Equality in the Colonies: Concepts of Equality in Sicily during the

Equality in the Colonies: Concepts of Equality in Sicily during the Eighth to Six Centuries BC
Author(s): Matthew Fitzjohn
Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 39, No. 2, The Archaeology of Equality (Jun., 2007), pp. 215228
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
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Equality in the colonies: concepts of
equality in Sicily duringthe eighth to six
centuries bc
MatthewFitzjohn
Abstract
of significant
In thelate eighthand earlyseventhcenturiesBC,a seriesof Greeksettlements
size and
Their
on
the
east
coast
of
were
established
Sicily.
spatial organizationand systemsof
organization
land tenureappear to have been establishedon theprincipleof equality.This standsin contrastto
the widelyheld beliefthat relationsbetweenGreeks and the indigenouspopulationwere based
on inequality.The aim of this articleis to re-examinethe materialexpressionof
predominantly
in
settlements
and to reflectupon theways in whichour categoriesof colonizer
the
Greek
equality
theway thatwe look forand understandthesocial relationsbetween
and colonizedhave influenced
people. I argue that the evidence of hybridformsof existenceas expressedthroughmaterial
formsof equalitythatwereexperiencedacross the island in the Archaic
different
culturerepresent
period.
Keywords
culturaltranslation;Hellenization.
Sicily;hybridity;
Introduction
and identifying
This articleis concernedwithdefining
equalityin SicilyduringtheArchaic
Period (eighthto sixth centuriesBC). In the late eighthcentury,a series of Greek
size and organizationwereestablishedon theeast coast of Sicily
of significant
settlements
theearliestexamplesof thedual aspect
new
settlements
These
appear to represent
(Fig. 1).
a builtcityand a social community.It has been arguedthatthe
of thepolis (city-state):
spatialorganizationand systemsof land tenureweredesignednot onlyto reflectbut also
and to nurtureequalityamong
to providethefoundationfornew laws and constitutions
theiroccupants(Di Vita 1996: 263-308; Hansen 2000: 147-8; Cahill 2002: 18-22).
13 Routledqe
S\ Tayior&Franciscroup
WorldArchaeology Vol. 39(2): 215-228 The Archaeologyof Equality
1470-1375 online
© 2007 Taylor & Francis ISSN 0043-8243 print/
DOI: 10.1080/00438240701257655
216 MatthewFitzjohn
thelocationofsitesmentioned
in thetext.
Figure1 Map ofSicilyshowing
Equalityis a complexand highlycontestedconcept.If we are goingto concernourselves
withthe notion of equality,we need to ask ourselves:what do we expectthe ideal of
and measureof theideal of equality,
equalityto be? What are thematerialrequirements
what is the extensionof equality or in other words, equality among whom? These
to definelet alone answer,especiallyif we focus only on urban
questionsare difficult
in any context,no singlenotion of
planningand the divisionof space. Furthermore,
can
be
all
1981:
equality
encompassing(Rae
132),so, in thecontextof ArchaicSicily,one
notionof equalitycannotnecessarilybe applied to all sitesand social situations.Rather
thanassumethatall Greeksettlement
was thesame,I proposethattherewas considerable
varietyin the typesof communitiesthatexisted.Part of thisdiscussionwillfocuson the
and how thematerialexpressionof thishybridity
hybridnatureof communities
mayhave
acted as an expressionof equality.
Therehas been a tendencyforancienthistoriansand archaeologiststo writeabout this
periodin a waythatpresentsthehistoryof twodistincthomogeneouscultures:theGreeks,
a culturallysuperiorgroupwho in the processof settlement
attemptedto creategreater
in
the
who
were
both
equality,and, contrast, indigenouspeople
sociallyand politicallyless
and theirassociatedcharacteristics
complex.I wouldarguethatthesebinaryclassifications
have influencedtheyway in whichwe have understoodchanges in the archaeological
recordas a markerof inequality.We have read theincreasingpresenceof Greekmaterial
culturein indigenouscentresas evidencefordominationand civilization.Reconstructions
of thenatureof social relationsbetweenindigenouspeoplesand foreignoccupiersof their
land are entwinedwithour assumptionsabout what it was to be a Greek settleror an
indigenousperson.The resultis thatwe have universalizedthe experienceforthe both
Greek settlersand for the local inhabitants.We have ignored the variabilityof
Equalityin thecolonies 217
archaeologicalmaterialand formsof existence,and consequentlyoverlookedsome more
visibleformsof equalitybetweenand withingroups.
