Italian Fascism and Portuguese Salazarism

Italian Fascism and Portuguese Salazarism: Intellectuals Making Regimes
Annarita Gori (ICS-UL) & Rita Almeida de Carvalho (ICS-UL)*
The paper deals with the nature of the Estado Novo, the right-wing dictatorship that had
ruled Portugal from 1932 to 1968 and that was always led by Oliveira Salazar, a law professor with
expertise in Finances. Focusing on external influences, it aims a deep comprehension of the
regime's nature, an imbricate and plural union of monarchists – Legitimists1, Integralists and
Manuelist2 – and republicans, either conservative, reactionary or fascist.
More precisely, this paper intends to scrutinize the relationship between Salazarism and the
Italian Fascism, drawing upon the discourse of intellectuals, those who had the press monopoly and
therefore the capability to spread the Salazar's ideology. Indeed, they were a powerful vehicle of
ideological indoctrination.
Our interest is not the already intensively analyzed discourse of Salazar and his close
collaborators, those who had occupied preeminent governmental positions. This time, Salazar and
other politicians that, as their leader, claimed to be apolitical – organic intellectuals with special
expertise in Finances, Economics, and Law – will be disregarded3 and a new approach will be
undertaken. We are dealing with traditional intellectuals – literates, philosophers and artists – whose
support to the regime is thought to be much more important than usually acknowledge. Indeed, in
this article it is argued that they importantly contributed to the general consensus that gave the
regime the necessary endurance to survive until the early 70s. By this way, it is thought to
overcome the divorce between political and cultural analysis, a problem that others have already
pointed out4.
It is not easy to accurately define Portuguese nationalism. As one of its members testified,
“The disorganization of Portuguese nationalism is heartbreaking. I am amazed that the Dictatorship
is still nationalist. For it suffers from all the Left pressures, which does not give way, does not give
up, while the Right react with nothing unless apathy, cowardice and stupidity ... Hipólito [Raposo]5
*
Funded by the Foundation for Science and Technology, Portugal (SFRH / BPD / 68725 / 2010;
SFRH/BPD/89272/2012; UID/SOC/50012/2013).
1
Legitimists were the partisans of the King Miguel who was defeat by the liberals in 1934.
2
Those who fought for the line which was defeated by the First Portuguese Republic in 1910.
3
Antonio GRAMSCI: Quaderni dal carcere, Turin, Einaudi, 1975.
4
Luís TRINIDADE: O Estranho Caso do Nacionalismo Português. O Salazarismo entre a literatura e a política.
Lisbon, ICS, 2008, pp. 9-21.
5
José Hipólito Raposo was a lawyer and a traditionalist monarchist close to Action Française. He was co-founder of the
Integralismo Lusitano.
1
protests here, Pimenta6 protest there, you further make a statement... But this is almost nothing, this
cannot be regarded as the Portuguese nationalism, otherwise it does not exist, which is what I have
been thinking lately”7.
Broadly speaking, there are two kind of nationalism: traditionalist nationalism and
revolutionary nationalism8. The first talks about redemption, aims to restore a lost past brought by
the parliamentary democracy of the nineteen and early twenty centuries. The following poem by
Alberto Monsaraz, a monarchist traditionalist, epitomizes the idea: Become, Europe, as you was; /
Revive in God, Portugal ... / Look in the mirror of other ages, / Transfigures you, actual era9.
On the contrary, revolutionary nationalism aspires to create a new order rooted on some
allegedly timeless virtues. This kind of nationalism is epitomized by the wording of the regime's
architect Pardal Monteiro in a letter sent to Salazar in 1936. He urged that it would not be possible
to resurrect the political institutions or social systems from the past because the realities of modern
life have imposed the creation of a new structure […]. What could be resurrected was the national
spirit and moral, which would awake the Portuguese race’s creativeness and ‘discovery spirit’, both
responsible for the Portuguese Discoveries. In his view, those were ‘the driving force of the race’
and that had nothing to do with going back to the past10.
Different type of nationalism results in different types of dictatorships regardless their
commonalties: the fascist ones and the others. This does not mean that from time to time, the latter
might look as fascist depending on certain specific temporal and spatial circumstances. Not
surprisingly, thousands or hundreds of Portuguese young men, either civil or militaries, women or
even children had done the roman salute in parades during the 1930s. In a way or another, it is
important to follow the mechanisms of what seems to be a mere emulation process.
The research is still ongoing – there are several aspects to further explore. But some
preliminary insights are already possible.
6
Alfredo Pimenta was an historian, journalist and publicist. As a traditionalist monarchist, he founded the Acção
Realista Portuguesa against the Integralismo Lusitano.
7
Letter from Caetano Beirão to João Ameal (13 March 1931), Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (BNP), Espólio João
Ameal, Esp. E37/3303-3322
8
José Pedro ZÚQUETE, “In Search of a new society: an intellectual between modernism and Salazar”. Portuguese
Journal of Social Science. 4 (1), 2005, pp. 39-59.
9
“Torna, Europa, a ser como eras; / Remoça em deus, Portugal... / Vê-te ao espelho de outras Eras, /Transfigura-te, Era
actual”. Poem by Alberto Monsaraz (December 1953), Espólio João Ameal, BNP, Esp. E37/3303-3322.
10
Torre do Tombo (Portuguese National Archive), Arquivo Oliveira Salazar (AOS), Correspondência Particular -184,
pt. 6, fls. 81-116.
2
Portuguese fascist intellectuals
The complexity and splintering of the Portuguese right-wing movements during the fascist
era – Integralismo Lusitano, Cruzada Nuno Àlvares Pereira, Centro do Nacionalismo Lusitano, Liga
Nacional 28 de Maio, Movimento Nacional Sindicalista (MNS)11 – hampers a proper reading of the
relationship between Italian fascists and Portuguese right-wing intellectuals. Portuguese traditional
and traditionalist intellectuals were, among many others, Rolão Preto, Homem-Christo, Alfredo
Pimenta, António Ferro12, António Eça de Queiroz13, and Augusto de Castro14.
