6TH
MGDLT
6TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
ON MODERN GREEK DIALECTS &
LINGUISTIC THEORY
ABSTRACTS BOOKLET
September 25 - 28, 2014 University οf Patras
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6th International Conference on Modern Greek Dialects and
Linguistic theory
Patras 25-28/09/2014
Permanent Scientific Committee
Prof. Mark Janse, Ghent University
Prof. Brian D. Joseph, Ohio State University
Prof. Angela Ralli, University of Patras
Local organizing Committee (University of Patras)
Prof. Angela Ralli
Nikos Koutsoukos
Marios Andreou
Michalis Marinis
Marianna Gkiouleka
Vasiliki Makri
Niki Spiliopoulou
Christos Papanagiotou
Katerina Fragkopoulou
Vasilia Alexelli
Timon Kardamas
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6th MGDLT
Sponsors
The workshop as well as the organization of the 6th
International Conference of Modern Greek Dialects and
Linguistic Theory are sponsored by the -‘Pontus, Cappadocia,
Aivali: In search of Asia Minor Greek (AMiGre)-THALIS
Program’ (D. 553).
This research has been co-financed by the European Union
(European Social Fund – ESF) and Greek national funds
through the Operational Program "Education and Lifelong
Learning" of the National Strategic Reference Framework
(NSRF) - Research Funding Program: Thalis. Investing in
knowledge society through the European Social Fund.
The organization of the general session has also been
generously sponsored by the University of Patras Research
Committee.
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In memoriam Gaberell Drachman for
his substantial contribution to Greek
linguistics.
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6th MGDLT
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Table of contents
Thematic session convenors ..................................................... 12
Thematic session description .................................................... 12
Α. Invited speakers of the thematic session .............................. 13
Language universals, language variation and the predictions of
the Directional Asymmetry Principle
Prof. A. M. Di Sciullo ............................................................... 13
Uncovering the sources of the specific sound patterns of the
emerging regional dialects of sixteenth-century French
Emeritus Prof. Y. C. Morin ...................................................... 16
Debonding of compounds in French, English, Dutch and
German
Prof. K.Van Goethem ............................................................... 20
B. Invited speakers of the general session ................................ 25
The role of prosody in the investigation of linguistic variation
Prof. Amalia Arvaniti ............................................................... 25
Contact de langues: les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie
Prof. Petya Assenova ................................................................ 25
C. Oral presentations ................................................................ 27
Morphologically enhanced spatial deixis in Pontic: the case of
[-]késou
Marianna Gkiouleka ................................................................. 27
Is compound borrowing possible in language-contact settings?
Prof. A.Ralli .............................................................................. 29
Metaphorical and metonymical compounds: evidence from
Modern Greek dialects
M. Andreou............................................................................... 32
Auxiliary selection in Greko of Bova: a Greek-Romance
comparison
Norma Schifano, Giuseppina Silvestri & Maria Olimpia
Squillaci .................................................................................... 34
Πολυσυλλεκτικότητα ή εντοπιότητα; Τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής
της Σμύρνης
Nikolaos Liosis ......................................................................... 38
Συντελικές περιφραστικές δομές: δεδομένα από μικρασιατικές
διαλέκτους
Symeon Tsolakidis ................................................................... 40
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Modal markers in Pontic and Cappadocian: disentangling the
evidences
Theodore Markopoulos ............................................................ 44
To ρηματικό επίθημα -σκ- στην Καππαδοκική
Nikolaos Pantelidis ................................................................... 46
Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis:
Towards a new Typology of Loanwords
Brian D. Joseph ........................................................................ 48
Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis: word
formation, loanword formation and hybrid word-formation
Mark Janse ................................................................................ 48
Cappadocia: where Greek prepositions come to die
Petros Karatsareas & Athanasios Georgakopoulos .................. 49
Revisiting the borrowability scale(s) of grammatical elements:
evidence from Modern Greek contact induced varieties
Dimitra Melissaropoulou & Michalis Marinis ........................ 52
Thumb's Up! Our Updating of Thumb's Classic Work on
Modern Greek
Mark Janse and Brian D. Joseph .............................................. 55
The acoustic properties of the vowel system of Pontic:
Comparison between the variety of Argiroulopi and the variety
of Kerasounda
Dimitris Papazachariou ............................................................ 56
Instances of sibilant palatalization in the dialect of Naousa
Ioanna Kappa & Konstantinos Sipitanos .................................. 57
The Cretan fall: an analysis of the declarative intonation
melody in the Cretan dialect
Mary Baltazani1 & Evia Kainada ............................................. 59
Blocking of velar palatalization in child speech
Nitsa Paracheraki & Ioanna Kappa........................................... 62
Επιτονισμός των ερωτήσεων ολικής άγνοιας στην Κερκυραϊκή
διάλεκτο
Maria Giakoumelou .................................................................. 65
Retroflexion of /l/ in Modern Greek dialects: The case of
Aperathou (Naxos) dialect
Maria Xefteri, Angelos Lengeris & Kalomoira Nikolou .......... 66
A non-finite period in early Cypriot Greek?
Renos Georgiou, Christos Papatzalas & Arhonto Terzi ........... 70
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Referential clauses as/and relative clauses in Pharasiot Greek
Metin Bağrıaçık ........................................................................ 74
Griko subjunctive as a contact-induced phenomenon
Marika Lekakou & Josep Quer ................................................. 76
Greek dialects in Southern Italy: nominal syntax between Greek
and Romance?
Cristina Guardiano & Melita Stavrou.......................... ............79
D. Poster presentations ............................................................. 82
Παρακείμενος
Yoryia Agouraki ....................................................................... 82
Ετερόκλιση και Παραδειγματική Ομοιομορφία στην Ονοματική
Κλίση της διαλέκτου της Λέσβου και των Κυδωνιών
Vaso Alexelli & Angela Ralli ................................................... 84
Orthographic trends for a non-standardised variety: the
representation of the CiV sequence in Cypriot Greek
Marianna Katsoyannou, Kyriaki Christodoulou & Spyros
Armosti ..................................................................................... 87
A typology of vowel-vowel and consonant-vowel-consonant
phenomena in the dialectal variants of Western Crete and its
use in education
Marina Tzakosta ....................................................................... 88
Compiling the microstructure of a multi-media tri-dialectal
online dictionary: Decisions and practices
Eleonora Dimela, Dimitra Melissaropoulou, Christos
Papanagiotou, George J. Xydopoulos & Angela Ralli.............. 90
Vowel raising and deletion in Kozani Greek
Evia Kainada, Angelos Lengeris & Nina Topintzi ................... 93
Challenges of Annotating a Multi-Dialect, Multi-Level Corpus
of Spoken and Written Modern Greek Dialects
Athanasios Karasimos, Eleni Galiotou, Nikitas Karanikolas,
George Koronakis, Kostas Athanasakos, Dimitris Papazachariou
& Angela Ralli .......................................................................... 96
Ανίχνευση πολιτισμικών στοιχείων στο διαδίκτυο: Ψηφιακές
προκλήσεις στην έρευνα Διαλεκτολογίας και Εθνολογίας
Athanasios Karasimos & Iraklitos Souyioultzoglou ................. 98
Determiner spreading in Cappadocian Greek
Petros Karatsareas & Marika Lekakou ..................................... 99
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Loanword integration substantiating the realization of gender in
Heptanesian, Grekaniko and Cretan
Vasiliki Makri......................................................................... 104
Η Κατωιταλική διάλεκτος του Σαλέντο σε σχέση με τις υπόλοιπες
νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους
Vladimir Panov....................................................................... 108
«Διαλεκτικά λεξικά και γλωσσάρια της Ηλείας» Μία
λεξικογραφική περιγραφή
Athina Prountzou .................................................................... 110
Parallel Voices: A socioprosodic study of Standard Modern
Greek and Cypriot Greek Vowels
Charalambos Themistocleous & Ageliki Logotheti ............... 111
Qualitative research in service of the Greek dialects and their
teaching in the Greek educational system: the case of the
Digital Museum of Greek Oral History
Marina Tzakosta, Anna Sfakianaki & Angelos Patsias .......... 112
Περιγραφή του μορφολογικού συστήματος της Σύνθεσης στα
γλωσσικά ιδιώματα της Ίμβρου και της Λήμνου
Xenofon Tzavaras................................................................... 113
Η πρόσληψη της γεωγραφικής ποικιλότητας σε κείμενα μαζικής
κουλτούρας από μαθητές της Ε’ και ΣΤ’ Δημοτικού Dimitris
Papazachariou, Anna Fterniati,
Argyris Archakis & Vasia Tsami ........................................... 115
Voices of Thrace: A fieldwork-based morphophonological
analysis of the dialect spoken in the region of Evros
Theodosia Papadopoulou........................................................ 116
Tsakonian: Problems and Approaches
Maxim Kissilier ...................................................................... 118
Thematic session
Thematic session
‘Language variation’
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Thematic session convenors
Laboratory of Modern Greek dialects (University of Patras)
Professor Angela Ralli
University of Patras
Thematic session description
Language variation has been a rather peripheral topic in modern
grammatical theory since it poses serious challenges to formal
linguistics and contemporary grammatical theories which
mainly aim to describe language as an ideal system. However,
scholars who focus on issues such as vocabulary, dialects or
language registers, readily drop this idealization and try to
integrate variation in their analysis.
The Laboratory of Modern Greek Dialects (LMGD)
team has undertaken a number of projects which focus on
dialectal variation and its relation to contemporary grammatical
theory. As part of the -‘Pontus, Cappadocia, Aivali: In search
of Asia Minor Greek (AMiGre)-THALES Program’ project, the
LMGD team is organizing a workshop on language variation
within the framework of the 6th International Conference on
Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. This project
constitutes the first attempt at a comprehensive comparative
linguistic study of the Asia Minor Greek dialects. Its primary
aim is to provide the first complete comparative study of the
major Asia Minor dialects, a work which has long been
neglected both in Greek and international linguistics. Moreover,
it brings together language change and variation studies which
are of particular interest for both dialectology and contact
linguistics. The analysis of these dialects aims at understanding
the nature and mechanisms of language change within the
domain of dialectal variation and language contact, conjointly.
The aim of this workshop is to bridge contemporary
grammatical theory and grammatical variation. To this aim, we
have invited specialists in language variation with great
experience in the analysis of data and we aim to discuss the
difficult issue of language variation form different perspectives.
Thematic session
The program is built on 3 plenary talks which cover issues such
as: the relation between language variation and contemporary
grammatical theory, phonological and morphological variation.
References
Jackendoff, R. (2011). What is in the human language faculty?
Two views. Language 87(3), 586-624.
Janda R. & B. Joseph (2003). On Language, Change, and
Language Change — Or, Of History, Linguistics, and
Historical Linguistics (with Richard D. Janda). In B. Joseph
& R. Janda (Eds.) Handbook of Historical Linguistics (3180). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.
Ralli, A. 2009. Morphology meets dialectology: Insights from
Modern Greek dialects. Morphology 2009 (1): 87-105.
Ralli, A. (submitted). Morphological variation in Modern Greek
and its dialects. Proceedings of the 11th International
Conference on Greek Linguistics.
Α. Invited speakers of the thematic session
Language universals, language variation and the predictions
of the Directional Asymmetry Principle
Prof. Anna Maria Di Sciullo
Université du Québec à Montréal
I assume that the Language Faculty is stable, that languages
vary given contact with the environment and that linguistic
variation in word order is the consequence of a change in the
properties grammatical features, triggering or not the
displacement of a constituent.
Diachronic variation is gradual and it brings about
morphological complexity giving rise to differences in the form
and in the distribution of morphological elements, including
prepositions, postpositions, adpositions, and circumpositions. I
discuss diachronic evidence from Italian and Greek showing
that the Directional Asymmetry Principle, (1), reduces the
complexity that arises in the development of functional elements
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in the extended nominal projection, (1), along side other
principles of efficient computation, (3), (4).
(1) Directional Asymmetry Principle (DAP) (Di Sciullo 2011)
Language development is symmetry breaking.
(2) [Quniv . . . [Dem . . . [Numord . . . [RC . . . [Numcard . . .
[Cl . . . [A . . .N]]]]]]] (Cinque 2005)
(3) a. Minimize symmetry: Limit the choice points. (Moro 2000,
Di Sciullo 2005)
b. Minimize length of derivations: Limit computation. (Di
Sciullo 2012)
(4) a. Minimal link: Limit the search space. (Chomsky 1995)
b. Pronounce the Minimum: Limit the externalization.