The aim of thispaper is to addressthegap in our preconceivednotionof theoccupants
in order to question how people have identifiedsocial situationsin
withinsettlements
colonies or constructeda unidirectionaldevelopmentof settlement
and society.I shall
appraise the currentstate of our understandingof this transitionalphase in the
of thepolis and theprocessesof culturalinteraction
development
throughan examination
of settlement
and
the
use
of domesticspace.
of thecreationand modification
layout
Designingequality
factorsmotivatedpeople fromdifferent
A complexrangeof interacting
partsof Greeceto
leave theirhomes and settlein otherparts of the Mediterranean.Wars, loss of land,
increasingclass dominationand inequality,povertyor faminemay have been among the
reasons, while the possibilityof acquiring wealth and the freedomfrom the social
constraintsof theirown domesticsituationmay have also been contributingfactors
(Murray1993: 102-23).
withthe creationof
Althoughthereare no survivingwrittenaccountscontemporary
in Sicily,our narrativesof thesocial historyand physicalformationof the
thesettlements
have been highlyinfluencedby later ancient sources in which the
Greek settlements
processoffoundinga colonyand thedivisionof space is discussed(Di Vita 1996:263-308;
Cahill 2002: 1-22). Of particularrelevanceto thisdiscussionare Plato and Aristotlewho,
concerned with civic strifecaused by economic, social and political inequalities,
suggested that urban planning could provide a correspondencebetween physical
possiblyactingas a mechanismforachievingequality,
organizationand social structure,
unityand order.
The presenceof roads and the apparentdemarcationof space in the earliestlevelsof
have led some to argue that,fromthe eighthcenturyon, therewere
Greek settlements
to each inhabitantand so maintaina
attemptsto equalize theamountof land distributed
balancebetweenpovertyand wealth.The extremecase of thisargumenthas beenmade by
Vallet et al. (1976), Treziny(1999) and Di Vita (1996: 267). They have claimedthat,as
originallyplanned,Megara Hyblaea was organizedas a gridsystemof streetsalong two
main routes runningeast-westfrom coast to plateau and with a systemof minor
Withinthissystemtherewere insulae,areas of demarcated
streetsrunningnorth-south.
land thatwereessentially
identical,insidewhichwereequal plotsthatvariedonlyin small
and containedeach settler'shouse witha smallplot of land (Fig. 2).
measurements
Much emphasishas been placed on how each insula and plot was calculatedfroma
to ensurethe creationof physicallyand ideologicallyequal plots
standardmeasurement
social equality(Valletet al.
(Treziny1999: 141) In otherwords,equal plot size represents
1976; Treziny1999: 141-83). What is more, the urban plan was not just a symbol,a
materialexpressionof new culturalideas of isonomia,equalitybeforethelaw, but rather
the process of demarcation,allocation and habitationin equal lots establishedand
nurturedthe notion of equality.While the apparentconnectionbetweendiscussionsin
Aristotleand Plato and the archaeologicalevidencefor the process of urbanizationin
2 18 MatthewFitzjohn
of insulae
Figure2 Plans of area around the Agora in Megara Hyblaea includingrepresentation
(afterTreziny1999).
in partbecause of itsexplanatorysimplicity,
we mustbe carefulnot to
Sicilyis attractive,
letlaterideals distortan earlierarchaeologicalreality.Despite thesystemof measurement
thereare significant
differences
in thesize of thelots: betweenlots to thewestand lots to
the east of the agora the averagedifference
is 14m2.Treziny(1999) explainedaway any
in thedivisionof land,announcingthemas accidental,an involuntary
resultof
differences
thedifficulties
of urban planning.