Most of them interacted with their fascist Italian counterparts before Salazarism had
emerged, mainly during the Republic of Fiume period (1919-20). Some of these intellectuals even
met Grabrielle d'Annunzio or, in the worst case scenario, established links with fascists long before
1934, moment from which political parties were no longer authorized, which includes de MNS,
having some of its member become Salazar’s supporters whilst others his opponents. From then
onwards, contacts not only had decreased as also had changed their nature: the Italian interlocutors
with whom the traditional intellectuals had links became organic intellectuals, bureaucrats from the
Comitati d’Azione per l’Universalitá di Roma personified by Eugenio Coselschi, Guido Ferruccio
Cabalzar and Ubaldo Baldi Papini15.
Homem Christo Filho: from Fiume to death on Mussolini’s lap The writer and journalist Homem Cristo Filho, the most Portuguese preeminent intellectual
to establish close connections with fascists, was never supporter of the Estado Novo. That is, he was
active long before Salazar seized power16. Volunteer soldier in the First War World, he became a
fascist supporter right in 1922. One year after, he interviewed Mussolini publishing the
conversation in France under the title Mussolini bâtisseur d’avenir. Harangue aux foules latines
11
See António COSTA PINTO: The Blue Shirts. Portuguese Fascists and the New State, Columbia University Press,
New York, 2000; Mario IVANI, Esportare il fascismo, Clueb, Bologna, 2009.
12
António Ferro was a writer, a journalist and Director-General of Propaganda.
13
António Eça de Queiroz was the head of the Salazar's official youth movement, Acção Escolar Vanguarda, He was
also in charge of the foreign division of Directorate General of Propaganda. In 1935, he became secretary of the
Portuguese section of the Comitati d'Azione per l'Universalita di Roma (CAUR).
14
Augusto de Castro was writer, journalist and the Portuguese representative in Vatican (1924-29, 1935), Berlin (1929),
Brussels (1929-31, 1935-38), Rome (1931-35) and Paris (1945-47). He was also director of the important newspaper
Diário de Notícias (1919-24, 1939-45, 1947-71).
15
Eugenio Coselschi was a lawyer, journalist and writer, although he was never a first rank intellectual, a traditional
intellectual, in the sense that he was not a literate. He was secretary of D’Annunzio during the Fiume occupation in
1919. During the fascist regime was member of the Commissione di Propaganda e Cultura della Federazione Fascista
(1926). Coselschi was also one of the founders of the Comitati per l’Azione Universale di Roma (CAUR). See: Marco
CUZZI, L’internazionale delle camice nere, Milano, Mursia, 2005. Guido Ferruccio Cabalzar was one of the most
important CAUR emissary. From 1934 to 1936, he travelled across Europe (Portugal, Spain, Greece, Turkey, Bulgaria,
Romania, Hungary, Latvia) in order to establish national CAUR’s section within these countries. Ubaldo Baldi Papini,
an Italian diplomat and CAUR’s emissary was in Portugal from 1935 onwards.
16
See Miguel CASTELO-BRANCO: Homem Cristo Filho do anarquismo ao fascismo, Lisbon, Nova Arrancada, 2001.
3
[Mussolini, the builder of future, talks to Latin Crowds]17. He was the first Portuguese author to
publish on Fascist regime and he truly believed that a fascist Europe would arise in the near
future18. As a Mussolini’s admirer, he was invited by the fascist leader himself to attend to the
celebration of the 4th anniversary of Fascism19. Soon after, he started to imagine a Latin, Catholic
and Fascist community which would encompass Italy, Portugal, France, Spain, Belgium, Romania
and some Latin-American countries20. Eventually, Homem Christo had obtain the support of
Mussolini to organize a “Congress of the Western Union” to be held in Rome in 1929. However,
the congress never happened because Homem Christo died in a car incident in the outskirts of Rome
in 1928 while he was driving fast to discuss with Mussolini the congress details. Soon afterwards, a
friend that was in Rome at the time had testified how “Italians, and in particularly, Il Duce, honored
the death of this wonderful Latin entirely devoted, in his short life, so intense and so vibrant, to the
service of Latinity”21.
But Homem Christo was not the only one who sought about a Latin, Catholic and Fascist
union among European countries. After his death, Rolão Preto, António Ferro and Augusto de
Castro took the idea.
Rolão Preto: from Fiume to the exile Rolão Preto was also a WWI veteran, a charismatic leader of the Blue Shirts – the
members of MNS –, who was friend of D’Annunzio and Corradini22. He also was the promoter of
fascist choreographies during the NS gatherings in Portugal. As such, he was the ideal interlocutor
for the Italian fascists. As Homem Christo, he also aspired for a Latinidade that would put together
the Roman civilization's heirs – France, Spain, Italy and Portugal23. The concept embodies the idea
of empire, civilization and discovers, in sum, Latin people were both “warriors and colonizers”24.
The relationship between MNS and Italian fascism continued until 1934. However, Salazar and the
17
Francisco HOMEM CRISTO FILHO: Mussolini bâtisseur d’avenir. Harangue aux foules latines, Paris, Fast, 1923.
Fundação António Quadros (FAQ)/AFC/01/001/0118/023.
19
FAQ, AFC/01/001/0118/00028.
20
See Ernesto CASTRO LEAL: António Ferro. Espaço político e imáginario social (1918-32), Cosmos, Lisboa, 1994;
Giulia ALBANESE: Sguardi incrociati alle origini del fascismo: Italia, Spagna e Portogallo, in Fascismi Periferici.
Nuove Ricerche. L’annale Irsifar, Milan, FrancoAngeli, 2010.
21
Letter from Alberto Monsaraz to António Ferro, 14 August 1928. FAQ, AFC/01/001/0261/00003.