(Chomsky 2012)
The DAP is not a global principle. It is a local principle
applying to micro feature structures as discussed in Di Sciullo
(2011), Di Sciullo and Nicolis (2012), Di Sciullo and
Somesfalean (2013) and, Di Sciullo, Nicolis and Somesfalean
(forthcoming). Once an asymmetrical stage it attained, i.e., a
stage where a choice point arises in the derivation of a given
microstructure, DAP predicts that this point of symmetry will
gradually be eliminated. For example, while there is fluctuation
in the position of the pronominal complement with respect to its
commitative prepositional head in Old Italian (5-8), only the
prepositional structure survives in Modern Italian.
(5) …. e per li compagnoni che teco fuggiro , per li dei...
(Brunetto, Rettorica)
(6) neiente de lo mondo ; con te le tue, parole voria conte
avere... (Rinuccino, Sonetti)
(7) E perciò ch' io so bene ch' assai val meglio che tu parli con
teco, che né io né altri, sì fo io fine alla mia diceria.
(Brunetto, ProLigario)
(8) Non ti dar malinconia, figliuola, no, che egli si fa bene anche
qua; Neerbale ne servira bene con esso teco Domenedio.
(Boccaccio, The Decameron) (13th century Old Florentine
corpus TLIO)
Thematic session
I contrast the DAP with Greenberg’s (1966) absolute and
implicational universals, such as the ones for prepositions, as
well as more recent proposals, including Biberauer, Holmberg
and Roberts’ (2010) proposal on head-directionality and
complementation in extended projections and Kayne’s (2011)
proposal on head-directionality and Probe-goal search. The
DAP is a Developmental Universal which provide a new
approach to language variation. Furthermore, Developmental
Universals can be related to principles of language growth, thus
providing deeper links between phylogeny and ontogeny.
References
Biberauer, T., A. Holmberg & I. Roberts. 2011. A syntactic
universal and its Consequences. Linguistic Inquiry 36: 1-22.
Chomsky, N. 2013. Problems of Projection. Lingua 130: 33-49.
Chomsky, N. 1995. The Minimalist Program. Cambridge Mass:
MIT Press.
Cinque, G. 2005. Deriving Greenberg’s Universal 20 and its
exceptions. Linguistic Inquiry 36 3:315–332.
Greenberg, J. 1966. The Universals of Language. Cambridge,
Mass: MIT Press. 1963.
Di Sciullo, A.M. 2012. An Evolutionary Developmental
Constraint. MIT. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy.
Cambridge, Mass.
Di Sciullo, A.M. 2012. Perspectives on Morphological
Complexity. Dans F. Kiefer, M. Ladanyi et P. Siptar (eds.),
Morphology. (Ir)regularity, Frequency, Typology, 105-135.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Di Sciullo, A.M. 2011. A Biolinguistic Approach to Variation.
In A.M. Di Sciullo ad C. Boeckx (eds.) The biolinguistic
Entreprise: New Perspectives on the Evolution and Nature
of the Human Language Faculty, p. 305-328. Oxford :
Oxford University Press.
Di Sciullo, A.M. 2005. Asymmetry in Morphology. Cambridge.
Mass: The MIT Press.
Di Sciullo, A.M. and S. Somesfalean. 2013. Variation in the
Position of the Definite Determiner in Romanian: A
Biolinguistic Perspective. Romance Linguistics in the
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Pacific: Variation in Time and Space. Special Issue of the
Australian Journal of Linguistics 33(2): 121-139. Taylor &
Francis.
Di Sciullo, A.M. and M. Nicolis. 2012. Third Factor in the
Development of P. North East Linguistic Society. University
of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Kayne, R. 2011. Why are There No Directionality Parameters?.
In M Byram Washburn et al (ed) Proceedings of the 28th
West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics: 1-23.
Somerville: Cascadilla.
Moro, A. 2000. Dynamic Antisymmetry. Cambridge. Mass: The
MIT Press. 13th century Old Florentine corpus TLIO Tesoro
della Lingua Italiana delle Origin.
Uncovering the sources of the specific sound patterns of the
emerging regional dialects of sixteenth-century French
Emeritus Prof. Yves Charles Morin
Université de Montréal
It is common practice in French dialectal studies to distinguish
two dialectal layers in most regions where French is now
dominant: (1) a so-called français régional ‘regional French’
and (2) a sometimes moribund dialect of various languages,
either non-Romance, such as Breton, Basque, and Flemish, or
Romance; the latter including Occitan, Catalan and many
varieties of Oïl dialects, often referred to as patois. The second
layer is often claimed to act as a substrate of the first one —
extending the use of this term, normally used in reference to
languages no longer spoken in a given region. Various theses
have been entertained on the sources of the non-standard
features found in regional varieties of French. Chambon (1997,
1999: 12–18) underlines the inappropriate conceptions held in
many dialectological studies (e.g. Lerond 1973: 3, Martin 1997,
Taverdet 1990: 713) on the influence of the patois substrate on
the development of the regional variety of French in a given
area.
I will present some results of a larger program geared
towards the phonological description of the early stages in the
Thematic session
development of regional varieties of French (cf. Morin 2012) in
relationship with the sound patterns of their substrates, as a way
to provide an answer to the problems examined by Chambon
and understand how regional varieties of French developed
specific phonetic and phonological characteristics (that may or
may not have survived until now). The source of our
information on the earliest regional varieties of French is mostly
derived from grammatical treatises and various texts in
reformed orthographies written in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries whose authors, born and raised in more or less distant
Provinces, were convinced they were describing the current
standard usage and unknowingly provided precious information
on some of their regional features. In this presentation, I will
examine more particularly the evidence from two grammarians
originating from southern Occitan-speaking provinces,
Limousin and Provence. The development of Southern French is
somewhat easier to analyze; on one hand, the potential
substratic features of the southern varieties of French are more
salient than those with Oïl substrates; and on the other, the
development of regional French is relatively more recent in
most southern Provinces.
The analysis implies the reconstruction of the
phonological system(s) of the dominant high-class Parisian
French the grammarians intended to portray at that time and that
of the Limousin and Provence varieties of Occitan at the same
period. Some phonetic characteristics of their regional French
may be simply construed as the results of first-language
phonological filters known to operate in second language
acquisition; in other word, these features would reflect the
imperfect attempt of Occitan speakers to reproduce the sounds
of the target language, eventually becoming part of the regional
norm of French. Although it is likely that many Occitan
speakers learned or improved their French through direct
contact with genuine “native speakers” of northern French
varieties, it cannot have been the case for the large majority of
them. For most of them, French, much as Latin, was a written
language, whose pronunciation was learned by rules, and
eventually passed down from Occitan speakers to Occitan
speakers for a relative long period of time.
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I will show that the distribution of sounds in these
varieties of regional French makes sense only it is governed by
the reading strategies associated to the spelling-aloud traditions
for teaching writing. When in doubt, the reader would render a
given letter as it was pronounced in a close cognate of their
native vocabulary, e.g. high-mid [e] for <e> in such French
words as de ‘of’, que ‘that’, me ‘me’ and se ‘himself’ which
Occitan speakers could easily identify to their Occitan
counterpart [de] ‘of’, [ke] ‘that’, [me] ‘me’ and [se] ‘himself’.
In the absence of close cognates, however, they resorted to the
default reading strategies they learned for reading Latin, which
explains why <e> was rendered as low-mid [ɛ] in ce ‘this’, je
‘I’, le ‘the’ and ne ‘not’, although the pronunciation of <e> in
all of these words was uniform in the standard language.
An intriguing aspect of the resulting distribution of <e>
is the adoption the Occitan reflex [ɐ] or [ɔ] of Latin posttonic A
to render French posttonic <e> in nouns and adjectives. In
northern Oïl dialects, all of the posttonic vowels that did do
syncopate had merged long ago into schwa and were uniformly
written <e>, e.g. HŎMĬNĔM > homme and FĒMĬNĂM > femme;
they eventually ceased to be pronounced but were retained in
the spelling. On the other hand, a distinction was preserved in
Occitan between [e] < Lat. Ĕ and [ɐ] /[ɔ] < Lat. Ă. One would
have expected the distinction to have been transposed into
Southern French, in particular for adjectives such as rouge, for
which the distinction was morphologically relevant to mark
gender. One may certainly surmise that the non-transfer of this
substrastic distinction obtained because the speakers relied on
the spelling to render the sounds of French, as I will argue. This
should be contrasted with the specific development of posttonic
<e> in Limousin French (as spoken in Brives), which was
rendered as [ɔ] in singular nouns and adjectives, either
masculine or feminine, but [e] in the plural, in direct imitation
of the Limousin alternation [-ɔ] < Lat. -Ă ~ [-es] < -ĀS found in
Brives, which only held, however, for feminine nouns and
adjectives. The graphic distinction between -e and -es in written
French was understood as signaling a difference in number for
nouns and adjectives, irrespective of gender. (It should also be
noted that this development offers prima facies evidence that the
Thematic session
[-ɔ] ~ [-es] alternation was still alive in Brives at the end of the
sixteenth century).
It is reasonable to conclude that the regional varieties of
French, in particular of southern French, did not emerge simply
as a consequence of an imperfect imitation of the sounds they
heard by listening to speakers of the prestigious Parisian variety.
And it is certainly not simply the product of uneducated
peasants and laborers. Southern French probably acquired its
phonetic and phonological characteristics early, when a
relatively small class of Southerners felt the necessity to
communicate in French, though then probably most often in
writing: merchants, manufacturers, lawyers, civil servants,
teachers, and the like. They had access to the pronunciation
mostly through spelling, which accounts fort the patterns they
developed. These patterns eventually settled and became models
that spread to other social classes. Whatever substratic features
seeped into the sound system of regional varieties of French,
they did so simply because the rules used to read French aloud
were precisely those that were used to read the substrate and
tailored for the latter. Eventually the phonological patterns of
regional varieties of French may grow independently of their
substrates; the distribution of mid vowels in Southern French,
for instance, eventually evolved into what is known as the « loi
de position », independently of both the Occitan substrate and
the standard variety.
References
Chambon, Jean-Pierre. 1997. Les emprunts du français moderne
aux dialectes et patois: une illusion d'optique en lexicologie
française historique. LALIES, Actes des sessions de
linguistique et de littérature 17 (Aussois, 2-7 septembre
1996), 33–53. Paris: Presses de l'École normale supérieure.
Chambon, Jean-Pierre. 1999. Variétés géographiques du
français et «substrat dialectal». L'exemple de Vinzelles
(Puy-de-Dôme). Études sur les régionalismes du français, en
Auvergne et ailleurs, 11–70. Paris: Klincksieck (Matériaux
pour l’étude des régionalismes du français 13).
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Goosse, André. 1991. La part du substrat dialectal dans le
français de Belgique. Variété et variantes du français des
villes: états de l’est de la France – Alsace, Lorraine,
Lyonnais,
Franche-Comté,
Belgique,
201–209.
Paris/Genève: Champion/Slatkine.
Lerond, Alain. 1973. Présentation. Les parlers régionaux.
Langue française 18.3–7.
Martin, Jean-Baptiste. 1997. Le français régional. La variation
diatopique en français de France. Le français moderne
65.55–69.
Morin, Yves Charles. 2008. Le Gaygnard (1609): L’ancienne
orthographe, la nouvelle pédagogie et la réforme
orthographique. Orthographe française: Évolution et
pratique, éd. par Alain Desrochers, France Martineau et
Yves Charles Morin, 51–90. Ottawa: Éditions David.
Morin, Yves Charles. 2009. Acquiring the vowel system of a
cognate language: the role of substrate and spelling in the
development of the French spoken in Marseilles during the
sixteenth century. Romanística sin complejos – Homenaje a
Carmen Pensado, éd. par Fernando Sánchez Miret, 409–454.
Bern/Berlin/Bruxelles/Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.
Morin, Yves Charles. 2012. L’imaginaire norme de
prononciation aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles. L’introuvable unité
du français - Contacts et variations linguistiques en Europe
et en Amérique (XIIe-XVIIIe siècle), ed. by Serge Lusignan,
France Martineau, Yves Charles Morin and Paul Cohen,
145–226. Québec: Presses de l'Université Laval.
(References can be consulted on http://ycmorin.net/)
Debonding of compounds in French, English, Dutch and
German
Prof. Kristel Van Goethem
F.R.S.-FNRS & Université catholique de Louvain
This study will focus on adjectives (and occasionally adverbs)
that arise through "debonding" from N+N- or N+A-compounds
in French, English, Dutch and German. Debonding is a type of
Thematic session
degrammaticalization defined by Norde as "a composite change
whereby a bound morpheme in a specific linguistic context
becomes a free morpheme" (Norde 2009:186). It typically
involves processes such as severance (i.e. decrease in
bondedness), flexibilization (i.e. increase in syntactic freedom),
scope expansion and recategorialization.