The insulae of sitesmay have been similarin size, but thatdoes not mean eitherthat
people had equal access to themor thateach piece of land was of equal value. Even where
therewas completeequalityof area, therecould have been considerabledifference
in the
value of land in different
In
for
of
a
example,
parts
city.
fourth-century
Olynthus,
of land transactionsrevealthatcomparabletransactionsforplots of land of
inscriptions
similarsize show considerablevariationsin value (Cahill 2002: 276-81). At Olynthus,we
see that the houses surroundingthe agora were sold much more frequently
and were
more
than
those
Further
from
the
elsewhere.
considerably
expensive
agora, the
away
houses wereno smalleror less-wellbuiltthanthemoreexpensivehouses near it but they
were worthmuch less. It was proximityto the marketat the agora and the abilityfor
householdsto be more closelytied to the marketeconomywhichcaused the increasein
house prices(Cahill 2002: 280). Similarlythoseplotsnearertheagora at Megara Hyblaea
may well have been morevaluable thanthosefurther
away.
Moreover,mostlaterfoundationdecrees(forexample,Cyrene)statethat,whena city
was founded,some land was usuallyset aside to allocate to latersettlers.But thisland
would not be as desirableas thatallottedto theoriginalsettlers:it was likelyto be farther
away, of lesserqualityor in smallerplots than the land dividedamong the firstsettlers.
Equalityin thecolonies 219
This inequalityappears to have been a cause of stasisin statessuch as Thurii(Diod.Sic.
of urbancentreslike Megara Hyblaea and
12.11).We oftenlack data on thecountryside
to ascertainwhetherthose who belonged to the agricultural
Naxos, so it is difficult
communityhad as much equality as those who lived in the city. This is not an
point,as a considerableproportionof a centre'spopulationmaywellhave
inconsequential
ifthe settlement
livedin thecountryside,
patternwereas dispersedas at Metapontumin
southernItaly or Chersonesosin the Ukraine.
were foundedupon
At the same time as it has been argued that Greek settlements
principlesofequality,it is assumedthattheywereestablishedon land thatwas takenfrom
theindigenouspeople by force.In otherwords,equalitywas born out of inequalityand
In a numberof situationsit is difficult
oppression.In reality,thisis an oversimplification.
theprocessesthatled to thechangesin archaeologicalrecordand thusto
to differentiate
comprehendthehistoryof the occupation.In thecolonyof Leontiniand theindigenous
site of Monte San Mauro the archaeologicalevidenceprovidesnot only indicationsof
equalitywhereonlyinequalityhas been seen before,but a muchmorecomplexpictureof
occupationand socio-politicalrelations.
Unequalrelations
betweentwo distinct
Colonial episodes have oftenbeen presentedas confrontations
bounded.This perspective
entities,
originatesfrom
internally
homogeneousand externally
thenormativeconceptof culture,in whichculturehas beenregardedas a clearlydefinable
unitthatis represented
by particularmaterialforms.Post-colonialtheoristshave argued
thatattentionneeds to be directedto the varyinglocal and historicalnatureof specific
encountersin which colonized and colonizers interact,rather than making broad
generalizationsthat make simple oppositionsand universalizethe experienceof both
groups (Stoler 1989: 135-6; Prochaska 1990: 135-79; Loomba 1998). In the case of
of the Greek and indigenoussocieties,and
ArchaicSicilyit is clear thatthe definitions
been
too simplistic.Althoughscholarshave
often
have
material
theirassociated
culture,
drawn attentionto hybridburial practicesfromGela, Megara Hyblaea and Syracuse
(Shepherd 1993, 1995) and at the site of Morgantina (Lyons 1996: 177-88), the
implicationsof thisworkhave not been fullyinvestigated.
In colonial situationsboth colonizerand colonized redefinetheirsocial positionsand
in responseto others,as a resultofcompetitionor a need forsolidarity
expressthemselves
(Bhabha 1994). In a discussionof Bhabha's own experienceof migrationand also the
of Salmon Rushdie's book The Satanic Verses,he suggestedthat a 'thirdramifications
that characterizedthe hybrid cultural practices of displaced
was
created
space'
populations. This third-spaceis created when displaced populations are forced to
negotiatetheirown traditionsand thosethattheyencounterin orderto make theirhome
at theedgesof theseculturaland linguistictraditions.The identitiesthatare createdfrom
such experiencesare of neitherone nor the otherculturebut are both and neitherat the
same time (Bhabha 1994: 139-70, 212-35). The creation of a third-spaceand the
negotiationof traditionsmay lead to the re-workingof materialcultureand cultural
practicesbygroupsand individuals.The resultof theseadaptationsmaybe deviationsand
220 MatthewFitzjohn
subversionsof the 'dominant'cultureas well as the reproductionof colonial culturein
indigenouscontexts(Bhabha 1994: 102-22).
