to
the archaeological debate on the visibility of
tenancy and the role of artifact density in tenant
site evaluation and assessments of National Register eligibility (this debate is sometimes known
as the Anderson-Muse/Trinkley debate). CRM
archaeologists have recognized that tenant sites
are difficult to identify archaeologically because
of their limited material remains and impermanent architecture and because tenant site locations
were frequently employed as agricultural fields
following abandonment, damaging the limited
archaeological integrity these sites might earlier
have possessed (Joseph and Reed 1997). Charles
Orser and Annette Nekola (1985) recognize the
importance of continued community relationships
within the tenant community as witnessed by the
perseverance of Millwood Plantation’s village
residences into the tenant era, and the effects of
kinship on tenant settlement have been recognized elsewhere (Crass and Brooks 1997).
Urban Studies
After the war, many African Americans flocked
to cities, which offered the greatest potential
for employment as well as community. CRM
archaeological studies of urban African American
houses and neighborhoods have been conducted
in Mobile (Wheaton et al. 1993; Joseph et al.
1996; Gums 1998), Atlanta (The History Group
1982), Lexington (O’Malley 1990, 1996), Pittsburgh (Carlisle et al. 1991), several towns on
the Delmarva Peninsula (Catts et al. 1989; Catts
and Custer 1990; Catts and McCall 1991; Catts
1992), and Washington, DC (Garrow 1982; Cheek
et al. 1983; Cheek and Friedlander 1990), among
other cities. The majority of these studies have
addressed late-19th-century occupations, with the
analysis of socioeconomic social stratification as
the primary theoretical approach. Analysis of the
remains of the antebellum free African American
community of Springfield in Augusta, Georgia,
provides an important glimpse of African American culture outside the plantation and during the
first half of the 19th century (Joseph and Reed
1991; Joseph 1992, 1993c, 1997b).
J. W. JOSEPH—CRM and the Archaeology of the African Diaspora
Excavations at Springfield revealed a postin-ground house with associated pit features
dating to the period from 1820 to 1855. The
structure measured approximately 10 x 20 ft., the
common dimension for Yoruba houses in West
Africa, which John Vlach (1975, 1978) views
as ancestral to the shotgun house, commonly
found in many southern African American
neighborhoods. This house thus reflects African
and Afro-Caribbean building traditions and
design. The house yard was pocketed by small
pit features, many of which contained light to
moderate quantities of refuse that appears to
represent yard sweepings. The purpose of these
yard pit features is unknown, although they
were possibly dug to obtain dirt for house wall
or floor construction. Yard pit features have
been documented both ethnographically and
archaeologically by Emmanuel Kofi Agorsah
(1983:106–107) as a common feature of
Nchumuru settlements of West Africa and were
common at Yaughan and Curriboo plantations and
on other plantation workers villages. Ceramic
vessels recovered from Springfield indicate a
preference for hollowwares, cups and bowls,
supporting an observation made by Otto (1975)
at Cannon’s Point that the African American diet
shared West Africa attributes in its preference for
liquid-based soups and stews.
A single artifact, an anthropomorphic clay
pipe, provides a unique insight into free African
American lives as well as the complexities of
interpreting material culture. This figural pipe,
representing a biblical figure as indicated by the
gilt cross earrings, headdress, and gold beads in
the braided beard, would obviously be considered
of high socioeconomic value and status (Figure
1). However, its interpretive meaning is far
more complex. Various Southern laws placed
prohibitions on African American’s public use
of clay pipes, designed to prevent African
Americans from co-opting artifacts that conveyed
social status (Haughton 1972:16; Cashin 1980:
63). However, pipes were integral facets of
African life, where they were also used to
denote rank and status. Finally, this particular
pipe possesses ideological and symbolic meaning
in the personage it displays. The pipe was
identified in the maker’s catalog as representing
a Ninevien or a citizen of the Middle Eastern
town of Nineveh (Figure 2). Nineveh was one
of the birthplaces of Biblical archaeology and
23
was excavated and described by Henry Austin
Layard (1849) in Nineveh and Its Remains. The
design of the pipe may in fact be taken from the
illustrations appearing in Layard’s book (Figure
3). The archaeological discovery of Nineveh
was seen as proving the validity of the Bible.
Nineveh may have been a particularly relevant
place to African Americans of the old South, as
the Old Testament prophecy of Nahum depicts
God’s destruction of Nineveh and the freeing of
the Ninevien slaves.
These are the words of the LORD:
Now I will break his yoke from your necks
and snap the cords that bind you.
Image and idol will I hew down in the house of your
God.
This is what the LORD has ordained for you:
never again will your offspring be scattered;
and I will grant your burial, fickle though you have
been.
FIGURE 1. Ninivien pipe recovered from archaeological excavations at the Free African American Springfield
site.
24
HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 38(1)
Has the punishment been so great?
Yes, but it has passed away and is gone.
I have afflicted you, but I will not afflict you again.
Cemeteries
FIGURE 2. Illustration from the catalog of French pipe
manufacturer Gambier (Nomenclature des Pipes Gambier,
n.d.:46) showing the Ninivien design.