In previous studies (Amiot & Van Goethem 2012; Van
Goethem & De Smet 2012), it has been shown that the lack of
(prosodic) cohesion of French and English compounds
facilitates debonding in both languages. This holds for instance
for compounds or compound-like sequences with French clé
'key' (e.g. poste clé 'key position') (1) and English key (e.g. key
area) (2):
(1)
FR. Ces deux ministres auraient réclamé, selon ces
sources, le poste prestigieux et clé de Christine Lagarde
(...) '(...) the key and prestigious position of Christine
Lagarde (...)' (GlossaNet, 2011)
(2)
ENG. The U.S. (...) has said it will do more in terms of
intelligence-sharing to (...) stop some of the killings, and
really restore some -- some law and order in these
pockets of lawlessness that -- that tend to be along some
very key border areas. (COCA)
Dutch and German compounds, by contrast, are very cohesive,
not only prosodically but also orthographically, which is
strongly in conflict with the debonding process (e.g. DU. *de
sleutel en prestigieuze post, GERM. *der Schlüssel und
prestigeträchtige Posten). However, it is striking that Dutch
compounds with an intensifying left-hand member (with
nominal origin) and -e- interfix often do allow debonding:
(3)
DU. De binnenstad staat immers op een reuze betonnen
plaat (...). 'The town centre is indeed built on a gigantic
sheet of steel (...)' (news.google.com, 2011)
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6th MGDLT
(4)
DU. Echt een buitenkansje voor een nieuw appartement
op een klasse locatie.' (...) a new flat at a prime location'
(GlossaNet, 2011)
It can therefore be assumed that the ending of the left-hand
member plays a crucial role in the debonding process. Since
Dutch attributively used adjectives mostly end in the inflectional
affix -e, the linking morpheme -e could trigger the reanalysis of
forms such as reuze and klasse as adjectives (Norde & Van
Goethem 2013 (ms); Van Goethem & Hiligsmann 2014). In
German, the recent (substandard) use of Hammer 'hammer' as
an intensifying element represents another case of debonding
with possible influence of the role of inflection: ein
Hammerkonzert 'a great concert' - das Konzert war hammer 'the
concert was fantastic' (Van Goethem & Hüning 2013).
In my paper, I will investigate for each of the four
languages how the debonding process is impacted by three
different factors: (1) the semantics of the noun subject to
debonding, which seems to be restricted to compounds or
compound-like sequences with a qualifying meaning; (2) the
degree of (prosodic) cohesion of the sequence; (3) the role of
inflection. The impact of these factors will be illustrated by
several corpus-based case studies.
References
Amiot, D. & Van Goethem, K. (2012). A constructional account
of French clé- 'key' and Dutch sleutel- 'key' as in mot-clé /
sleutelwoord 'key word'. Morphology 22. 347-364.
Norde, M. (2009). Degrammaticalization. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Norde, M. & K. Van Goethem. (2013). Emancipatie van affixen
en affixoïden: degrammaticalisatie of lexicalisatie?.
Manuscript.
Van Goethem, K. & H. De Smet (to appear). How nouns turn
into adjectives. The emergence of new adjectives in French,
Dutch and English through debonding processes. Languages
in Contrast.
Thematic session
Van Goethem, K. & Ph. Hiligsmann. (2014). When two paths
converge: debonding and clipping of Dutch reuze ‘lit. giant;
great’. Journal of Germanic Linguistics 26:1. 31-64.
Van Goethem, K. & M. Hüning. (2013). Debonding of Dutch
and German compounds. Paper presented at the Germanic
Sandwich Conference, Leuven, 2013.
Corpora
COCA: http://corpus.byu.edu/coca/
GlossaNet: http://glossa.fltr.ucl.ac.be/
News archives on http://news.google.com
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6th MGDLT
General session of MGDLT6
General session
B. Invited speakers of the general session
The role of prosody in the investigation of linguistic variation
Prof. Amalia Arvaniti
University of Kent
Prosody is a term that encompasses a host of phenomena,
including stress, phrasing and intonation that are often
collectively referred to as suprasegmentals. I will argue that this
term reflects an alphabetical view of speech that treats segments
as essential and relegates prosody to the status of an optional
“icing on the cake”. I will discuss results from research on
prosody, including my own research on Greek and other
languages which point instead to a central role of prosody in
shaping variation and show the alphabetical view to be
erroneous. Specifically, I will review results from various
languages indicating that, contrary to the conception of speech
organization (and language structure) implied by the term
suprasegmentals, prosody has pervasive effects on speech
sounds – affecting both their duration and their quality – and
cannot be ignored in the investigation of any level of linguistic
analysis. I will further discuss the role that prosody plays in
dialectal variation, both in how such variation is encoded and
how it is recognized and interpreted by speakers. Finally, I will
discuss the role of prosody in understanding pragmatic intent
and thus communication both between L1 speakers and across
L1 and L2 speakers of a language. In light of this evidence, I
will argue that we need to integrate prosody in our
investigations if we want to fully understand and document
variation within and across languages.
Contact de langues: les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie
Prof. Petya Assenova
University of Sofia
Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie appartiennent aux idiomes grecs
septentrionaux, mais ils sont parlés par deux communautés
différentes: les descendants de la population des anciennes
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6th MGDLT
colonies grecques qui ont apparu au littoral de la Mer Noire à
partir du VIIIe s. av. J.-C., et les Karakatchans (Sarakatsans) qui
menaient la vie des nomades saisonniers et se sont installés dans
certaines localités montagneuses de la Bulgarie, il y a quelque
décennies.
Les locuteurs des deux communautés pratiquent un
bilinguisme bulgaro-grec, collectif, du point de vue
sociolinguistique (Weinreich 1972) et subordonné ou composé
(compound), du point de vue psycholinguistique (Ervin, Osgood
1954). Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie fonctionnent au milieu
d’une langue étrangère, mais appartiennent aussi à l’union
linguistique balkanique (ULB) ou Sprachbund. C’est pourquoi
(parallèlement aux autres dialectes balkaniques dans des
conditions de fonctionnement pareil) ils pourraient jouer le rôle
d’une source de reconstruction des processus de convergence
qui ont amené à l’apparition de l’ULB. En même temps, ils
présentent la possibilité d’observation directe sur le
«bilinguisme en usage»: les différents types de mélange des
codes (code-mixing et code-switching).
Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie forment une partie de
l’espace exotérique de la grammaire de l’ULB et en même
temps ils restent toujours identiques à l’histoire ésotérique de sa
propre langue – le grec (v. Civ’jan 2005 Magna lingua graeca).
Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie présentent une continuité
aréale avec les autres dialectes grecs septentrionaux et par
conséquent possèdent des traits spécifiques de cette zone
dialectale (par ex. l’expression des rapports du datif à l’aide de
l’accusatif). Ils occupent une aire périphérique du territoire
linguistique grec, ils gardent aussi des traits archaïques disparus
dans les autres dialectes septentrionaux.
Les innovations qu’ils ont développées sont dues à
l’influence de la langue du milieu –le bulgare– et concernent
tous les niveaux de la structure des dialectes en question.
Certaines innovations qui représentent des balkanismes
principaux (par ex. l’emploi plus avancé de constructions
analytiques) pourraient être interprétés comme réalisation des
ressources internes des dialectes grecs septentrionaux, aussi bien
qu’une influence externe.
General session
Les dialectes en contact avec une langue étrangère
démontrent une spécificité qui peut être appelée spécificité
d’isolation. Elle s’avère comme résultat d’isolation de la
langue-mère.
Le mélange de différents courants de fonctionnement,
archaïsmes et innovations, héritage et influence, évolution
spécifique interne, mènent à une simplification du système des
dialectes grecs en état de bilinguisme.
C. Oral presentations
Morphologically enhanced spatial deixis in Pontic:
the case of [-]késou
Marianna Gkiouleka
University of Patras
Anchoring the speakers to a specific point in time and space
(Lyons 1997), orienting them in the surrounding situation
outside of discourse and providing the dialogue with a certain
context in order to gain its significance, deixis appears to be a
fundamental axis of conversation (Fillmore 1982, Diessel 1999).
Despite the differences in the means employed to express the
concept of space among the languages, the notion of the
prototypical [± proximal] appears to be prevailing.
An examination of data drawn from Pontic, a dialect
spoken in Asia Minor, reveals a system that differs significantly
from the binary one found in S(tandard) M(odern) G(reek) and
consists of three fully functional and deictically contrastive
levels: (a) reference to an entity near the deictic center (b)
reference to an entity near the hearer and (c) location of the
referent at some distance to both the deictic and the acoustic
center (Papadopoulos 1955).
(a) aftos/ aγútos/ avútos – aúte/ aγúte – auto/aγúto
(b) atós – até – ató (+ constructions with ha, intensifying the
meaning)
(c)
acínos/ aγínos/ aínos – acíne/ aγíne/ aíne – acíno/ aγíno/ aíno
[when the referent is there]
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6th MGDLT
ecínos/ eγínos/ eínos – ecíne/ eγíne/ eíne – ecíno/ eγíno/ eíno
[when the referent is absent]
Furthermore, this dialectal system comprise features indicative
of whether the referent is present or out of sight (c), at a lower
or a higher elevation, downhill or uphill (e) or moving toward or
away from the deictic center (d,e).
In order to account for these semantic nuances Pontic
enhances morphologically its linguistic material with the use of
lexical items such as prefixes and suffixes that lead to a number
of new constructions.
In this spirit, the paper deals with the examination of []késou, a morphological construction that consists of the
conjuction ke (= and) - that has undergone phonological
attrition, as well as semantic alteration and therefore loss of its
transparency - and the adverb ésou (=inside). It appears:
(a) either as an autonomous adverb, meaning: i horizontal
ground movement ii straight horizontal direction iii
horizontal position or iv reference to a preceding name
(d) Epíγa ‘s so horáf’ kés’ (I went towards the field)
(b) or as a suffix in morphologically complex locative adverbs,
expressing ground movement or position horizontally
(e) aδakés(ou) (here, in a horizontal ground position)
atoukés(ou) (towards those places)
afkakés(ou) (i.towards those places downhill, ii. with
cunning (metaphorically))
The aim of the paper is twofold. First, to identify the unclear
structural status of [-]késou and adequately delimit the processes
into which this lexical item has participated and second, to
incorporate and further examine it in the context of spatial
deictic system of Pontic.
Indicative bibliography
Diessel, H. 1999. Demonstratives. Form, function and
grammaticalization (Typological Studies in Language, 42).
Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
General session
Fillmore, C.J. 1982. 'Towards a descriptive framework for
spatial deixis' in RJ . Jarvella & W. Klein (eds), Speech
place and action London: Wiley & Sons.
Lyons, J. 1975. 'Deixis as the source of reference', in E. Keenan
(ed), Formal semantics of natural language, 61-83.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lyons, J. 1977. Semantics 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Papadopoulos, A. 1955. Istoriki Grammatiki tis Pontikis
Dialectou [Historical Grammar of the Pontic Dialect].
Athens: Epitropi Pontiakon Meleton.
Is compound borrowing possible in language-contact settings?
Angela Ralli
University of Patras
In this presentation, I propose to deal with the lexical and
structural aspects of borrowing compounds, in a languagecontact situation involving three Greek-based Asia Minor
dialects, Cappadocian (Dawkins 1916, Janse forthcoming),
Aivaliot (Sakkaris 1940) and Pontic (Tobaidis 2007).