The urbanismand architecturein Britishand French eighteenth-and nineteenththatwerecloselyrelatedto
centurycolonial settingsoftendevelopedas adaptivestrategies
the changingpoliciesof colonial rule,whichincludedthe adoption of elementsfromthe
withinthe
local architecture(Chatan 2003: 267-92 with references).The architecture
colonieswas morethanthesimpletransplantation
of European styles;it was transformed
to fitthe specificenvironment
in whichit was built,oftentryingto evoke a sense of
oftencombined
withthe local past in theirdesigns.The resultantarchitecture
continuity
Westernwithnon-Westernelementsresulting
in a hybridformthatembodiedthetensions
and contradictionssituatedwithinthe colonial experience.It would appear that this
thatoccupiesthearea of a former
happenedat thesiteof Leontini,a colonial settlement
indigenousIron Age site (Rizza 1978: 26, 1980: 115). Traditionally,Leontinihas been
regardedas an inlandGreekcolonialsite,theinhabitantsofwhichsharedthesameculture
and materialpracticesas thosein Naxos. Contraryto thisview,thenewformsofdomestic
and funeraryevidenceappear to indicatethat at the startof the Archaic period the
inhabitantsof thisinlandhilltopwerein factestablishing
a newway of lifeforthemselves
and negotiatingtheirexistencewiththeincomingChalcidians.
The firstindicationsoftheearlycolonialsettlement
are presentwithinthearea delimited
the
Archaic
fortifications
on
the
eastern
of
by
slopes the Colle San Mauro. The excavationsthatfocusedon San Mauro hillhave also providedevidenceof indigenousIron Age
was
long houses and ceramics.The archaeologyseems to indicatethat the settlement
of
continuouslyoccupiedfromtheIron Age throughto theearliestChalcidiansettlement
the eighthand seventhcenturiesBC (Rizza 1978: 33). There has been some elementof
about the natureof the foundationof the Greek settlement.
The different
disagreement
foundationtraditionsthatwe findin Thucydides(6.3) and Polyaenus(5.5) both involve
conflictbetween the Chalcidian settlersand the indigenouspopulation but we lack
definitive
evidencefor destructionof the site; long houses were replacedbut were not
necessarilydestroyedin conflict.Despite thisvaguenessof the archaeologicaldata, the
presence of importedpotteryand locally produced imitationsof Greek wares, the
creation of fortification
walls and the replacementof 'indigenous' material culture
have been used to endorse the literarynarrativesof Greek domination of the
indigenousgroup (Rizza 1962, 1978). I would like to suggestan alternativeexplanation
of the Late Iron Age and Archaic period at Leontini,focusingon the domesticand
evidence.
funerary
The oldestArchaichousesof theeighthand earlyseventhcentury,
whichare believedto
have been builtby Greeksettlersduringthefirstyearsof the 'colony'werelocatedin the
southernarea of the San Mauro hill,withinthe earlywalled city.They continuedto be
used duringthe archaic period. One of the structureswas rectangularin formand
rooms(A, B, C) (Plate 1). The structure
and
comprisedthreerectangularinterconnecting
its rooms were not built withfoundationsand stone or mud-brickwalls, as at Naxos
(Lentini1987:816) or Megara Hyblaea (Valletet al. 1976) nor did theyutilizethemixture
of stone,wood, daub and thatchthatwould have characterized
theIron Age long houses
fromLentini(Rizza 1962: 3-27; Leighton2000: 15^40). These buildingswereactuallydug
out of thehillside,producinga structure
thatresembledthosefrommedievalSperlingain
Equalityin thecolonies 221
Plate 1 Reconstruction
of therock-cuthouse in thesouthside of Colle San Mauro at Leontini.The
reconstruction
was based predominantly
upon the data provided frompublishedarticles.The
structurewas not completelypreserved and so aspects were based upon the excavator's
ofthestructure.