22
See António COSTA PINTO: "Rolão Preto, Salazar e o Apelo Carismático no Estado Novo", in José Vicente
SERRÃO, Magda PINHERO, and Maria de Fátima SÁ (eds.): Desenvolvimento Económico e Mudança Social Portugal nos Últimos dois Séculos - Homenagem a Miriam Halpern Pereira, Lisboa, Imprensa de Ciências Sociai,
2009, pp. 553-555.
23
Rolão PRETO: A Monarquia é a Restauração da Inteligência, Lisbon, Soares & Guedes, 1920, p.3.
24
See António COSTA PINTO: The Blue Shirts..., cit. pp.19-20.
4
18
MNS were opponents25. Although Rolão Preto was whom the Italians fascists considered the “true”
fascists, Salazar extinguished the Movement. In a report written by Tuozzi, the Italian
representative in Lisbon, the Italian Foreign Ministry was told that the banishment of the NS by
Salazar in December 1933 “leans the government – more than never – towards the moderate wing,
towards the “wisdom” and by this means it is almost certain that the “New State” announced in all
speeches and writings does not arise. To provide a new life for Portugal, “open-mindedness and
political passion” are required, and these are not qualities of the moderates26.
After Rolão Preto exile, contacts with Italian fascists remained through António Ferro.
António Ferro: from Fiume to the Directorate General of Propaganda Ferro was a preeminent intellectual of the Estado Novo, although active long before
Salazar seized power. In 1933 he became the in charge of the regime’s propaganda. As Homem
Christo and Rolão Preto, Ferro had also acquaintances with Italian fascists since the Fiume
Republic.
António Ferro was a journalist, a poet, an admirer of the Fascist regime27. As many young
European men of that time, he was attracted by futurism. He also volunteered to fight in WWI and
he had just returned when a coup d’etat was carried out by the general Sidónio Pais (1917). Known
as “the king-president”, soon this military was murdered. This event would confer him a mystic
aura and he ended up representing the lost opportunity to heal the nostalgia of the glorious past and
to re-establish a greatness of the Portuguese empire28.
The murder of Sidonio Pais led Ferro to leave Portugal in search of others charismatic
leaders. Gabriele D’Annunzio, Primo de Rivera, Mussolini, and Kemal Atatürk were interviewed by
him. These interviews would be gathered in his famous book Gabriele D’Annunzio e eu (1922), and
Viagem à volta das dictaturas (1927).
25
João MEDINA: Salazar e os fascistas. Salazarismo e Nacional Sindacalismo. A História de um conflito. 1932-1935,
Lisbon, Bertrand, 1977.
26
Report of the ambassador Tuozzi, Archivio storico del Ministero degli affari esteri (ASMAE), AP, Pt, b. 2, f. “1933”,
sf. Rapporti politici, cit. in Mario IVANI, Esportare il fascismo…, cit. p. 43.
27
See Ernesto CASTRO LEAL: António Ferro; Margarida ACCIAIUOLI: A Vertigem da Palavra. Retorica, Politica e
Propaganda no Estado Novo, Bizâncio, Lisboa, 2013; Jorge RAMOS DO Ó: Os anos de Ferro. O dispositivo cultural
nos anos da “Politica do Espirito”, Lisboa, Estampa, 1999; Goffredo ADINOLFI: “L’uomo che costruì il consenso al
regime di Salazar. L’itinerario politico di Antonio Ferro dal futurismo al salazarismo”, Nuova Storia Contemporanea,
n.4, (2007), pp. 61-75.
28
See António Ferro: "Sinfonia heróica", O Jornal, 5 december 1919. About Saudade/Sebastianismo see: Cécilia
BARREIRA: “Três nótulas sobre o integralismo lusitano (evolução, descontinuidade, ideologia, nas paginas da “Nação
Portuguesa, 1914-1926)”, Análise Social, vol. XVIII n.72-73-74, (1982), p. 1421; Miguel ESTEVES CARDOSO:
“Misticismo e ideologia no contexto cultural português: a saudade, o sebastianismo e o integalismo lusitano”, Análise
Social, vol. XVIII, n.72-73-74, (1982), p. 1399.
5
While Ferro was in Rome, he directly observed the fascist organizations, gatherings and
Mussolini’s charisma. Those images had had such an impact on his mind that a few years later
Ferro proposed that similar propaganda methods were used in Portugal. In his writings, Ferro
portrayed Mussolini as a short, strong and crude man with a humble background, features that made
him to be the representative of the Italian ordinary people. From carrying bricks in Switzerland, he
turned out to be the one who would move Italy to the top of the world29.
Augusto de Castro: missed steps Similar wording was used by Augusto de Castro, the Portuguese ambassador in Rome,
when describing the fascist leader:
The Italian Duce was now close to me and facing me. Then he started talking – if we can say so for, as it is
known, Mussolini always prefers listening, he is a great listener! […] During the meeting, I was recalling
what I had seen six years ago. Duce exactly maintained the same psychological and physical aspect (a
relative [probably Ciano] told me that Mussolini often works from 8 am. till 11pm., barely eating and
standing all time on his feet). After all these exhausting years of fighting, he only shows a slight sign of
fatigue […]. In sum, his gaze, always observing and scrutinizing, his wording, gestures and pace remain
exactly the same30.
While António Ferro described fascist civic rituals in newspapers and books, Castro did the
same in his reports to the Foreign Minister. In February 1933, Castro sent him a report entitled
Culto fascista, in which he wrote: “I am sending you two texts: La preghiera del milite and Il
decalogo fascista. Please note that these are not mere Italian curiosities, but tools to create and
boost a true fascist mystic and a state deification”31. Few months later, Castro attended to Marcia su
Roma’s commemorations and he testified: “This year, the celebration was particularly brilliant. In
one of his speeches, Mussolini urged that eleven years after the first regime’s triumph, fascism was
no longer a national phenomenon but a worldwide reality […]. In front of 150 million citizens,
Mussolini declared that fascist Italy aims the supremacy in the land, sea and sky, as well as in the
body and soul”32.
29
António FERRO: Viagem a volta das ditaduras, Imprensa Diário de Noticias, Lisbon, 1927, p. 65.