The data show the following properties: (a) the dialects
display varying degrees of productivity in forming compounds,
depending on the extent of socio-cultural contact with Turkish;
(b) several compounds exhibit mixing of Turkish and Greek
morphemes, although their formation-patterns are Greek; in
some rare cases, both constituents share Turkish, but
compounds contain a Greek compound marker (CM) between
the basic constituents, and are always followed by Greek
inflectional endings (1); (c) most Turkish constituents have
undergone phonological and morphological changes according
to Greek morpho-phonological requirements; some items have
acquired a stem allomorphy for their inflection, as in (1b),
where the Aivaliot -δ- formative is inserted between the Turkish
item kadife ‘velvet’ and the Greek ending:
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6th MGDLT
(1)
a. Pontic dzavtaropsómin < Tr çavdar Gr -o- Gr psomiGr -n
‘rye bread’
‘rye’
CM ‘bread’
NOM.SG
b. Aivaliot aγrijukadiféδis < Gr αγri- Gr -u- Tr kadifeGr -is
‘wild yellow flowers’
‘wild’
CM
‘velvet’
NOM.PL
c. Cappadocian γaun-ú-spor-us < Tr kavun Gr -o- Gr sporGr –us
‘melon seed’
‘melon’
CM ‘seed’
NOM.SG
(d) Compound structures resist change, even in Cappadocian
where compounding is less productive than in Pontic and
Aivaliot, i.e. there is use of Greek-based patterns, which are
unknown in Turkish (2):
(2)
a. Pontic seloδavéno
< Tr sel
Gr -o‘flood/inundate’
‘flood’
CM
b. Aivaliot vruduluγó < Tr vurdulu
luγο
‘make noise’
‘hit with big noise’ CM
position of…’
Gr δ(ι)avéno
‘walk through’
Gr -uGr ‘be in the
(e) In the rare case where entire Turkish compounds are
adopted, their structure is lexicalized; the vowel /I/ of the
Turkish CM -(s)I(n) is reanalyzed as part of the loan stem, and a
Greek ending is added at the right-hand edge:
Turkish yüzbaşı
‘officer of Turkish army’
NOM.SG’
(3)

Aivaliot júzbasi-s
‘officer-
I argue that in a contact situation involving Greek and Turkish
the structure of compounding is the least affected compared to
structures of other word-formation processes (e.g. derivation),
since Greek compounding is entirely different from Turkish. As
General session
asserted in Ralli (2013a,b), Greek compounds are
morphological
objects,
displaying
phonological
and
morphological unity: they combine stems, have one single stress
and a compulsory CM relating the two constituents. As such,
they are created in morphology. On the contrary, Turkish
compounds are phrasal objects: they involve the combination of
words, their stress does not differ from that of common noun
phrases and their compound marker appears at the end, being
identical to the possessive marker -sI(n). Thus, they are built in
syntax. Assuming that morphological congruence is a
prerequisite for the borrowing of morphological structure
(Myers-Scotton 2002), Greek compounding resists change. This
is not the case for derivation though, which seems to be more
affected by Turkish, because in both Greek and Turkish,
derivation relies on the morphological process of affixation.
Selected References
Dawkins, R. (1916). Modern Greek in Asia Minor. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Janse, M. (forthcoming). Cappadocian. In Ch. Tzitzilis (ed.)
Εllinikes dialekti [Greek dialects]. Thessaloniki: Institute
for Modern Greek Studies.
Myers-Scotton, C. (2002). Contact linguistics. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Ralli, A. (2013a). Compounding in Modern Greek. Springer.
Ralli, A. (2013b). Compounding and its locus of realization:
evidence from Greek and Turkish. Word Structure 6 (2):
181-200.
Sakkaris, G. (1940). I glossa ton Kydonion [The language of
Kydonies]. Athens: Academy of Athens.
Thomason, S. & T. Kaufman (1988).Language contact,
creolization and generic linguistics. Berkeley: University of
California Press.
Tobaidis, D. (2007). I sinthetes leksis stin Pontiaki dialekto
[Compound words in Pontic]. Archeion Pontou 52: 7-94.
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6th MGDLT
Metaphorical and metonymical compounds:
evidence from Modern Greek dialects
Marios Andreou
University of Patras
In recent years there has been an upsurge of interest in the study
of Greek compounds (Ralli, 2010, 2013; Ralli and Andreou,
2012). The main focus of these works is the study of the formal
characteristics of compounds (e.g. morphosyntactic properties,
classification of compounds based on grammatical relations, and
the demarcation of compounds), whereas, the study of the
semantics of Greek compounding is still a desideratum.
This paper aims to fill a part of this theoretical lacuna by
presenting a study of the semantics of Greek compounds,
drawing data from a number of Modern Greek dialects. In
particular, this paper focuses on the analysis of compounds
based on the semantic mechanisms of metaphor and metonymy.
For example, antigoksilo in (1) can be used metaphorically to
denote ‘a crusty person’ and a metonymical use of voidokilia in
(2) can denote ‘a person with a big belly’:
(1)
Metaphorical compounds
antigoksilo
< antig(o) ksil(o) Cephalonia
‘a crusty person’ old
wood
arkudogattos
< arkud(a) gatt(os) Peloponnese
‘a boorish person’ bear
cat
(2)
Metonymical compounds
gaidurokormo < gaidur(i) korm(i)
‘a boorish person’ donkey body
voidokilia
< void(o) kili(a) Naxos
‘who has a big belly’ ox
belly
Milos
It should be noticed that some metaphorical and metonymical
compounds may also have a literal meaning, whereas, others
can only be used in a figurative manner. In addition, it seems
General session
that metonymical compounds are always formed by body parts
as second constituents, and, as a result, in these compounds we
find a part-for-whole relationship, whereas, no such constraint
holds true for metaphorical compounds.
The analysis of such formations is of paramount
importance since a number of scholars identify metonymical
and metaphorical compounds with exocentric ones (Søgaard,
2004; Bauer, 2008, 2010). This is based on the fact that these
formations clearly fail the hyponymy test. The metonymical use
of voidikilia, for example, renders the compound exocentric
since it does not denote a kind of kilia ‘belly’ but a kind of
‘person’ instead. In a similar vein, the metaphoric use of
arkudogattos shows that the compound as a whole is not a
gattos ‘cat’ but a kind of ‘person’.
This raises the question of whether the metonymical or
metaphorical use of these compounds should render them
exocentric and, thus, headless. Following Andreou (2014), in
this presentation, I argue that we should not collapse these
categories, in that, nominal metonymical and metaphorical
compounds should not be considered exocentric, but
endocentric instead. In particular, failure of the hyponymy test
to identify the hyperonym should not render these compounds
headless since no relation between metaphor/metonymy and
head can be established.
Selected references
Andreou, M. (2014). Headedness in word formation and lexical
semantics: evidence from Italiot and Cypriot. Ph.D. Thesis.
University of Patras.
Bauer, L. (2008). Exocentric compounds. Morphology 18, 51–
74.
Bauer, L. (2010). The typology of exocentric compounding. In
S. Scalise and I. Vogel (Eds.), Cross-disciplinary Issues in
Compounding, pp. 167–176. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Ralli, A. (2010). Compounding versus derivation. In S. Scalise
and I. Vogel (Eds.), Cross-disciplinary issues in
compounding, pp. 57–73. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.
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6th MGDLT
Ralli, A. (2013). Compounding in Modern Greek. Dordrecht:
Springer.
Ralli, A. and M. Andreou (2012). Revisiting exocentricity in
compounding: evidence from Greek and Cypriot. In F.
Kiefer, M. Ladányi, and P. Siptár (Eds.), Current issues in
morphological theory: (ir)regularity, analogy and
frequency, pp. 65–81. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.
Søgaard, A. (2004). Compounding theories and linguistic
diversity. In Z. Frajzyngier, D. Rood, and A. Hodges (Eds.),
Linguistic diversity and linguistic theories, pp. 319–337.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Auxiliary selection in Greko of Bova: a Greek-Romance
comparison
Norma Schifano1, Giuseppina Silvestri2 & Maria Olimpia
Squillaci3
1,3
University of Cambridge , University of Trieste & University
of Cambridge2
Aims of the paper. First of all, we aim at presenting fresh
evidence of patterns of auxiliary selection and (lack of)
participle agreement in the pluperfect, both in the Italo-Greek
dialect (Greko) and in the Calabrese dialect of Bova (Reggio
Calabria), recently collected with native speakers. Secondly, we
intend to investigate how such patterns emerged in the history of
these varieties and how they fit into the wider picture of
auxiliary selection and participle agreement attested across the
Italian Peninsula (cf. Manzini & Savoia 2005 for an overview;
Loporcaro 2007, 2011, forthc.) and among Greek varieties.
The data. As already noted in passim in the literature (Rohlfs
1977; Falcone 1973; Katsoyannou 1995; Remberger 2011), the
pluperfect in Greko exhibits a peculiar analytic form consisting
of the imperfect of BE and the active aorist participle, unlike
standard modern Greek (Ralli 2006) and Griko (Salento, Rohlfs
ib., Baldissera 2013). Notably, the auxiliary BE is selected
regardless of verb class, i.e. including with transitives (1a) and
unergatives (1b):
General session
(1)
A o Peppi
the P.
ito
be.IMP.3sg
b egó ce
I and
o Peppi ímmasta
travudonda
the P.
be.IMP.1pl sing.AOR.PPT
katharizzonda to spiti (Greko)
clean.AOR.PPT the house
Likewise, our novel data show that a similar pattern is attested
in the Calabrese of Bova, which forms the pluperfect with the
auxiliary BE with all verb classes, followed by the past
participle (cf. also Falcone 1973; Katsoyannou 1995, 1997 for
the same remark about dialects of Bovesía), unlike other
Calabrian dialects (Trumper & Lombardi 1998):
(2) ddu figghiolu
nc’era chiamatu a Peppi (Calabrese,
Bova)
that boy him.DAT.be.IMP.3sg called.PAST.PPT to Peppi
As for the agreement on the lexical verb, a previously unnoticed
property of the Calabrian of Bova is that, in spite of the
selection of BE, the past participle never exhibits agreement.
The following data illustrate lack of agreement with the
cliticized object of a transitive (3a) and reflexive (3b) verb, as
well as with the subject of an unaccusative (3c) and reflexive
(3d) verb, which trigger instead agreement in the other
Calabrian dialects, as well as in standard Italian (cf. elements in
bold):
(3)
A ll’
era
mangiatu (dda pasta)
it.ACC.FEM.SG be.IMP.3sg eaten.MAS.SG
(Calabrese, Bova)
the pasta
B Maria
si ll’era
lavatu (i
mani)
Maria.FEM
REFLthem.FEM.PLUR.BE.IMP.3sg
washed.MAS.SG the hands
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6th MGDLT
C Maria
era
Maria.FEM be.IMP.3sg
D Maria
Maria.FEM
partutu
left.MAS.SG
s’era
lavatu
REFL.BE.IMP.3sg washed.MAS.SG
Research questions. The data presented above include two
necessarily related phenomena that we intend to discuss, i.e. (i)
generalised selection of BE in the pluperfect both in Greko and
in the Calabrese of Bova; (ii) lack of participle agreement in the
latter. Regarding the first point, a preliminary survey of the
second half of the 19th century texts in Greko reveals the
presence of a few present perfect forms (now extinct) selecting
HAVE. If this evidence is strengthened by further research, the
auxiliary selection exhibited by these two dialects resembles the
pattern attested elsewhere in Romance, cf. for example
Procidano (Ledgeway 2009), where the HAVE-BE transitiveunaccusative split in the perfect is overridden in the pluperfect
that generalises BE. The chronology and triggering factors of
the loss of the present perfect, as well as the emergence of an
alleged tense-driven split of this type in a Greek-Romance
contact area, will be investigated. As for the lack of agreement
on the Calabrese past participle, this will be interpreted in the
light of D’Alessandro & Roberts’s (2008) proposal, which
argues that the presence/lack of overt past participle agreement
is determined by the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky
2001) and is related to the surface position of the past participle.
Bibliography
Baldissera, V., 2013. Il dialetto grico del Salento: elementi
balcanici e contatto linguistico. Tesi di Dottorato: Università
Ca’ Foscari;
Chomsky, N. (1999). Derivation by phase. MIT occasional
papers in linguistics 18, 1-43. Cambridge, MA. (Reprinted in
M. Kenstowicz (ed.), 2001. Ken Hale: A Life in Language.
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1-52)
General session
D’Alessandro, R., Roberts, I., 2008. 'Movement and agreement
in Italian past participles and defective phases'. Linguistic
Inquiry 39, 477-91.Falcone, G., 1973. Il dialetto romaico
della Bovesia. Milan: Memorie dell’Istituto Lombardi di
Scienze e Lettere;
Fanciullo, F., 1997. Fra Oriente e Occidente. Per una storia
linguistica dell’Italia Meridionale. Pisa, ETS;
Katsoyannou, M. 1995. Le parler gréco de Gallicianò:
Description d’une langue en voie de disparition. Doctoral
thesis, Université Paris VII;
Katsoyannou, M. 1997. ‘Interventi simbiotici tra greco e
romanzo nell'area linguistica calabrese’. In E. Banfi (ed) Atti
del secondo incontro internazionale di lingua greca, 513-31.