The inclusionofartefacts
was based solelyupon actualarchaeological
interpretation
evidence.
theEnna provinceof Sicily.Withinthisthree-roomed
thefloorwas coveredwith
structure,
a compact deposit of mixed earth and an abundance of sherdsthat can be securely
dated to the eighthand seventhcenturiesBC. These fragmentsincluded a varietyof
local ceramictypes,importedProto-Corinthian
vessels,fiveThapsos-typeskyphoiand a
pithos.
Rock-cutstructures
have also beenexcavatedon thenortheast of theColle San Mauro,
thedimensions,layoutand buildingtechniqueof whichare similarto thosefoundon the
southernside and terracesof thehill and used fromtheArchaicto theHellenisticperiod
formsof slightly
laterArchaichouseswerealso foundon
(Rizza 1980: 120, 126). Different
thelargeterraceon thenorthof theMetapiccolahill:on thehighestpartof thehill,in the
vicinityof Temple B, therewas a 'Greek type' stonewalledconstructiondatable to the
Archaicperiodthatoverlaytheremainsof theprotohistoric
villageof thetenthand ninth
centuries(Rizza 1980: 127).
At firstglance,it appears thatthedeclineof prehistoric
longhouses,the
single-roomed
structures
and theevidenceforimportedand imitated
adoptionand use of multi-roomed
Greek ceramicssupporteitherfoundationtraditionof Chalcidianconquestof Leontini.
But thereis an alternativeway of viewingthe materialevidence.In some ways Rizza
movesclose to accommodatingan alternativeapproachto thedomesticevidencewhenhe
discussesthe techniqueof creatingthis rock-cutdomesticarchitecture
(1980: 126). The
fromtherock originated,he argued,from
inspirationforcarvingthedomesticstructures
the local skilland knowledgeof cuttinginto the rock to createtombs(Plate 2) and the
floorsof theearlierIron Age houses; theGreekstook theidea fromlocal experienceand
222 MatthewFitzjohn
Plate2 Examplesofrock-cut
tombsfromTroinain Sicily.
knowledge(Rizza 1980: 127). AlthoughRizza acknowledgesthatthecolonial population
I am
may have been influenced
by indigenouspractices,I believethatwe may go further.
not denyingthatthereis a definitechangein theformand use of materialcultureon the
site, but what I am proposing is that it is representativeof somethingfar more
complexthan can be accountedforby a simpleexplanationof colonization.We should
view the domesticevidenceas indicativeof 'culturaltranslation'(Bhabha 1994) between
culturaltraditionsat Leontinithat representsan accommodationof different
groupsof
people.
Excavatingthe structuresfromthe bedrock was a highlyspecificway of dwelling.
Clearly,the bedrockwas easilyworkableand could have providedsuitablematerialsto
in thesixthand
createa stonewalled structure,
whichwas carriedout forsome structures
fifth
centuries.However,therewas in theeighthand seventhcenturiesa decisionto startto
create rock-cutdomesticstructures,
but by whom? This was a practicethat was not
used
either
the
previously
by
indigenousinhabitantsor by the occupantsof Naxos from
contained
wherethe Chalcidianpopulationare meantto have originated.The structure
the
some featuresthat were presentin eitheror both Greek and indigenousstructures:
bench, storage and drinkingvessels and a hearth;moreover,it took its formfroma
of indigenousburialpractice.But,as a typeof domesticspace,
developmentor re-working
it was not knownfromeithergroup'smaterialrepertoire.
As such,is it possiblethatthese
rock-cutstructures
representthe activecreationof a hybridthird-space,a neutralnonculturespecificformof residencethatwas based upon a desireby twogroupsof people to
accommodateeach other,to expressa senseof a newcommunity
comingtogetheror even
between
the
equality
groups?