Recepção e conversa com o presidente Mussolini 18 February 1935”, Torre do Tombo, AOS, Correspondência
Oficial (CO)/Negócios Estrangeiros (NE) - 4E, box 480, f. 12, 18 February 1935. See also: Artigos e notícias da
imprensa estrangeira sobre Portugal, AHMNE, 3p, a1, m.111.
31
“Culto fascista”, AHMNE, 3p, a1, m. 47,.
32
“Comemoração da Marcia su Roma”, AHMNE, 3p, a1, m. 473.
6
30
These quotations strongly show how Portuguese intellectuals admired Italian fascism. But
Estado Novo was not a simple emulation of the Italian regime. Along the 1930s, Salazar stoutly
claimed the regime uniqueness, refusing Italian supremacy and defending an equal and balanced
relationship with Italy33. However intellectuals easily found commonalities between the regimes
which eased dialogue and exchanges among them. Such is the case of Latinity, Catholicism and
Corporatism,
One way or another, cultural diplomacy involved many people from both countries. In
order to foster the relationship among the regimes, aiming supremacy in the Italian case or an equal
relationship in the Portuguese view, the golden year was 1934 when a series of events occurred,
showing how close were Portugal and Italy. From then onwards, internal and external factors
intervened and some projects were never carry; the relationship end up cooling down.
1934: an year of ephemeral achievements
In 1934, cultural diplomacy had its first significant outcomes: exhibitions, conferences and
congresses were organized while others initiatives were planned for the next years. Portuguese
intellectuals were invited to social and cultural events all around the Italian peninsula. Four
propaganda articles on Portugal were published in important roman newspapers34 and articles by
Portuguese authors were published in Italian press. That is the case of the peace “Imperial destiny
of Rome”, written by Castro and published both in Il Messaggero and the Roma Universa. Rivista
mensile dei CAUR35. The text deals with what was seen as inherent characteristics of Fascism –
Romanità, Latinity, Catholicism and imperial vocation – and had impact on the Italian political and
intellectual scenario. Castro would be received by Mussolini and Coselschi who had congratulated
him for this success. Coselschi also guaranteed him the dissemination of the article among Italian
high schools, universities and CAUR’s sections, both inside and outside Italy. It was the first
33
When interviewed by Ferro, Salazar pointed out the originality of the Portuguese Regime. See António FERRO:
Salazar “O homem e a sua obra”, Lisbon, Imprensa Nacional de Publicidade, 1935, p. 74,
34
Article from Il Messaggero, AHMNE, 3p, a1, m.111, Artigos e notícias da imprensa estrangeira sobre Portugal.
Some of these articles focus on folk culture (e.g. “La Toreada”, Il Messaggero, 22 July 1934 or “Colore e fascino di
Lisbona”, Il Messaggero, 21 June1934) while others aim attention to political and social changes (“Il Portogallo sulle
vie della rinascita”, L’Avvenire d’Italia, 28 February1934; “Segni di riscossa in Portogallo”, L’Avvenire d’Italia,
[March 1934]). The author describes the new Portuguese state as it does the Salazarist propaganda, ie, using the
dichotomy order and caos and invoking the glories of the past: “The atmosphere is changing, Portugal begin to see its
future instead of its recent past. Now, Portugal is turned to its glorious, ancient and bright past, to the glorious era of the
discoveries and conquests”.
35
Augusto de CASTRO: “Il destino imperiale di Roma”, Il Messaggero, 21 April 1934. In the newspaper, the editor
described Castro as a “Latin friend soul”. See also the version published in the Roma Universa. Rivista mensile dei
Caur, a.4, n. 32.
7
official appointment between CAUR’s chief and a Portugal representative and had occurred just a
few days before Cabalzar had been sent to Lisbon in order to create a Portuguese's CAUR section36.
Augusto de Castro also sponsored some cultural events that will last even after the end of
WWII. In 1933, a chair on Portuguese language and literature was created in the University of
Rome37. Along with the Portuguese assistant consul in Naples Argenore Magno, the director of the
Portuguese section of Istituto Medridionale di Cultura Gerardo Raffaele Zitarosa, and the director
of the Foreign section of the Secretariado de Propaganda Nacional Eça de Queiroz, Castro also
promote a Portuguese branch of the Italian society “Leonardo Da Vinci”. As explained by Argenore
Magno to the minister of Foreign Affairs, the aim was to “efficiently boost intellectual, artistic and
scientific relationships between Latin Portugal and Italy. Magno also referred the creation of a
Portuguese section in the journal Aspetti letterari in order to disclose Portuguese people, “paying a
special attention to present, newness and mutual interest”38.
The city of Naples had played an important role during this cultural, political and
intellectual approach. In 1934, it held the second edition of the Mostra di Arte Coloniale. As the
first edition held in Rome in 1931, the exhibition was organized by the Ente Autonomo Fiera di
Tripoli. Created to disclose Libya's conquest, in 1934 it acquired a special meaning due to the plans
to invade Abyssinia. Alongside with the Italian pavilion, three other countries were invited to
expose their imperial achievements together in a single pavilion: France, Belgium and Portugal.
SNP had chosen Eça de Queiroz as the exhibition’s responsible. Supported by Armindo
Monteiro, the Minister of Colonies, he was assisted by Augusto de Castro, Augusto Cardoso Pinto
and António Ferro. The Portuguese Consul in Naples Mariano Miceli as well as his assistant
Argenore Magno also contributed to the works. The Portuguese display was composed by two
rooms, having as patrons Luís de Camões, the sixteen century poet “who celebrated the Portuguese
ancient glories”, and the Infant Dom Henrique, “who had created the school of navigation that
turned Portugal in a huge empire”. In the main room, a padrão, “one of the most important symbols
of the Portuguese history, was erected”39.