Trento: Università degli Studi;
Ledgeway, A., 2009. Grammatica diacronica del dialetto
napoletano. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag;
Ledgeway, A., 2013. ‘Greek Disguised as Romance? The Case
of Southern Italy’. In M. Janse, B. D. Joseph, A. Ralli and
M. Bagriacik (eds), Proceedings of the 5th International
Conference on Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory.
University of Patras, 184-228;
Ledgeway, A., forthc. a. ‘Greek Disguised as Romance?
Interpreting Language Convergence and Divergence in
Terms of Parameter Hierarchies’. In M. Janse, B. Joseph and
A. Ralli (eds), Current Issues in Modern Greek Dialects and
Linguistic Theory. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge
Scholars Publishing;
Ledgeway, A., forthc. b. ‘Parameter Hierarchies and GreekRomance Complementation in southern Italy’. In G. Giusti
(ed.), Working on Balkan Romance Contact;
Loporcaro, M., 2007. On triple auxiliation in Romance.
Linguistics XLV, 177-222;
Loporcaro, M., 2011. Two euroversals in a global perspective:
auxiliation and alignment. In P. Siemund (ed), Linguistic
Universals and Language Variation. Berlin: De Gruyter, 5591;
Loporcaro, M., fortc. Auxiliary selection and participial
agreement. In A. Ledgeway and M. Maiden (eds), The
Oxford Guide to the Romance Languages. Oxford: OUP;
37
38
6th MGDLT
Manzini, M.R., Savoia, L., 2005. I dialetti italiani e romanci:
morfosintassi generativa. Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso;
Ralli, A., 2006. Syntactic and Morpho-syntactic Phenomena in
Modern Greek Dialects. Journal of Greek Linguistics, 121159;
Remberger, E. M., 2011. Morfosintassi verbale dei dialetti
neogreci in Calabria. In W. Breu (ed), L'influsso dell'italiano
sul sistema del verbo delle lingue minoritarie, Bochum,
Brockmeyer, 29, 17-39;
Rohlfs, G., 1977. Grammatica storica dei dialetti Italo-Greci.
München: Beck;
Trumper, J., Lombardi, A., 1998. Il ruolo della morfologia
verbale nella determinazione di eteroglosse calabresi
significative. In G. Ruffino (ed.) Atti del XXI Congresso
Internazionale di Linguistica e Filologia Romanza.
Tübingen: Niemeyer, 815-26.
Πολυσυλλεκτικότητα ή εντοπιότητα;
Τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης
Nikolaos Liosis
Institute of Modern Greek Studies
Με τον όρο ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης περιγράφονται
τα ελληνικά που μιλιούνταν στην ίδια την πόλη αλλά και στην
ευρύτερη κεντρική ζώνη των δυτικών παραλίων της Μικράς
Ασίας μαζί με τη χερσόνησο της Ερυθραίας (Λιόσης, 2014). Με
βάση ιστορικές μαρτυρίες (Τριανταφυλλίδης 1993· Τομπαΐδης
1996, 236–37, μεταξύ άλλων) το ελληνικό στοιχείο της
περιοχής, που συνυπήρχε με πολυάριθμους Τούρκους και
λίγους ξένους, ενισχύθηκε κατά τον 18ο και τον 19ο αιώνα από
νησιώτες αλλά και από κατοίκους της ηπειρωτικής Ελλάδας.
Εξετάζεται επομένως η συμβολή των επιδράσεων από άλλες
διαλέκτους της ελληνικής και από άλλες γλώσσες στη
διαμόρφωση της διαλεκτικής ταυτότητας της περιοχής. Η
υπόθεση εργασίας είναι ότι παρά τις υπαρκτές επιδράσεις τα
ιδιώματα της περιοχής εντάσσονται οργανικά σε ένα διαλεκτικό
συνεχές που ξεκινά από τη Θράκη και τα ιδιώματα της Βιθυνίας
και καταλήγει στις νοτιοανατολικές νησιωτικές διαλέκτους.
Μοιράζονται δέσμες χαρακτηριστικών που επιτρέπουν τη
General session
θεώρησή τους όχι μόνο ως μη μεταφερμένης, αυτόνομης
διαλεκτικής ενότητας αλλά και ως μεταβατικής ζώνης ανάμεσα
στα θρακοβιθυνιακά και τα νοτιοανατολικά ιδιώματα. Η
παραπάνω θεώρηση στηρίζει τη διάκριση ανάμεσα στις
διαλέκτους της μικρασιατικής ενδοχώρας (ποντιακή,
καππαδοκική, φαρασιώτικα, σιλλιώτικα), που μαζί με τα
κριμαιοαζοφικά αποτελούν ενιαία διαλεκτική ομάδα, και σε
άλλα ιδιώματα της Μικράς Ασίας (βιθυνιακά, ιδιώματα της
περιοχής της Σμύρνης, λιβισιώτικα) που δεν διαθέτουν τα
γλωσσικά χαρακτηριστικά των πρώτων (Τζιτζιλής 2014).
Ειδική αναφορά γίνεται στο ιδίωμα της πόλης της Σμύρνης, που
υπήρξε ανέκαθεν ένα μεγάλο αστικό κέντρο με τη δυνατότητα
να προσελκύει πληθυσμούς από διάφορες περιοχές του
ελληνόφωνου κόσμου αλλά και εκτός αυτού. Επομένως ειδικά
το σμυρναϊκό ιδίωμα, στο οποίο συνυπάρχουν ετερόκλητα
στοιχεία που αποδεικνύουν τον πολυσυλλεκτικό χαρακτήρα
του, προσφέρεται για τη μελέτη φαινομένων διαλεκτικής
διαπραγμάτευσης και ανάμειξης (negotiation / mixture) που
οδηγούν: α) στην ελεύθερη εναλλαγή των γλωσσικών
μεταβλητών, β) στην αναδιανομή τους στο σύστημα για τη
διαφοροποιητική σήμανση κατηγοριών, και γ) στην κατάργηση
κάποιων από αυτές που δεν είναι κοινές στις συνυπάρχουσες
υποστρωματικές ποικιλίες (dialect leveling). Σε ό,τι αφορά την
επίδραση στo σμυρναϊκό ιδίωμα άλλων γλωσσών (κυρίως της
ιταλικής και της τουρκικής) η παρουσία στοιχείων χαμηλής
δανεισιμότητας, όπως ρημάτων, άκλιτων, γραμματικών δεικτών
κλπ. (πρβ. Matras 2007), αποδεικνύει ότι το ιδίωμα συνυπήρξε
με τις γλώσσες αυτές σε καθεστώς σχετικά έντονης επαφής.
Ενδεικτική βιβλιογραφία
Hinskens, F. 1998. Dialect Levelling: A Two-dimensional
Process. Folia Linguistica 32 (1-2), 35-52.
Κωνσταντινίδου, Μ. 2005. “Μικρασιατικά ιδιώματα περιοχής
Βιθυνίας και Ιωνίας (αποτελέσματα μιας γλωσσικής
αποστολής)”, Λεξικογραφικό Δελτίο 25, 119–48.
Λιόσης, Ν. (2014). “Τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης”,
στο Τζιτζιλής, Χ. (επιμ.) Νεοελληνικές διάλεκτοι.
Θεσσαλονίκη: Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών.
39
40
6th MGDLT
Matras, Y. 2007. “The borrowability of structural categories”, in
Matras, Y. & J. Sakel (eds.) Grammatical Borrowing in
Cross-linguistic Perspective. Berlin, 31–75.
Μηλιώρης, Ν. Ε. 1972. “Στοιχεία του γλωσσικού ιδιώματος των
Βουρλών της Μικράς Ασίας”, Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 15,
223–312.
Παπαδόπουλος, Α. Α. 1919. Ο υπόδουλος ελληνισμός της
ασιατικής Ελλάδος εθνικώς και γλωσσικώς εξεταζόμενος.
Αθήνα, Σύλλογος προς Διάδοσιν Ωφελίμων Βιβλίων.
Τζιτζιλής, Χ. (2014). “Οι μικρασιατικές διάλεκτοι”, στο
Τζιτζιλής, Χ. (επιμ.) Νεοελληνικές διάλεκτοι. Θεσσαλονίκη:
Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών.
Τομπαΐδης, Δ. Ε. 1996. Μελετήματα Ποντιακής Διαλέκτου.
Θεσσαλονίκη, Κώδικας.
Τριανταφυλλίδης, Μ. 1993 [1938]. Νεοελληνική Γραμματική.
Ιστορική
Εισαγωγή.
Ανατύπωση
με
διορθώσεις.
Θεσσαλονίκη, Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών (Ίδρυμα
Μανόλη Τριανταφυλλίδη).
Trudgill, P. 1986. Dialects in Contact. Oxford, Blackwell.
Συντελικές περιφραστικές δομές:
δεδομένα από μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους
Symeon Tsolakidis
Laboratory of Modern Greek Dialects, University of Patras
Η ανακοίνωση αυτή αποτελεί μια συμβολή στην τυπολογία των
συντελικών περιφραστικών δομών (ΣΠΔ) με έμφαση στις
μικρασιατικές
νεοελληνικές
(NE)
διαλέκτους
των
Καππαδοκικών και των Ποντιακών. Η εξέταση των ΣΠΔ στις
δύο διαλέκτους εντάσσεται στη γενικότερη θεωρητική
συζήτηση του κατά πόσο δομές που σε πιο παραδοσιακές
γραμματικές περιγραφές αναφέρονται ως υπερσυντέλικος, είναι
όντως ΣΠΔ (βλ. ενδεικτικά Μόζερ 2009), και συσχετίζεται με
τις απόψεις και τα δεδομένα που διαθέτουμε τόσο σε επίπεδο
διαχρονίας της ελληνικής όσο και επίπεδο διαλεκτολογίας για
την προέλευση και εξέλιξη των νεοελληνικών ΣΠΔ
(Μπαζούκης 2003, Markopoulos 2009, Ράλλη κ.ά. 2007,
Τσολακίδης 2011).
General session
Οι δύο διάλεκτοι διαφέρουν ως προς το ότι στα
Καππαδοκικά δεν απαντούν οι NE ΣΠΔ Α’ και Β’, π.χ.
(1) ’exo
‘γrapsi
“I have written”
have.1S.PRES write.INF.PASS
(2) ’exo
γra’meno
to ‘γrama
have.1S.PRES write.PPL.PERF.N.ACC.S
letter.N.ACC.S
“I have written the letter”
(3) ’ime
γra’menos
“I am written”
the
be.1S.PRES write.PPL.PERF
ενώ στα Ποντιακά έχουμε ΣΠΔ Β’, π.χ.:
(4) 'exo
γra'menon
to 'γraman
have.1S.PRES write.PPL.N.ACC.S the letter.N.ACC.S
“I have written the letter”
(5) 'ime
nega’smenos “I have gotten tired”
be.1S.PRES get tired.PPL.PERF
Kοινό χαρακτηριστικό των δύο διαλέκτων είναι η παρουσία
μιας δομής που έχει τη μορφή [αόριστος + (άκλιτο) γ' ενικό
παρατατικού του ΕΙΜΑΙ] η εμφάνιση της οποίας οφείλεται σε
επίδραση της Τουρκικής (Dawkins 1916, Οικονομίδης 1958). Η
εξέλιξη/λειτουργία της συγκεκριμένης δομής δε φαίνεται να
είναι εντελώς η ίδια και στις δύο διαλέκτους. Στην περίπτωση
των Καππαδοκικών είναι γενικά αποδεκτό ότι χρησιμοποιείται
τόσο με λειτουργία υπερσυντέλικου, π.χ.
(6) vasi’leγas joro’asin
tani
‘skotosin
du
king
grow old.3PL.PAST be.3S.PAST kill.3S.PAST him
ci ‘jenin
ma’fto t vasi’leγas
and become.3S.PAST himself king
“the king had grown old. He killed him and became king
himself”
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6th MGDLT
όσο και (μέσω του συνδυασμού του άκλιτου β’ συστατικού με
υποτακτική και όχι με οριστική αορίστου) με τροπική
λειτουργία (Dawkins 1916), π.χ.
(7) ku’nda m na ‘itose,
to ar’ni na to ‘pçasum
ton
by me
to be.2S.PAST the lamb to it catch.1PL.SBJV
be.3S.PAST
“had you been by me, we would have caught the lamb”
Στα δε Ποντιακά η συγκεκριμένη δομή λειτουργεί ως
υπερσυντέλικος, με την έννοια ότι δηλώνει κάτι που συνέβη στο
παρελθόν πριν από κάποια άλλη παρελθοντική πράξη και οι
συνέπειές του εξακολουθούν ακόμα να ισχύουν τη στιγμή της
δεύτερης πράξης (πρβ. Dahl & Velupillai 2013). Με άλλα λόγια
χρησιμοποιείται για να δηλώσει το συντελεσμένο προτερόχρονο
στο παρελθόν, π.χ.