If Leontiniwas a Greek site,we mightimaginethat therewould be more typically
'Greek' domesticstructures;
likewiseif it was indigenoustheuse of a typeof longhouses
mighthave continued.If,on theotherhand,therewas a mixedpopulation,of Greeksand
thatcould be read as markers
locals,we mightexpectto see multipleformsof architecture
Equalityin thecolonies 223
thattook
of different
groupslivingin thesame site.Instead,we have a seriesof structures
and
created
a
from
known
new
form
of space
building
practices
completely
components
to bothgroups.Thesenewhybridformsofarchitecture
thatwas equallyunfamiliar
should
In
marker
of
this
the
notion
of
as
an
index
or
be seen
sense,
equality.
equalitysignifies
people. People do not modifytheir
correspondencebetween groupingsof different
domesticspace and theirmethodof constructionwithoutreason. The creationof these
an intentional
structures
processthatcreateda newformof dwellingat thesite,
represents
of culturalspace, whichexpresseda community
in
creation
of
a
new
form
the
resulting
idea.
and thecorrespondence
betweendifferent
The expressionof thisnewcommunity
people
to burialpracticesduringthecourseof the seventh
can also be seen in themodifications
century.During the late eighthand seventhcenturiesBC, as in the Iron Age, burial
occurredin the rock-cuttombsin the slopes of the Sant'Eligio valleyat Leontini.The
majorityof thesetombswerequadrangularrock-cutchambersthatsometimescontained
rock-carvedbenches.A few dozen of those recordedhave providedevidenceof burial
practice.Typically,betweenone and threebodies wereplaced in thetombs,along witha
beads and pottery.The majorityof thepotterywas a
fewitems,includingspindle-whorls,
thatcombinedtraditionalshapeswithGreekGeometric
hybridtypeof local manufacture
rite
and accompanyinggravegoods, some of whichcould
burial
The
tomb
form,
designs.
be classifiedas hybridforms,appear to reflectlocal traditionsthat had been practised
duringthe Iron Age (Leighton 1999: 241). No 'Greek' burial has been found,yet, if
at thistime,surelywe would expectto findit?There
Leontiniwas a trulyGreeksettlement
of
the
tombsthroughthe archaicperiod,whenwe see
be
to
increasing
hybridity
appears
subtlechanges to tomb formand increasing
and
of
Greek
pottery
increasingpresence
the
tombs.
of
elaboration
architectural
However,the apparentlack of a whollyGreek
of indigenous
presencein the burialrecord,combinedwiththe increasinghybridization
burial practice,providesmore supportto the idea of culturaltranslationas a resultof
betweenpeople who saw themselvesas equal.
correspondence
ofland,whichmayor
At Leontini,we can see equalitynotin termsofequal distribution
spaces and materialculturalthatwere
maynot be of equal value,but in thearchitectural
The houses,whichwereneitherwhollyGreeknor indigenous,
createdby thecommunity.
the different
groupsof people who livedtogether,sharingthe same settlement.
represent
thatwas based upon inequality,insteadit was occupiedby
Leontiniwas not a settlement
two groupsof people who had chosento live togetherand affordeach otherequal access
to the same settlement.
Equalityand Hellenization
During the course of the seventhand sixthcenturiesthereappear to have been marked
patternof indigenoussites across Sicily.These changeshave
changesin the settlement
been associated with the aggressiveterritorialexpansion of the Greek centresand
indigenouspeople losingaccess to theirland. During the sixthcenturyindigenoussites
suchas Ossiniand Monte Casale in thevicinityof Leontini,and Finochitoand Pantalica
224 MatthewFitzjohn
in thevicinityof Syracusewereabandoned (Procelli1989: 679-89; Leighton2000: 15-40)
and fortification
walls were constructedat several other sites (Palike, Mineo, Monte
Monte
San Mauro, Civita and Medolito) (Procelli 1989: 679-89). It has been
Balchino,
suggestedthat,by the end of the sixthcenturyBC, 'Greek' Leontiniand Catania had
extending
gained controlor at the veryleast attainedinfluenceover a large territory
westwardsto thevicinityof Enna and borderedto thesouthby theexpansionof Syracuse
expansion
(Leighton2000: 24). The archaeologicalevidencefor conflictand territorial
appears to be supportedby ancient texts,which point to an unequal socio-political
situationwithincreasinghegemonyof particularGreekpolities(PuglieseCarratelli1996:
141-76). Alongside this inequity,it has been argued, the indigenouspeople were
Hellenized (acculturated)by contact with the superiorGreek culture,adoptingwithout question certain Greek forms of material culture and their associated cultural
significance.