36
The meeting between Coselchi and Castro was in 1st of May. Cabalzar was sent to Lisbon where he stay from 4 to 24
May. Report S.A, n.91, Artigos e notícias da imprensa estrangeira sobre Portugal, AHMNE, 3p, a1, m.111. See also:
M. IVANI: Esportare il fascismo, cit.p. 54, and Simon KUIN: “O braço longo de Mussolini: os «Comitati d’Azione per
l’Universalità di Roma»” em Portugal (1933-1937), in Penélope, 11 (1993), pp. 7-20.
37
“Criação de uma cátedra de língua e literatura portuguesa na Real Universidade de Roma” (12 September 1933),
AHMNE, Propaganda de Portugal no Estrangeiro 1938-1941, 3p, a13, mç 80.
38
Letter of Argenore Magno (20 November 1933), AHMNE, Publicidade no estrangeiro e propaganda de Portugal e
colonias 1932-34, 3p, a1, mç 502.
39
Alberto NEPPI: “Alla II mostra di arte coloniale a Napoli. Nei domini Portoghesi. Da Timor al Mozambico”, Il
lavoro fascista, 13 December 1934; E. CAMPANA: “Visioni dell’Impero coloniale del Portogallo alla II mostra
8
In a report of the Portuguese representative, he considered that the Portuguese section was
the most preeminent regardless the narrow space occupied by Portugal. Actually, Castro criticized
the exhibition for its uncharacteristic character which he thought was due to the lack of colonial
tradition and spirit. For this reason, he claimed, rather wishes than reality were exhibited40. Written
in the end of 1934, this wording already embodies the changes occurred in the relation between
Italy and Portugal. Few month before the Italian aggression to Abyssinia, Italy was already
displaying its colonial ambitions and not surprisingly it was decided to extend the exhibition till the
summer of 1935. Foreign countries were asked to maintain the displays until there. The Portuguese
government was hesitating and Castro managed to convince it. As France and Belgium were doing,
Portugal, should maintain the display as a stand against the Italian colonial ambitions41.
Conferences on Portuguese empire were also held in Rome and Naples in October and
November 1934. Organized by the Portuguese embassy with the collaboration of CAUR, one was
entitled Acção colonial portuguesa – Os três impérios – Os ultimos cinquenta anos” and given by
Fernando Emigidio da Silva in the University of Rome and the University Naples. A thousand
people attend to the lecture whilst it was broadcasted by Radio Roma for Italy and its colonies42.
The second set was organized by the Istituto Geografico Italiano and the Sociedade de Geografia
de Lisboa. This time, the Count of Penha Garcia was invited by the president of the Istituto Corrado
Zoli to give a lecture about “Portugal e a Africa Negra” [Portugal and the Black Africa] also in
Rome and Naples.
Corrado Zoli was also an important cultural intermediary between Italy and Portugal.
Writer, journalist and diplomat, he was in Fiume with D’Annunzio when he met António Ferro and
other Portuguese intellectuals. Zoli had introduced Il Vate to the future Director-General of
Propaganda. The exchanges between him and Ferro continued along the 1920s and 1930s; in 1934
the former introduced the Italian translation of the Ferro's book on Salazar43.
In October 1934, António Ferro attended to a series of cultural events in Italy as a mere
intellectual. During the one-week stay, he met Ciano and Mussolini, he was interviewed by Italian
newspaper and he also studied Fascist organizations, such as Dopolavoro and Opera Nazionale
internazionale coloniale”, Il Mattino, 1 December 1934. To understand how important was the Padrão for Portuguese
propaganda, see: Pedro Vieira de ALMEIDA: A Arquitectura do Estado Novo, Livros Horizonte, Lisboa; 2002.
40
Exposição de arte colonial em Nápoles, AHMNE, Exposição, Congressos, Conferências 1934, 3p, a12, mç. 273.
41
Telegram of Augusto de Castro. AHMNE, 3p, a12, m273, Exposição, Congressos, Conferências 1934.
42
Torre do Tombo, AOS, Negócios Estrangeiros (NE) - 4D, box 379, f. 48, Conferencias coloniaes dos Sr. Conde de
Penha Garcia e Prof. Dr. Fernando Emidio da Silva.
43
António FERRO: Salazar. Il Portogallo e il suo capo,prefazione di Corrado Zoli, Sindacato Italiano Arti Grafiche,
Roma, 1934; see Daniele SERAPIGLIA: Il fascismo portoghese. Le interviste di Ferro a Salazar, Pendragon, Bologna,
2014.
9
Balilla, and visited the Colonial Art Exhibition in Naples, along with Augusto de Castro and Eça de
Queiroz. He also participated in the Convegno Volta, important annual meetings on science and
humanities organized by Accademia dei Licei. In 1934, the reunion’s theme was and it was chaired
by Luigi Pirandello, who had invited Ferro. The invitation well illustrates a friendship that had
begun during the Fifth Congress of Dramatic and Musical Critic held in Lisbon in 193144.
Ferro visited Italy accompanied by members of the Acção Escolar Vanguarda (AEV), a
youth fascistized organization directly controlled by SPN’s and headed by António Eça de
Queiroz45. These young men attended to the Colonial Exhibition’s opening in Naples and visited
Florence, Genoa, Turin, Milan, Verona, Trieste and Rome. While in Rome, they met members of
the Gruppi Universistari Fascisti (GUF) and CAUR, and were received by the PNF’s secretary,
Achille Storace46. During their stay, Augusto de Castro promoted a reception in which Coselschi
and some fascist leaders participated47.
All these actions well illustrate the wish to establish cultural, political and social links
between Portuguese and Italian fascists. As seen above, the belief on a common Latin heritage bring
up the wish to weave a net of European dictatorship48. That is why Castro, even after leaving the
Roman embassy for an equivalent post in Brussels, began to engender an exhibition on Latin
culture49. In his opinion, the event should be organized for the celebration of Augustus'
bimillennial anniversary in 1937. In an interview released in Il Messaggero, he gave some thoughts
on it:
The exhibition would demonstrate that at least three quarters of the human legacy have its origins in our
culture. Under the wings of the roman eagle, the Latin spirit praises the incomparable labor of its human
expansion. We must not forget that Latin soul also means Christian soul. It was through Rome that the
Christian ideal became universal. Rome carries the torch of these two amazing cultures. […]. All around the
word exhibitions have been organized on all kind of subjects. For the first time, an historical universal fair of
44
Maria José de LANCASTRE: Con un sogno nel bagaglio. Un viaggio di Pirandello in Portogallo, Palermo, Sellerio,
2006.