(8)
tin Panae’tinan e’jenesa
‘eton
the panaetina
give birth.1S.PAST be.3S.PAST
a’totes ‘erθen
i ro’sia sa ‘meræ mun
then
come.3S.PAST the Russia in places ours
“soon after having given birth to Panajotina, the Russian army
came to our lands”
αλλά (σε αντίθεση με τα Καππαδοκικά) με τον περιορισμό ότι
το προτερόχρονο παρελθοντικό συμβάν βρίσκεται σε πολύ
κοντινή χρονική απόσταση ή είναι σχεδόν ή εν μέρει
ταυτόχρονο με το υστερόχρονο παρελθοντικό συμβάν με το
οποίο συσχετίζεται. Επιπλέον, στα Ποντιακά η συγκεκριμένη
δομή συνδυαζόμενη και με παρατατικό, π.χ.
‘etroen
‘eton
onton e’sevan
a’pes ta
pe’δia
eat.3S.IPFV.PAST be.3S.PAST when enter.3S.PAST inside the
children
“It was during his meal that the boys came in”
General session
εντάχθηκε καλύτερα στο ρηματικό σύστημα της διαλέκτου, στο
οποίο βασικό ρόλο παίζει η διάκριση [+/-συνοπτικό] (Drettas,
1997). Ανασταλτικά προς τον αναλογικό σχηματισμό ενός
αντίστοιχου παρακειμένου με τη μορφή [αόριστος + (άκλιτο) γ'
ενικό ενεστώτα του ΕΙΜΑΙ] μπορεί να λειτούργησε το γεγονός
ότι, όπως αναφέρθηκε και παραπάνω, τα ποντιακά διέθεταν
ΣΠΔ Β’. Το γιατί, βέβαια, παρά την ύπαρξη αυτών των ΣΠΔ,
εμφανίστηκε ο υπερσυντέλικος με το ‘eton, οφείλεται κατά
κύριο λόγο στην ισχυρή επίδραση της Τουρκικής. Σε κάθε
περίπτωση θεωρούμε ότι το ‘eton στα Ποντιακά εξελίχθηκε σε
έναν δείκτη του προτερόχρονου που θα μπορούσε να είναι είτε
συντελεσμένο είτε όχι.
Συνολικά, από την αντιπαραβολική μελέτη των
Καππαδοκικών και των Ποντιακών, βλέπουμε ότι οι δύο
διάλεκτοι, αν και δανείστηκαν την ίδια δομή από την Τουρκική,
δεν την ενέταξαν–προσάρμοσαν στο σύστημά τους με τον ίδιο
ακριβώς τρόπο. Σε κάθε περίπτωση όμως ο δανεισμός της
συγκεκριμένης δομής οδήγησε στην εμφάνιση ΣΠΔ σε δύο
νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους που (με εξαίρεση τις ποντιακές ΣΠΔ
Β’) δε φαίνεται να ανήκουν σε εκείνες τις νεοελληνικές
διαλεκτικές ποικιλίες στις οποίες παρατηρήθηκε η τάση για
εμφάνιση ΣΠΔ μετά την απώλεια των συνθετικών ΣΠΔ της
Ελληνικής κατά την ελληνιστική περίοδο.
Βιβλιογραφία
Dahl Ö & V. Velupillai 2013. “The Perfect”. Στο Dryer M. &
M. Haspelmath (επιμ.), The world atlas of language
structures online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for
Evolutionary Anthropology (http://wals.info/chapter/68).
Dawkins R. 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor. Cambridge:
CUP.
Drettas G. 1997. Aspects pontiques. Paris: ARP.
Markopoulos T. 2009. The Future in Greek. Oxford: OUP.
Μόζερ Α. 2009. Άποψη και χρόνος στην ιστορία στην ιστορία της
ελληνικής. Αθήνα: Παρουσία.
43
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6th MGDLT
Μπαζούκης Θ. 2003. Για την πορεία της γραμματικοιποίησης της
περίφρασης του νεοελληνικού Παρακειμένυο Α'. Μεταπτ.
διατρ. ΑΠΘ.
Οικονομίδης Δ. 1958. Γραμματική της ελληνικής διαλέκτου του
Πόντου. Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών.
Ράλλη Α., Μελισσαροπούλου Δ. & Σ. Τσολακίδης 2007. «Ο
παρακείμενος στη νέα ελληνική και στις διαλέκτους». ΜΕΓ
27, 361-372.
Τσολακίδης Σ. 2011. «Γραμματικοποιημένες δομές δυνητικής
τροπικότητας στις νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους Στο M. Janse,
B. Joseph, P. Pavlou, A. Ralli, and S. Armosti (επιμ.),
Μελέτες για τις νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους και τη γλωσσολογική
θεωρία. Λευκωσία: Κέντρο Μελετών Ιεράς Μονής Κύκκου,
215-225.
Modal markers in Pontic and Cappadocian: disentangling the
evidences
Theodore Markopoulos
University of Patras
The morphosyntactic and semantic / pragmatic properties of the
Modern Greek future-referring (and modal) construction based
on the ‘particle’ θα have attracted a lot of interest, with relation
not only to the Standard Modern Greek situation (cf. e.g.
Tsangalidis, 1999), but to the diachronic developments
associated with this form as well (cf. mainly Joseph & Pappas,
2002, Markopoulos, 2008). The equivalent constructions in the
Modern Greek dialects have not been extensively investigated,
though, as the only basic survey of the various extant forms
accompanied by some idiosyncratic properties is found in
Markopoulos (2006). But even this initial examination had
explicitly excluded two important (albeit divergent from most
other) groups of Modern Greek dialects, namely Pontic and
Cappadocian. The main aim of this paper is to remedy this fact
and address the issue of the future-referring construction in
those varieties.
Pontic constitutes one of the most thoroughly examined
dialects, partly because of its divergent linguistic character and
partly because of the large number of Pontic speakers inhabiting
General session
Greece. Nevertheless, a number of issues related to this dialect
remain unexplored, prominent among them being the expression
of futurity and the overall properties of the θα construction. It is
noteworthy that Papadopoulos (1955) only mentions that the
future in Pontic is realized with the θα construction, while
Oikonomidis (1958) argues that, instead of θα, ha and να are
also used in some areas, without stating which areas these might
be. On the other hand, in a recent description of the variety of
Ofis (Revythiadou, Spyropoulos & Kakarikos, 2011), it is
argued that θα is completely absent from this area, the future
reference being expressed through the utilization of the marker
να. A similar situation apparently obtains in Cappadocian
(Dawkins, 1916), with some minor exceptions in varieties (e.g.
Silli) where the form σε (equivalent to θε) is attested. It is
obvious that the relevant literature leaves a lot to desire.
Therefore, this article specifically aims to:
a) Establish the areal and sociolinguistic distribution of the θα
constructions in the Pontic and Cappadocian dialects,
b) Explore the inter-relationship between the θα and the να
constructions wherever these appear to overlap, and
c) Draw some initial conclusions on the overall history of these
constructions based on the Pontic and Cappadocian
evidence, given the fact that these dialects (and especially
the latter) developed basically independently from all other
Modern Greek dialects from the Late Medieval period
onwards.
The thorough investigation into the properties of these
constructions will be based on the extensive corpus of written
(linguistic and metalinguistic) sources from both Pontic and
Cappadocian (totalling approximately two million words),
created under the auspices of the THALES AmiGre project that
aspires to offer a comprehensive examination of the Asia Minor
Greek dialects.
45
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6th MGDLT
References
Dawkins, R. M. (1916) Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A study of
the dialects of Silli, Cappadocia and Pharasa, with
grammar, texts, translations and glossary. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Joseph, B. & P. Pappas (2002) “On some recent views
concerning the development of the Greek future system”.
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 26: 247-73.
Markopoulos, T. (2006) “The development of future / modality
markers: evidence from Modern Greek dialects”. Στο: M.
Janse, B. Joseph & A. Ralli (eds.), Proceedings of the 2nd
International Conference of Modern Greek dialects and
Linguistic Theory, University of Patras: 236-55.
Markopoulos, T. (2008) The Future in Greek: From Ancient to
Medieval. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Oikonomidis, D. (1958) Γραμματική της Ελληνικής διαλέκτου
του Πόντου. Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών.
Papadopoulos, A. (1955) Ιστορική Γραμματική της Ποντικής
διαλέκτου. Αθήνα: Επιτροπή Ποντιακών Μελετών.
Revythiadou, A., Spyropoulos V. & K. Kakarikos (2011) “Η
ταυτότητα της οφίτικης ποντιακής: μια γλωσσολογική
μελέτη των πηγών και των ομιλητών της”. Δελτίο Κέντρου
Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών 17: 217 – 276.
Tsangalidis, A. (1999) Will and tha: a comparative study of the
category future. Thessaloniki: University Studio Press.
To ρηματικό επίθημα -σκ- στην Καππαδοκική
Nikolaos Pantelidis (University of Athens)
Σε πολλά καππαδοκικά ιδιώματα, συμπεριλαμβανομένων των
ιδιωμάτων των Φαράσων και της Σίλλης, ο μη συνοπτικός
παρωχημένος (παρατατικός) των οξύτονων ρημάτων (κλιτική
τάξη 1) σχηματίζεται με το επίθημα -(ι)σκ-, π.χ. φέρισκα,
λέισκα, έχισκα, γράφισκα κ.λπ. δημιουργώντας αλλομορφία με
βάση την κατηγορία του χρόνου εντός της μη συνοπτικής
ρηματικής όψης των ρημάτων της κλιτικής τάξης 1, σε αντίθεση
με ότι συμβαίνει στην Κοινή Νεοελληνική και στις
περισσότερες ποικιλίες της. Το επίθημα ανάγεται στο αρχαίο
General session
ελληνικό -(ί)σκ- (π.χ. γιγνώ-σκ-ω, εὑρ-ίσκ-ω κ.λπ.), το οποίο με
τη σειρά του συνεχίζει ινδοευρωπαϊκό επίθημα (*-sk-) με
πιθανόν παραγωγική λειτουργία (βλ. μεταξύ άλλων MeierBrügger 2010:303-304, LIV σ.10-11).
Σε ορισμένα από τα ιδιώματα αυτά η χρήση του
επιθήματος έχει επεκταθεί και σε οξύτονα ρήματα (κλιτική τάξη
2), προσαρτώμενο στην προϋπάρχουσα δομή, η οποία εμφανίζει
θεματική αλλομορφία με τον ενεστώτα, π.χ. πορπαd-ώ :
πορπάdιν-α και πορπάdιν-ισκ-α (Φερτάκαινα). Ιδιαίτερο
ενδιαφέρον παρουσιάζει επίσης η συσσώρευση κλιτικών
επιθημάτων σε περιπτώσεις όπως του στοιχείου –ινόντζισκα στο
ιδίωμα της Σίλλης. Το στοιχείο αυτό μάλιστα χρησιμοποιείται
τόσο στην ενεργητική όσο και στη μεσοπαθητική φωνή
(Dawkins 1916, σ.53-56).
Το στοιχείο -(ι)σκ- σχηματίζει τον μη συνοπτικό
παρωχημένο βαρύτονων ρημάτων (κλιτική τάξη 1) και σε
ορισμένα βόρεια ιδιώματα (Παπαδόπουλος 1927:89), ενώ στην
Κυπριακή το επίθημα -ισκ- σχηματίζει μη συνοπτικό θέμα
(Μενάρδος 1969:103-104, Συμεωνίδης ).
Κοινός σε όλες τις παραπάνω διαλέκτους είναι ο
χαρακτήρας του -(ι)σκ- ως κλιτικού και όχι παραγωγικού
επιθήματος. Στην παρούσα ανακοίνωση εξετάζονται και
διερευνώνται:
α) Το ακριβές status του επιθήματος στην Αρχαία Ελληνική.
β) Οι διαφορές στη συμπεριφορά του επιθήματος μεταξύ των
διαφόρων καππαδοκικών ιδιωμάτων.
γ) Η διαδικασία μετατροπής του επιθήματος σε αμιγώς κλιτικό
και γενικότερα η επέκταση της χρήσης του στην πορεία προς τη
Ν.
δ) Οι παράγοντες που ευνόησαν την παρουσία του σε δομές που
εμφανίζουν συσσώρευση επιθημάτων και οι πιθανές επιδράσεις
της Τουρκικής.