wantto examinehow aspectsof thearchaeologicalrecordthathave
Here,I particularly
beenused to discusspoliticaland culturalinequalityduringthesixthcenturycould instead
be interpreted
as indicatorsof economicand social paritybetweenthemainGreekcentres
in the interiorof the island. Furtherto this,whileit is
on the coast and the settlements
undeniablethattherewerechangeswithinthematerialcultureassemblagesacrossSicily,I
would arguethattheindigenouscommunities,
inland,maintained
especiallythosefurther
theirtraditionsforlongerthanhas been recognizedand wereselectiveabout thetypesof
Greek material that they adopted and how they incorporatedthem into theirlives
witha discussionof
(Leighton2000: 15^0). This discussioncan perhapsbe bestillustrated
Monte San Mauro, a Hellenizedhill-topsitein theHeraean hillsof centralSicily,nearthe
outerlimitsof Geloan, Chalcidianand Syracusanterritory.
On thehillsof Monte San Mauro, thereare indigenousellipticalbuildingsthatdate to
theeighthand seventhcenturiesBC (Valenti 1992) as well as the 'magazzino',a bipartite
building with mudbrickwalls and a thatched roof (Spigo 1987: 863-904). In the
'magazzino' therewas a range of local indigenouspotteryas well as large transport
amphorae and importedGreek decorated pottery(Spigo 1986: 1-32). Consequently,
Monte San Mauro has been regardedas an indigenoussitethatobtainedGreekceramics
throughsome formof exchange.During the seventhand sixthcenturiesthe increasing
as a markerof
presenceof a widerrangeof Greekmaterialculturehas been interpreted
forGreek
Greek
influence
over
most
form
of
evidence
the
site.
The
growing
significant
and theHellenizationofthesettlement
influence
is theconstruction
of a numberof Greektypebuildingsin thesixthcenturyBC (c. 580-500BC). Theyhad similarformsto thepastas
houses in Megara Hyblaea and Naxos, and containeda greaterproportionof Greek
potterythanthe otherhouses (Cordsen 1995: 114; Spigo 1980: 151).
However,ifwe look a littlemorecloselyat theuse of thesestructures
theyappear to be
much less Greek and much more hybridthan the termHellenizationor Hellenizedcan
express.Despite theirform,the use of roof tiles ratherthan thatchand the increased
presenceof Greek artefacts,therewere many elementsof indigenouscontinuityin the
settlement
and indigenoustransformation
of Greek culturalpractices.The layoutof the
settlement
was not orthogonalas in thecoastal sitesbutwas dictatedby terrain;thefloors
of the structureswere not paved; therewere hearthsand layersof clay on stones for
cookingand thefunctionoftherooms,includingthepastas corridor,appearsto havebeen
Equalityin thecolonies 225
more fluidthan in the Greek world. At the same timeas the pastas house formswere
typesof domesticstructurewere also built,includinga rectangular
adopted, different
stone-walled two-floored
buildingwitha courtyard(Orsi 1911: 805), whichwas not only
fromthepastas-typehouses but it was unlikeanythingin use eitherduringthe
different
earlier occupation of Monte San Mauro or what was presentat the coastal sites.
Furthermore,the botanical remains at the settlementindicate the continuationof
traditionalagriculture
includingthecultivationof barley,spelt,vetchesand beans rather
than the introductionof olive or grape cultivationwhich is oftenassociated with the
arrivalof Greekculture(Spigo 1986: 1-32; Leighton2000: 36).