45
Soon this organization would be extinguished and their member would integrate the Mocidade Portuguesa (1936).
See António COSTA PINTO and Nuno RIBEIRO: A Acção Escolar Vanguarda (1933-36), Lisbon, História Crítica,
1980.
46
Mario IVANI: Esportare il fascism, cit. p. 49.
47
Vanguardistas portugueses em Itália, Torre do Tombo, AOS, NE-4D, box 379.
48
As regardes Romania see: Stefano SANTORO: Mito della latinità e imperialismo italiano in Europa orientale, 19181943, “Quaderni di Farestoria”, 7 (2005), n. 3; Radu IOANID: The sacralized Politics of the Romanian Iron Guard, in
Roger GRIFFIN (ed.), Fascism, Totalitarianism and Political Religion, London, Routledge, 2004.
49
During the summer of 1935, Augusto de Castro and the Belgian Légion Nationale had organized a “Fascist universal
fair”. Italy, Belgium, France, Spain, Holland, Switzerland, United Kingdom, Denmark, Austria, and Portugal sent their
exhibition materials to Castro. Every week two lectures on a fascist topic would be given, e,g., corporatism, Latinity,
universal fascism etc.
10
History would be organized. Why not? You have organized a fascist exhibition that was also an historical fair
and you have seen what a huge success it was!50
In a report to Salazar, Castro would describe the importance of such an exhibition as “an
opportunity to internationalize the Portuguese history, to publicize the glorious colonial and
metropolitan Portuguese past and simultaneously to celebrate the prestige of the actual situation all
around the world”51.
In July 1935, Castro went Rome to better explain Ciano, Coselschi and Mussolini his idea.
Although Mussolini was absent due to his annual holidays, the Portuguese diplomat succeeded to
talk with Ciano, now minister of Propaganda, and Coselschi, president of CAUR. Ciano approved
Castro's proposal. He proposed the Diocleziano’s thermal center as location, although remembering
that the final decision would be Mussolini's. When Castro left Rome, some tasks were already
outlined: Ciano would discuss the exhibition with Mussolini and plan the next meeting, Coselschi
would draw the budget and Castro would be in charge of the provisional fair's plan.
Few weeks later, Castro informed Salazar that Coselschi and Mussolini had offered him
the presidency of the fair and that Mussolini would prefer to have an exhibition on Latin culture
clearly apart from the others events already planned for the 1937 – bimillennial anniversary of
Augustus, the celebration of Imperial Roma and the Word Fair in Paris, in order to give it a proper
emphasis. However, the Portuguese diplomat also testified the bad political atmosphere on the eve
of the Ethiopia’s war: “We hope that this plan could be developed normally […] and that the
European situation does not cause insurmountable difficulties to this purpose. Unlike Mussolini, not
all of us are optimistic”52.
Critical junctures
Shortly after, Augusto de Castro wrote his last report on the theme: “It is possible that
some events force us to change our opinion [about the Latin culture’s fair]. If Italy starts a war
against Abyssinia, thus disrespecting the League of Nation’s veto, shall we continue giving our
support to the exhibition? I would like to have your opinion, Mr. President, although I think further
50
“Augusto de Castro parla della partecipazione dei popoli latini al Bimillenario Augusteo”, Il Messaggero, 26 July
1935.
51
“Exposição da civilização latina”, AHMNE, Exposições, congressos e conferências 1935, 3p, a1, m 675. The same
idea was exposed to the Italian government. See “Progetto di una mostra della civiltà latina in Roma in occasione del
Bimillenario di Augusto”, Archivio Centrale di Stato of Rome (ACS), SPD, Carteggio ordinario, busta 147.327).
52
“Exposição da civilização latina”, AHMNE, Exposições, congressos e conferências 1935, 3p, a1, m 675.
11
steps should not be taken”53. Clearly, from then on the colonial issue began to adversely affect the
relation between Italy and Portugal.
The colonial issue
The precaution can be easily explained. Portuguese people forged their own identity
through the colonial myth, which was also the ground for national and international propaganda. An
Italian aggression towards Africa could jeopardize the already precarious status quo of the
Portuguese colonies. Before going to Brussels, Castro had already warned the Portuguese
Government about the Italian goals in Abyssinia. Lobo d’Ávila, the new ambassador in Rome,
during his the first meeting with the president of the Senate, Luigi Federzoni, was tranquilized by
the Italian politician: “I really hope that all misunderstandings and apprehensions regarding the
hypothetical Italian goals on the Portuguese colonies would vanish promptly. As a former colonial
minister, I had the privilege to testify your effort in relation to the Portuguese empire. I can assure
you that there is no reason to be not supportive of our government”54.
CAUR’s ineptitude Along with the colonial issue, other incidents had contributed to hinder collaboration
between Portuguese and Italians. On the one hand, as Mario Ivani argues, CAUR did not succeed in
Portugal for the regime deeply mistrusted foreign interferences55. On the other hand, CAUR’s
failure has also a relation with the fact that from 1935 onwards Italian bureaucrats – no longer
intellectuals – who led the attempts to intensify the collaboration with Portugal were unable to
understand the Portuguese society and culture.