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6th MGDLT
Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis:
Towards a new Typology of Loanwords
Brian D. Joseph
Ohio-State University
Ronzevalle 1911 documents a variety of northern Greek spoken
during the Ottoman era in Adrianoupolis, present-day Edirne,
that shows a considerable amount of influence from Turkish. In
this presentation, I first offer a descriptive account of the
pervasive lexical evidence of Turkish influence and demonstrate
that it is to a far greater degree than lexical borrowing typically
shows. Then, working from that evidence, I develop a typology
of loanwords that goes beyond what has been observed to date
and takes in the Ottoman-era Adrianoupolis Greek evidence. I
show further how this new typology helps to account for the
both the lexical and structural convergence found in the Balkan
Sprachbund more generally.
Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis:
word formation, loanword formation and hybrid wordformation
Mark Janse
Ghent University
Ronzevalle 1911 documents a variety of northern Greek spoken
during the Ottoman era in Adrianoupolis, present-day Edirne,
that shows a considerable amount of influence from Turkish. In
this presentation, I discuss various aspects of loanwordformation in Ottoman-era Adrianoupolis Greek using different
integrators (in the sense of Ralli 2012) to distinguish regular
from hybrid loanword-formation. I focus on verbs in -dízu vs
those in -év(γ)ο, the integrator -dízu being used to derive verbs
from Turkish verbs, the integrator -év(γ)o to derive verbs from
Turkish nouns which have no verbal counterpart.
General session
Cappadocia: where Greek prepositions come to die
Petros Karatsareas1 & Athanasios Georgakopoulos2
University of the West of England & Open University of
Cyprus1, Freie Universität Berlin2
The Cappadocian variety of Ulaghátsh is unique among the
Greek-speaking world in having lost the inherited preposition
ΕΙΣ. The innovation is found with both locative and allative uses
and has affected both syntactic contexts in which ΕΙΣ was
originally found, that is, as a simple preposition (1) and as the
left-occurring member of circumpositions of the type ΕΙΣ + NP
+ SPATIAL ADVERB (2).
(1)
a. τράνσε κι το μεϊdάν εν άβια
(Dawkins 1916: 348)
b. τα ερυο ντα qαρντάσα έβγαν το qονάq (Dawkins 1916: 354)
(2)
έμη τα qονάκια μέσα, κιρύσdε το γιασd q πίσω (Dawkins 1916:
348)
In this paper, we set out to provide (a) a diachronic account of
the loss of ΕΙΣ in Asia Minor Greek, and (b) a synchronic
analysis of its ramifications for the encoding of the semantic and
grammatical functions it had prior to its loss.
The diachronic development of ΕΙΣ is traced by
comparing the Ulaghátsh data with those obtained from
Cappadocian varieties that have neither lost it nor do they show
signs of losing it and, crucially, also from varieties in which EIS
is in the process of being lost. The comparative analysis shows
that the loss first became manifest in circumpositions in which
EIS was preposed to the complement to which in turn a wide
range of adverbs expressing topological relations were
postposed (έμη σα qονάκια μέσα > έμη τα qονάκια μέσα). This
finding is accounted for in terms of Sinha and Kuteva’s (1995)
distributed spatial semantics framework, which accepts that the
elements involved in the constructions under investigation—the
verb (έμη), ΕΙΣ and the spatial adverb (μέσα)—all contribute to
the expression of the spatial relational meaning but with
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6th MGDLT
differences in weighting. Of the three, ΕΙΣ made the most
minimal contribution, the bulk of it being distributed over the
verb and the adverb. This allowed for it to be optionally dropped
from circumpositions, a stage attested in Phloïtá Cappadocian
and Silliot, and to be later completely abandoned, originally in
allative and subsequently in locative contexts (earlier: έβγαν σο
qονάq > έβγαν το qονάq; later σο μεϊdάν εν άβια > το μεϊdάν εν
άβια). The earlier loss in allative contexts is also dealt with in
distributed semantics terms as verbs of motion such as έβγαν are
semantically more loaded than vacuous verbs like the copula εν
and therefore the preposition could be left out in the former
context more easily than in the latter. The analysis also
addresses the possibility that the loss of ΕΙΣ may ultimately
originate in substandard forms of Medieval Greek, which
according to Tachibana (1994) displayed SPATIAL ADVERB + NP
constructions. Consider, for example, κατέβημεν χαρζανιστοὶ
ἀνάμεσα τὸν κάμπον (Διγ. Ε, 509).
Applying the semantic map model (Croft 2003,
Haspelmath 2003), the synchronic analysis of the varieties that
retain ΕΙΣ reveals that—like many other allative markers
crosslinguistically—it displays a pattern of multifunctionality in
expressing nine different functions (among others allative,
locative, recipient, addressee, experiencer), which can be
mapped against four domains, viz. the spatiotemporal, the social,
the mental and the logico-textual (cf. Rice & Kabata 2007). In
Ulaghátsh Cappadocian, none of these functions is overtly
marked as such. In cases like (1), the intended spatial relational
meaning is arrived at through the combination of the syntax and
the inherent semantics of the verb and the zero-marked NP as
well as from the context. In environments of the type
exemplified by (2), the adverb contributes further to the correct
interpretation. The analysis additionally shows that, despite the
loss of ΕΙΣ, Ulaghátsh patterns with all other Cappadocian
varieties in one important aspect: Goal and Location are
expressed similarly (by zero in Ulaghátsh, by ΕΙΣ in the other
varieties) whereas Source is being kept distinct (expressed by
ΑΠΟ in all varieties). Goal-Location polysemy is very common
across the world’s languages and, most crucially, prevails over
other possible polysemies in the tripartite distinction Source—
General session
Location—Goal (Lestrade 2010, Nikitina 2009). Taking into
account this empirical observation, our findings suggest that the
reorganisation of spatial systems can have a local effect—in our
case the loss of a member of the prepositional paradigm—but
will keep the original global picture intact, thus conforming to
crosslinguistically robust tendencies.
References
Croft, W. 2001. Radical Construction Grammar: Syntactic
Theory in Typological Perspective. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Dawkins, R. M. 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A Study of
the Dialects of Sílli, Cappadocia and Phárasa with
Grammar, Texts, Translations and Glossary. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Haspelmath, M. 2003. The geometry of grammatical meaning:
semantic maps and cross-linguistic comparison. In M.
Tomasello (Ed.), The New Psychology of Language, Volume
2. New York: Erlbaum, 211–243.
Lestrade, S. 2010. The Space of Case. Doctoral dissertation.
Radboud University Nijmegen.
Nikitina, T. 2009. Subcategorization pattern and lexical
meaning of motion verbs: a study of the source/goal
ambiguity. Linguistics 47, 1113–1141.
Rice, S. & K. Kabata. 2007. Cross-linguistic grammaticalization
patterns of the allative. Linguistic Typology 11, 451–514.
Sinha, C. & T. Kuteva. 1995. Distributed spatial semantics.
Nordic Journal of Linguistics 18:2, 167–199.
Tachibana, T. 1994. Syntactic structure of spatial expressions in
the “Late Byzantine Prose Alexander Romance”. Propylaia
6, 35–51.
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Revisiting the borrowability scale(s) of grammatical elements:
evidence from Modern Greek contact induced varieties
Dimitra Melissaropoulou & Michalis Marinis
University of Patras
Borrowability of a wide range of categories and category
domains is admittedly a hotly debated issue in language contact
studies. In this vein, several hierarchies, well-known as
borrowability scales ‒some of them based on specific case
studies (e.g. Haugen 1950, Muysken 1981)‒ have been
formulated (see among others Moravçsik 1975, 1978;
Thomason & Kaufman 1988; Campbell 1993;Thomason 2001;
Field 2002; Winford 2003; Elsík and Matras 2006; Matras 2007,
2009) to measure ease of borrowing bearing temporal,
implicational, quantitative and probabilistic interpretations
irrespectively of the typology of the involved languages,
advocating thus a universalist approach to borrowing.
The aim of this paper is to offer further insights on the
borrowability of grammatical elements, which are usually
thought of as less amenable to borrowing due to their nature as
structurally cohesive, closed-class items, using as empirical test
bed two Modern Greek contact induced varieties. Our data1 set
involves on the one hand, Cappadocian in contact with the
agglutinative Altaic Turkish, while, on the other hand, Grico in
contact with the semi-fusional analytic Indo-European Italian.
More specifically, the questions that are going to be
addressed are as follows:
a) Do the above mentioned case studies confirm the general
outline of the proposed hierarchies concerning borrowability
of grammatical elements? Do dialectal data challenge their
1
The data under investigation are extracted from the available
written sources (among others Tommasi 1996, Stomeo 1996,
Karanastasis 1997, Rohlfs 1977, Cassoni 1999, Filieri 2001,
Dawkins 1916, Mavrochalyvides 1990, Janse forthcoming etc.)
as well as from the oral corpora of the Laboratory of Modern
Greek dialects at the University of Patras.
General session
universal character? To what extent a need of refinement or
revision proves to be necessary?
b) What type of constraints (social and/or linguistic) could
account for the observed divergence in the borrowability of
overt grammatical elements?
To this end, our data reveal that the existing scales (cf. Muysken
1981) are not verified raising issues either on the universality of
grammatical borrowing or on the existing formulation, thus
calling for refinement. For example neither of the systems under
scrutiny display borrowed clitic pronouns while they seem to
have adapted a vast range of subordinating conjunctions which
are thought of as the last items to be borrowed in the relevant
hierarchy, many more than the coordinating ones which are
ranked relatively higher in the scale. Similar issues arise with
respect to borrowability of prepositions.
In an effort to account for the observed divergence we
propose that apart from factors which relate to the duration and
intensity of contact (cf. Thomason and Kaufman 1988;
Haspelmath 2008), linguistic constraints, such as the structure
of the involved systems and the (in)compatibility factor, play
crucial role in the borrowability of grammatical elements.
Interestingly, in some cases borrowability of grammatical
elements is captured more efficiently when interrelated with
grammatical pattern replication (cf. Matras & Sakel 2007). In
this spirit, a more generalized version of borrowability scale is
advocated, incorporating the proposed constraints in order to be
able to capture the cross-linguistic divergence.
Findings contribute to our understanding of the longterm consequences of language contact, the universality of
borrowing and the dimensions and parameters within it can be
pursued.
Selected References
Campbell, Lyle 1993. On proposed universals of grammatical
borrowing. In Henk Aertsen & Robert J. Jeffers (eds.),
Historical Linguistics 1989, 91–109. Amsterdam: John
Benjamins.
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6th MGDLT
Elsík, Viktor and Yaron Matras 2006. Markedness and
Language Change: The Romani Sample. Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter.
Field, Frederic W. 2002. Linguistic Borrowing in Bilingual
Contexts. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Haspelmath, Martin. 2008. Loanword typology: Steps toward a
systematic cross-linguistic study of lexical borrowability. In
Thomas Stolz, Dick Bakker & Rosa Salas Palomo (eds.),
Aspects of language contact: New theoretical,
methodological and empirical findings with special focus on
Romancisation processes, 43-62. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Haugen, Einar 1950. The analysis of linguistic borrowing.
Language 26, 210–31.
Matras, Yaron 2007. The borrowability of grammatical
categories. In Yaron Matras & Jeanette Sakel (eds.),
Grammatical Borrowing in Cross-Linguistic Perspective,
31–74. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Matras, Yaron 2009. Language Contact. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Matras, Yaron & Jeanette Sakel. 2007. Investigating the
mechanisms of pattern replication in language
convergence. Studies in Language 31, 829-865.
Moravcsik, Edith A. 1978. Language contact. In Joseph H.
Greenberg (ed.), Universals of Human Language, vol. 1:
Method and Theory, 94–122. Stanford: Stanford University
Press.
Moravcsik, Edith 1975. Borrowed verbs. Wiener Linguistische
Berichte 8, 3–30.
Muysken, Pieter 1981. Halfway between Quechua and Spanish:
the case for relexification. In Arnold Highfield & Albert
Valdman (eds.), Historicity and Variation in Creole Studies.
Ann Arbor: Karoma, pp. 52–78.
Myers-Scotton, Carol 2002. Contact Linguistics: Bilingual
Encounters and Grammatical Outcomes. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Thomason, Sarah G. 2001. Language Contact: An Introduction.
Edinburgh and Washington, DC: Edinburgh University Press
and Georgetown University Press.
General session
Thomason, Sarah G. & Terrence Kaufman 1988. Language
Contact, Creolization and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
Winford, Donald 2003. An Introduction to Contact Linguistics.