FIGURE 3. Illustration from Austen Henry Layard’s (1849)
Nineveh and Its Remains showing the discovery of statuary head which may have been the influence for Gambier’s
Ninivien pipe design.
CRM has made significant contributions to the
studies of African American physical anthropology, health and disease, diet, and ritual behavior
through the study of African American cemeteries. Two cemetery projects in particular, the First
African Baptist Cemetery (FABC) of Philadelphia
and New York City’s African Burial Ground, represent comprehensive, large-scale excavations that
have yielded significant information concerning
African American life (Parrington and Roberts
1984, 1990; Blakey 1986; Angel et al. 1987;
Parrington 1987; Parrington et al. 1989; Crist et
al. 1991, 1995, 1997; Harrington 1993; Crist and
Roberts 1996; LaRoche 1996; Rankin-Hill 1997;
Mack and Blakey, this volume).
The FABC project provided evidence of African ritual behaviors within the burial customs of
Philadelphia’s 19th-century African Americans.
Several of the burials were placed with coins
near the head. Usually this was a single penny.
Michael Parrington and Daniel Roberts (1990:
150) speculate that the inclusion of a single coin
in the FABC graves may reflect the West African
tradition that death represents the beginning of a
journey into the spirit world, and that the coins
may represent the fee for traveling to the spirit
world (among the Fanti of West Africa, money is
interred with the corpse to help its spirit “cross
the river” into the spirit world). Similarly, six
burials containing a single shoe also appear to
reflect the West African perception of death as a
journey. Shoes are also believed to have power
and can be used to keep the devil away. Two
burials contained an overturned plate covering
the stomach area of the deceased, which may
represent a West African practice designed to
contain the “essence” of the deceased within
the plate from which the last meal was eaten
and prevent this spirit from haunting the living.
Among the African Burial Ground graves, Cheryl
LaRoche (1996) notes the recovery of beads from
a number of burials that are indicative of both
West African dress as well as potentially ritual
behavior. Beads were also recovered from burials at the Sam Goode Cemetery in southern
Virginia (Crist et al. 2000). Alex Caton noted
the use of beads in Ghana to provide ritual
J. W. JOSEPH—CRM and the Archaeology of the African Diaspora
protection of the wearer, particularly infants and
children. The recovery of bead necklaces from
children’s burials at the Sam Goode Cemetery
would appear to indicate this same practice and
behavior. A pierced 1854 dime recovered from
another child’s grave where it was worn as a
necklace also appears to indicate African and
African American cultural beliefs. Pierced dimes
and other silver coins were reportedly worn to
guard against sorcery, with the belief that if
the coin turned black, then it was an indication
that someone was conjuring against the wearer
(Works Project Administration 1940:124–125;
Crist et al. 2000).
Conclusions
CRM excavations of African American cemeteries demonstrate the persistence and continuation of African beliefs and customs into the 19th
century. Similarly, the archaeology of the free
African American village of Springfield shows
that when left to their own resources, antebellum 19th-century African Americans drew upon
their African heritage to adapt to their setting in
the New World. By and large, however, CRM
investigations of African American sites have
been one-dimensional, emphasizing the American and neglecting the African. CRM analyses
that focus on African American socioeconomic
status as measured by Euramerican indices or
that view cultural change using simplistic and
outdated models of acculturation (for a review
of acculturation studies, see Howson 1990) are
meaningless at best and at worst, demeaning.
CRM archaeology must study African American sites within a cultural perspective and must
take into each project a knowledge of African
cultural behavior as a fundamental context for
understanding. While recognizing that the cultural legacy of Africa is both rich and diverse,
and itself engaged in culture change from the
16th century onward (Thomas 1995), historical
archaeologists working on African diaspora sites
must bring an understanding of African peoples,
histories, and cultures to their analysis and place
less reliance on analytical techniques developed
for Euramerican cultures.
By the middle of the 19th century, European
and American industrial material culture dominated the world market. It should be of no surprise that these goods had also found their way
25
into African American households. But material
culture’s meaning lies not in what an object is, or
what it is worth, but in how it is used and in the
meanings and values imposed on them (Brown
and Cooper 1990; Wilkie 1995). An ornate clay
pipe does not indicate simply that an individual
is a smoker with some financial resources. In the
case of Springfield, the pipe indicates a continuation of African traditions, a belief in Christianity
and its promise of a just world, and the defiance
of Euramerican laws that sought to regulate social
behavior. The most promising future CRM study
of African American archaeology will likewise
consider sites and objects as African artifacts
engaged in negotiating the passage from African
to African American.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am appreciative of the efforts of Maria Franklin
and Larry McKee in organizing and focusing this
volume. I am also appreciative of the review
comments received from other symposium participants,
particularly Ann Stahl, as well as the comments offered
by two anonymous reviewers. This article and author
especially benefited from Franklin’s thorough and
engaging editorial comments. Natalie Adams, Chris
Espenshade, and Tom Wheaton all provided assistance
in compiling African American CRM source materials.
Credit for any errors or omissions that appear in this
text rests solely with me.
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