In addition, the organization objectives had become blurred as time went by. CAUR were
shaped in July 1933 in order to foster a transnational fascism, an idea that aroused in the end of the
1920s. Several intellectuals, such as Giuseppe Bottai, Curzio Malaparte, Julius Evola, and Carlo
53
Idib. In 1937 the celebration of the bi-millennial of Imperator August was held in Rome and few days before the
ambassador of Portugal, José Lobo d’Avila, did not know yet if Portugal was going to officially participate in the
ceremony. After the Ministry of National Education, the responsible for Instituto de Alta Cultura and the Academia da
Ciências refused to be present, Lobo d’Ávila was nominate to represent the country, AHMNE, 3p, a13, m130-140,
Bimilenario de Augusto. A similar situation occurred in the celebration of Imperial the Roma where Portugal did not
officially participate. In a telegram sent to the consul in Salamanca, it can be read: “Dr. Cunha, you can attend to the
event although there is not an official delegation. For this reason your presence in Rome will only have a personal
character”. “Celebração da Roma Imperial” AHMNE, 3p, a13, m130-140.
54
“Visita e declarações do Sr. Federzoni”, AHMNE, Informações Políticas Itália 1935, 3p, a1, m.475.
55
Mario IVANI: Esportare il fascism, p.54.
12
Costamagna, were involved in its creation. In 1929, Asvero Gravelli and Oddone Fantini even
created important magazines devoted to international fascism: L’Antieuropa and the Universalitá
fascista56, respectively. Few months after the constitution of CAUR, Coselschi, not following the
regime’s official channels, got in touch with José Campos e Sousa, the Nacional Sindicalista who
was in charge of international affairs within the movement57. However, as intellectuals were
replaced by bureaucrats, cultural diplomacy was replaced by propaganda.
Almost one year later, in May 1934, Cabalzar, the appointed CAUR representative in
Portugal,
visited
the
country.
Following
the
Italian
representative
Alberto
Tuozzi’s
recommendations, he exclusively contacted the Estado Novo partisans58. Tuozzi had advised him
that MNS was then a minor political movement for he should only approach the regime’s AEV and
SPN59. Eventually, Cabalzar manage to create the Portuguese CAUR’s committee, but not before
assuring that his purpose was not the fascistazation of Portugal, but rather the promotion of a
common superior value, the Romanitá60. Still following Tuozzi suggestions, Cabalzar offered the
presidency of the committee to António Ferro. Yet, SPN director rejected the offer although not
before assuring the organization’s control. Indeed, Eça de Queiroz, who was also a SPN high
officer, was nominated as secretary of CAUR. The presidency was assumed by Eugénio de Castro,
director of the Faculty of Literature of Coimbra University, teacher of Italian literature, and
Portuguese delegate to the Convegno Volta of 1932.
Although denying it, Cabalzar’s mission had a political meaning – to find political allies
and create a fascist network. Political aspects, such as corporatism, were clearly more important to
him than Latin culture61. The ambassador Tuozzi also thought that the universality of Rome would
be more easily accepted by the nationalist Portuguese regime and so the idea of reawaken the
Portuguese Latinity. However, prudency was necessary in order to avoid the idea of political
56
See Marco CUZZI: L’internazionale delel camicie Nere, p. 75 e ss..
Simon KUIN: O braço longo de Mussolini: os “Comitati d’Azione per l’Universalità di Roma” em Portugal (19331937)” cit. p. 9. See also: Simon KUIN: “Fascist Italy and Salazar’s Portugal, 1926-1936”, in by Bruyning, L.F. & J.Th.
Leerssen (eds.), Italy-Europe - Yearbook of European Studies/Annuaire d'Etudes Europeennes, Amsterdam & Atlanta,
GA: Rodopi, 1990.
58
There is a letter send by José Campos e Sousa to Antonio Pescosolido in which he complained that Cabalzar didn’t
contact him even in a privat form. Letters from Campos e Sousa to Pescosolido, 16 May 934, ACS, Minculpop, 193334, Dgp, b. 183, f. See also Mario IVANI: Esportare il fascism, cit. p. 55 and António COSTA PINTO: The Blue Shirts,
cit.,p. 184.
59
Simon KUIN: O braço longo de Mussolini, cit. p. 9.
60
“Uma aliança espiritual. Vai criar-se em Lisboa um «comité» pró-universalidade de Roma que servirá à aproximação
luso-italiana”, Diário de Lisboa, 14 May 1934; “Pro-universalidade de Roma. Guido Cabalzar companheiro de
Mussolini fala ao «Diário da Manhã»”, Diário da Manhã, 19 May 1934. Cit. in Mario IVANI: Esportare il fascism, p.
56.
61
Report of Cabalzar (4 June 1934), ACS, Minculpop, Dgp, b. 183, f. 1933-34.
13
57
aspirations62. This was exactly the strategy adopted by the Istituto Ttaliano di Cultura during the
following year and, in the end, culture became a vehicle of propaganda and politics, a cunning
strategy that CAUR were never able to perform63.
After the Montreux’s congress in December 1934 – the first and single congress CAUR
have ever organized, in which Eça de Queiroz had represented Portugal64, Cabalzar visited Lisbon
for the second time. At the end of his stay, in February 1935, the Liga de Acção Universal
Corporativa (LAUC) was created and its leaders were those who had been leaders of the CAUR’s
committee – Eugénio de Castro, Eça de Queiroz, and João Ameal. Yet, both institutions were
clearly different. First, Salazar had personally intervened in the wording of the founding manifesto
of LAUC, replacing the word “fascism” by “corporative”. Secondly, the LAUC aimed to promote
the Portuguese corporatism abroad and the fascist movement within the Portuguese boards65.
Clearly, there was a change in priorities: Portugal no longer was an allied satellite and therefore it
become an equal member in the exchange process.
However, LAUC always remained an inoperative institution and its tasks end up being
accomplished by António Ferro and Augusto de Castro through the governmental apparel (e.g. the
Embassy and SPN) and personal contacts. The failure of LAUC would have two causes: first, it is
unlikely that Salazar had endorsed it with the necessary political strength to accomplish its tasks;
second, their functions were not clear, ranging from cultural activities to propaganda.