The commonlyheldideas ofpoliticaland economicinequalitiesin ArchaicSicilyand of
Hellenizationfailto capturethetruesenseofwhatwas occurringat Monte San Mauro. It
are an
is undeniablethat the presenceof Greek ceramicsand Greek-stylearchitecture
between
the sitesof Monte San Mauro
indicationof some formof contactor exchange
and the Greek centres.However,the increasingwealthof the site,attestedby the range
and burials,indicatesthattheinhabitantsof
and volumeof objectsin boththestructures
thissiteplayed an activerole withinthe regionaleconomy.Contraryto the traditional
pictureof Sicily,it appearsthatthelivesoftheindigenousinhabitantswerenotdominated
on the coast duringthe sixthcentury.They werenot onlyengagedin
by the settlements
theirown subsistencesystemof agriculturebut theywere activelyengagedin tradeand
had access to a similar range of goods that can be seen in the 'dominant' Greek
settlements.The inhabitantsof Monte San Mauro and the coastal sites had equal
to improvetheirwell-beingand to gain the resourcesthattheyaspiredto.
opportunities
What is more, at Monte San Mauro theychose which aspects of Greek culturethey
ways.
adopted and used themin non-traditional
Conclusions
In insisting
on hybridformsofexistenceand materialcultureas an indicatorofequalityin
Archaic Sicily,I am seekingto highlightthe existenceof alternativesto the model of
At least two modelsof equality
urbanequalitythatpervadestheliterature.
manufactured
thatwerepossiblyformedwithan
are available.On theone hand,thereweresettlements
inhabitants
organizedurban plan that attemptedto apportionland to the settlement's
based upon ideologicalprinciples.The inhabitantsmay have been drivenby a desireto
ensurethat landholdersreceivedsimilarsized plots on which to live. However,while
ideal in laterGreekthoughtand law,
equalityofland holdingmayhave beenan important
maketheplotsin sitessuchas Megara Hyblaea exactlythesame.Not
itdid notnecessarily
betweenthesize ofplotsbut some of theseplotswereprobably
onlyweretheredifferences
fromtheseventh
morevaluablethanothers.On theotherhand,otherformsof settlement
and sixthcenturiessuggesta secondmodelof equality.The hybridmaterialculturewithin
thesesitessuggeststhattheymayhave been inhabitedby different
groups,who reconciled
the
in orderto be able to livetogether,
differences
through manipulationof existingforms
of materialculture.
In Archaic Sicily,far frombeing the preserveof the foundationof Greek coastal
settlements,
equalityappears to be visible in contextsthat previouslyhave only been
226 MatthewFitzjohn
consideredin termsof social and politicalinequality.In thisarticlean attempthas been
made to explorea fewof the ways in whichequalitymay have been createdby drawing
The apparentmergingof cultural
upon theconceptsof culturaltranslationand hybridity.
and
the
creation
of
new
forms
of
structure
and modes of livinghave
domestic
practice
characterizedall of thesettlements
thatwereanalysed.I have suggestedthatin thesiteof
Leontininew house formsnot only representthe creationof a hybrididentitybut may
also marka processof conciliation,the resultof whichwas a formof paritywithinthe
community.At a site like Monte San Mauro, the hybridityrepresentsnot only the
inhabitants'abilityto operatewithina regionaleconomicsystemand access resourcesbut
also how theydeterminedtheways thattheyutilizednew formsof materialculture.
Such an approach has implicationsfor the ways that Greek colonizationhas been
and remainscaught up in discoursesof inequalityand domination.We need to move
beyond the limitationsof contemporarydefinitionsof 'Greek' and 'indigenous'and
insteadadmitthepossibilityof morecomplexsocial groupsand culturalforms.Unlesswe
of our evidencesuchas therock-cuthousesat Leontinior the
acknowledgethevariability
use of Greek materialcultureat a site like Monte San Mauro, we run the risk of
doing nothingmore than scratchingthe surfaceof the richand variedsocial contextsof
thepast.
Acknowledgements
This articleis based on a portionof mydoctoralresearchat theUniversity
of Cambridge.
The paper was preparedwhileI was on a periodof AHRC-fundedresearchleave. Thanks
are due to Gianna Ayala who read earlierversionsof thispaper,and to Robin Osborne
and the anonymousreviewerswho providedinvaluablecomment.Responsibility
forall
errorsrestswiththe author.
School of Archaeology
, Classicsand Egyptology,
University
of Liverpool,LiverpoolL69 3BX
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MatthewFitzjohnis Lecturerin the Archaeologyof the Iron Age in the School of
of Liverpool.His PhD researchat
Archaeology,Classicsand Egyptologyat theUniversity
the Universityof Cambridge addressed issues of state formation,urbanizationand
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