Eventually, a third mission to Portugal was organized by CAUR in August 1935 with a
single purpose: to better understand the Portuguese situation in the eve of the Abyssinian war66. The
Florentine advocate Ubaldo Baldi Papini was nominated to accomplish the task. As a result, he
wrote a report where he explained the “new Portugal” to the Italians67. Product of an Italian-centric
view, Baldi Papini’s started it by declaring that “Portugal is a Roma’s son”. However, lot of Italian
propaganda to convince people that it should be on the Italian sphere of influence. The 1926
military coup d’etat that led to the Estado Novo was described as a weak revolution, neither
62
Report of Tuozzi (29 May 1935), ACS, Minculpop, Dgp, b. 183, f. 1933-34.
Mario IVANI: Esportare il fascism, cit. p. 60.
64
On the Portuguese presence in the Montreux’ congress see João MEDINA, O congresso fascista em Montreux, in O
fascismo em Portugal. Actas do Colóquio na Facultade de Letras de Lisboa em março de 1980, Lisboa, A regra do
jogo, 1982, pp. 187-193. Medina wrote that the Montreux’s congress was almost unnoticed by the Portuguese press.
Baldi Papini, the Italian delegate to the congress, testified that Eça de Queiroz had had some difficulties to prove
Salazar that the Caur was a worthy organization. U. BALDI PAPINI, Portogallo nuovo. Lineamenti critici della riforma
politico-costituzionale del Portogallo, Firenze, Cya, 1936, p. 79.
65
Simon KUIN: Fascist Italy …, cit. p. 111.
66
The first section of the Baldi Papini’s report is dedicated to the relationship between Italy and Portugal regarding the
Abyssinian issue. "Report of Ubaldo Baldi Papini in Portugal, August 1935- XIII”, ACS, Minculpop, Dgp, b. 183, f.
1933-34.
67
Ubaldo BALDI PAPINI: Portogallo nuovo.
14
63
inspired by doctrine or the result of a process of maturation of ideas, nor a creative invention or a
mystical creation. It was only the consequence of pure material strength68. Further, Salazar’s
regime was “a personal regime without personality”, not arising from popular conscience but as
“the invention of a wise man”. When speaking about the União Nacional (National Union, the
single party), Baldi Papini mentioned a dialogue in which he suggest his interlocutor to provide a
more masculine, strong and fascist character to the single party. During the same talk, he wondered
how it was possible that a Latin people such as Portugal do not care about politics. He obtained the
following response: “Because Portuguese people are Latin, but a different kind of Latin, we are
Latin «Atlantic» not «Mediterranean». The Portuguese people have some characteristic of the Latin
race, but not the best ones like emotion, sensibility, poetic spirit, and passion. In the end we are
weak, we love wellness, calmness, reflectiveness, slowness, benevolence, melancholy…think about
a saudade, the national nostalgia…”69. In the end, Baldi Papini contrasted both regimes, the Italian
regime, which possessed a quasi-civil religion having Il Duce as its center, and the Portuguese halfbureaucratic, half-military dictatorship with – according to him – similitudes with Russian czarism.
Thus, to further intensify the relation between the two countries, travels, conferences, and languages
and literature courses – both in Italy and in Portugal – should be organized since, “as once said
Goethe, it’s necessary to know to love each other”. At least Baldi Papini thought in a way that other
CAUR’s bureaucrats and political delegates were not able to. However it was too late to further
deep the relation between Portugal and Italy; the right time was already gone.
Conclusion
On the Italian side, first rank-intellectuals were gradually being replaced by bureaucrats
and cultural diplomacy was substituted by mere propaganda. On the Portuguese side, fascism lost
ground and African ambitions of Mussolini were deeply feared.
But there are more to be said. Salazarism was never fascist in its inner nature and therefore
the regime smashed the more solid fascist tendencies. The repression apparel, which was
impressively violent, not in terms of physical violence but in terms of psychological constrains,
annihilated every revolutionary impetuous, either leftist or rightist, was annihilate. On one hand, the
Left was banned; on the other hand, the far Right was co-opted on behalf of national superior
values, with traditionalist nationalism at the top. In case this was not feasible, it ought to be
vanished. Fascism required a vital energy that was not appreciated by most prominent Hierarchs of
the Portuguese regime, a regime where the dictator, when he was still a mere minister of Finances
68
69
Ibid., pp. 29-30.
Ibid., pp. 64-65.
15
(1928-1932), was labelled by his governmental colleagues as “the Jesuit” whilst the Ministry of
Finances was known as “the sacristy”. It is hard to imagine a Fascist regime where its leader was
portrayed in a sofa with a blanket on his knees70… unless there had been a kind of languid fascism.
Furthermore, it must be kept in mind that the French influence was dominant, both
intellectually and culturally speaking, as is testified by Caetano Beirão, a self-called reactionary
monarchist who translate Pirandello to Portuguese as requested by António Ferro71, anxious to
create a mystic favourable to the legitimists. When describing his children's education to his friend
João Ameal, another reactionary monarchist, he stated the following: “The French language is the
fundamental basis; we have a similar comprehension about nationalism. To close ourselves within
the borders not to lose the ancestral personality is not nationalism, but rather parochialism”72. But
the prominence of the French culture – even if we are talking about Action Française – requires
further analysis.
70
Letter to João Ameal (6 October 1928). Torre do Tombo, AOS/CP-263, fl. 64. See also BNP, Espólio João Ameal,
E37/394-695.
71
The text was translated to be staged during the Fifth Congress of Dramatic and Musical Critic. Pirandello was invited
and his reception was described by Caetano Beirão as follows: "Waiting for the great Pirandello were the organizers of
the congress, reporters, the congressmen who had already arrived, a few dozen curious people, ladies and boys coming
from the Estoril beach and... me. Were there governmental representatives or academics? Not even one." BNP, Espólio
João Ameal, E37/394-695.
72
"O francês é a basezinha; eu entendo o nacionalismo como Você. Encerrar-se a gente dentro das fronteiras para não
perder a personalidade ancestral, isso não é nacionalismo, é saloismo." BNP, Espólio João Ameal, E37/394-695.
16

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