Oxford: Blackwell.
Thumb's Up! Our Updating of Thumb's Classic Work on
Modern Greek
Mark Janse1 and Brian D. Joseph2
Ghent University1, Ohio-State University2
With funding from the Center for Hellenic Studies in
Washington, DC, during 2013-2014, we began the first steps
toward an updating of Albert Thumb’s classic work, Handbuch
der neugriechischen Volkssprache, originally published in 1895
(second edition, 1910) in German and then translated into
English by Samuel Angus and published in 1912 under the title
Handbook of the modern Greek vernacular: grammar, texts,
glossary. In this presentation, we report on our overall plan for
the updating and on our progress to date, and touch on a
particularly important aspect of the project for the study of
Greek dialects. That is, we found that the variety of Modern
Greek which Thumb describes – late 19th century vernacular
Greek, treated by Thumb as an emerging κοινή – showed
greater affinities with varieties that in present-day Greek are
found in regional dialects than with anything approximating the
present-day demotic κοινή, roughly the standard language as
spoken in the capital of Athens and its environs. Thus we
document here some of the forms that led us to this assessment,
with particular attention to forms within a subclass of neuter
nouns, and we discuss them against a backdrop of the Greek
language question (το γλωσσικό ζήτημα) and its accompanying
language ideology. In particular, we show how they together
played a role in the reshaping of present-day demotic in the
direction of Classical Greek, thereby leaving older forms to
occur today only in regional dialects.
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The acoustic properties of the vowel system of Pontic:
Comparison between the variety of Argiroulopi and the variety
of Kerasounda
Dimitris Papazachariou
University of Patras
The aim of this paper is to compare the acoustic characteristics
of the vowel systems of two Pontic varieties, as they are spoken
by two different groups of Pontic speakers in Greece, one
having their origin at Argiroupolis of Pontos, and the second at
Kerasounda.
Previous studies have presented a variety of Pontic
vowel systems, some of them quite complex, with ten different
vowel sounds (Οικονομίδης 1958), and some of them with
fewer vowels, but at the same time more than the five vowels of
the standard Modern Greek (Drettas 1999 & 2000, Ρεβυθιάδου
& Σπυρόπουλος 2012, Χατζησαββίδης 1985), suggesting that
the above difference could be result of the variation between
different Pontic varieties.
At the same time, Pontic speakers have lived in Greece
for more than 90 years, and even though some of them live in
homogeneous speech communities, they have certainly come in
contact with standard Greek, as well as with other local Greek
dialects. Although Pontic communities are considered quite
closed networks, at least until the late 60’s, processes of leveling
– i.e. the first long-term mechanism that leads to the formulation
of a new koine – have started immediately afterwards.
In our study, we analyzed the casual speech of eight old
women, between 78 and 84 years old, four from each group of
origin. Although this particular age cannot be involved in
processes of a new koine formation, there is an obvious shift of
their pontic variety towards the standard Modern Greek. In
particular, although both of the groups present a vowel system
of six vowel sounds (i.e. [i, e, æ, a o, u]), at the same time, they
do not present vowel sounds, which were described by previous
scholars (Οικονομιδης 1958, Παπαδόπουλος 1953).
General session
References
Drettas, G. 1999. Το ελληνο-ποντιακό διαλεκτικό σύνολο. Στο
Διαλεκτικοί θύλακοι της ελληνικής γλώσσας, επιμ. Α.-Φ.
Χριστίδης (σε συνεργασία με τη Μ. Αραποπούλου και τη Γ.
Γιαννουλοπούλου), 15-24. Αθήνα: ΥΠΕΠΘ & ΚΕΓ.
Drettas, G. 2000. Η ποντιακή διάλεκτος και η χρησιμότητά της
στην παιδαγωγική της σύγχρονης ελληνικής. Στο Η ελληνική
γλώσσα και οι διάλεκτοί της, επιμ. Α.-Φ. Χριστίδης (σε
συνεργασία με τη Μ. Αραποπούλου και τη Γ.
Γιαννουλοπούλου), 35-42. Αθήνα: ΥΠΕΠΘ & ΚΕΓ.
Οικονομίδης,
Δ. 1958. Γραμματική της Ελληνικής διαλέκτου
του Πόντου. Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών [Παράρτημα 1
περιοδικού Αρχείον Πόντου]
Παπαδόπουλος, Α. 1953. Χαρακτηριστικά της Ποντικής
διαλέκτου. Αρχείον Πόντου 18. Αθήνα.
Ρεβυθιάδου, Α. & Β. Σπυρόπουλος. 2012. Οφίτικη: Πτυχές της
Γραμματικής
Δομής
μιας
Ποντιακής
Διαλέκτου.
Θεσσαλονίκη: Αδελφοί Κυριακίδη.
Χατζησαββίδης, Σωφρόνης. 1985. Φωνολογική Ανάλυση της
Ποντιακής Διαλέκτου (Ιδίωμα Ματσούκας). Διδακτορική
διατριβή, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης.
Instances of sibilant palatalization in the dialect of Naousa
Ioanna Kappa & Konstantinos Sipitanos
University of Crete
The dialect of Naousa belongs to the group of semi-northern
Greek dialects, thus it only exhibits the phenomenon of
unstressed mid vowel raising and lacks in the phenomenon of
unstressed high vowel deletion, which is typical in the northern
group (Kontosopoulos 1981:70). The present study examines
data collected during our field-work in Naousa in Spring 2013.
Our collected corpus consists of recordings of natural
conversational speech of two female speakers of the dialect
(Speaker-1, age 83 and Speaker-2, age 86).
In this paper we present our findings on the palatalization
of sibilants (strident fricatives/affricates) triggered by the
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following stressed front vowels /i/, /e/ and unstressed primary /i/
and secondary [i] (arising from raised underlying /e/). The
palatalization is attested (i) in /sV+front/ syllables (data 1-5) and
(ii) in /sCV+front/ syllables (data 6-10). In our corpus are also
attested cases of sibilant palatalization in /sCV-front/ syllables,
i.e. not in the proper vocalic environment (data in 11). The
phonetic realizations of palatalized sibilants, both in CV and
CCV syllables, are verified by acoustic measurements.
U.R
1)
/pézi/
2)
/xrisí/
proper name
3)
/íse/
4)
/korítsi/
5)
/ksérete/
know’
6)
/kostí/
name
7)
/nistía/
8)
/ímaste/
9)
/aróstisa/
10)
/spíti/
11)
/anástasi/
Dialectal (speaker-2) Gloss
[péži]
‘(s)he plays’
[xriší]
‘Chrisi’,
[íši]
[kurítši]
[kšériti]
‘(you) are’
‘girls’
‘(you,
Pl.)
[kuští]
‘Kosti’, proper
[ništía]
[ímašti]
[aróštisa]
[špíti]
[anáštaši]
‘fasting’
‘(we) are’
‘(I) fell ill’
‘house’
‘resurrection’
In the above data (1-5) emerges the sibilant palatalization,
which is attested in the most (or even all) northern dialects (cf.
Newton 1972, a. o.), and it is triggered by a strictly adjacent
(following) front vowel, thus resulting in change of place of
articulation (PoA), i.e. the alveolars /s/ and /ts/ shift to
postalveolars (palato-alveolars) [š] and [tš] respectively. Along
the lines of feature geometry model (Clements 1991) and its
further development by Hume (1992), the front vowel spreads
its V-Place[cor[-ant]] features to the preceding [+ant] consonant
(e.g. /s/) which delinks its original [+ant] PoA and promotes the
vocalic [-ant] feature.
In the data (6-10) the triggering vowel is not strictly
adjacent to the palatalized sibilant, due to an intervening stop,
namely a Coronal [+ant] as in (6-9) or Labial unspecified for the
General session
feature [ant] as in (10), thus violating the strict adjacency. We
assume that the latter stops may not be palatalized due to the
action of a language-specific markedness constraint which
prohibits secondary palatalizations such *[tj], *[pj]. The
spreading of Vocalic-Place [-ant]] feature may affect only the
strident /s/, changing its anteriority.
In the data in (11) it seems that the (properly) palatalized
sibilant triggers, at a distance, the palatalization of the sibilant in
the preceding [sCV-front] syllable. We assume that the
palatalized stridents agree with a sibilant occuring in the
preceding syllable to their left (Agreement as Correpondence,
Rose & Walker 2004) and intervening oral stops or vowels are
transparent. Τhe application of palatalization at distance is
optional, emerges in the speech of older generation and it is
subject to inter-speaker variation.
References
Clements, G. N. 1991. Place of articulation in consonants and
vowels: A unified theory. In J. Brugman, A. Riehl (eds.),
Working Papers of the Cornell Phonetics Laboratory 5.
Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University. 77-123.
Hume, E. 1992. Front vowels, coronal consonants and their
interaction in nonlinear phonology. PhD diss. Cornell
University [published in 1994 by Garland.]
Kontosopoulos, N. 1981. Διάλεκτοι και ιδιώματα της Νέας
Ελληνικής. Αθήνα.
Newton, Β. 1972. The generative interpretation of dialect. A
study of Modern Greek phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Rose, S. & R. Walker. 2004. A typology of consonant
agreement as correspondence. Language 80, 475-531.
The Cretan fall: an analysis of the declarative intonation
melody in the Cretan dialect
Mary Baltazani1 & Evia Kainada2
University of Oxford1, University of Ioannina1,2
The recent rise of interest in intonational variation (e.g., Grabe
et al. 2000; Arvaniti & Garding 2007; Ladd et al. 2009;
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Leemann & Zuberbühler 2010) provides insights into two
directions: on a descriptive level it showcases intonational
differences among dialects of a language; on a theoretical level,
it uses these differences as probes on the typology and
phonology of intonation. Modern Greek still lacks substantial
research on cross-dialectal intonation differences. We present
instrumental evidence for differences between Cretan Greek
(CrG) and other Greek varieties (Standard Modern Greek
(SMG), Cypriot Greek (CyG), Ipiros Greek (IG)) in the
realization of broad focus declarative utterances.
Our analysis, couched within the framework of
Autosegmental-Metrical (AM) phonology, follows the
guidelines of GRToBI (Arvaniti & Baltazani 2005). Our corpus
contains ten hours of spontaneous speech of 10 speakers from a
rural area in the county of Heraclion, Crete (5M, 5F X 1 hour
each). Each speaker talks freely about personal experiences and
their past.
The melody of broad focus declarative utterances, the
well-known fall from high pitch at the end of an utterance, has
been described as either H* L-L% or H*+L L-L% for SMG.
This melody is shared by many Greek dialects, e.g. CyG and IG.
CrG, however, while it still employs a fall from a high pitch as a
marker of declaratives, differs significantly from SMG. We
analyse the nuclear pitch accent in CrG as H+L*. The difference
between SMG’s H*+L and CrG’s H+L* resides on the location
of the fall (Figure 1, right and left respectively); while for SMG
the fall reaches the bottom of the speaker’s voice at the end of
the accented syllable ([le] of [ti’lefono]), in CrG the fall is
completed early in the accented syllable ([ɣa] of [me’ɣalos])
and for the rest of the accented syllable there is a low plateau,
suggesting that the L tone is the head of the bitonal HL pitch
accent. This creates a markedly and strikingly different tune
from the other melodies of Greek, rendering it easily
recognizable as Cretan.
General session
What is the origin of this tune? Why does CrG differ from most
Greek dialects which share the same nuclear pitch accent for
broad focus declaratives? We argue that one possible reason
behind this difference is contact with Italian during four
centuries of Venetian occupation of Crete. Italian has the H+L*
nuclear pitch accent for broad focus declaratives (e.g. Ladd
2008). Although language contact studies commonly discuss
lexical or morphological influences, there are reports of
intonation transfer between languages in contact that belong to
different families, e.g. Turkish and German (Queen 2001) and
Quechua and Spanish (O’Rourke 2003). Moreover, contact
induced transfer of the steep fall (H+L*) is reported between
Italian and Argentinian Spanish (Colantoni & Gurlekian 2004).
Aside from its descriptive purpose, the present paper
highlights how cross-dialectal studies of intonation can enrich
our understanding not only of the typology and phonology of
intonation, but also of the mechanisms of transfer between
languages in contact.
References
Arvaniti, A. and M. Baltazani. 2005. Intonational analysis and
prosodic annotation of Greek spoken corpora. In Prosodic
Typology: The Phonology of Intonation and Phrasing, ed.
Sun-Ah Jun, Oxford University Press, 84-117.
Arvaniti, A. and G. Garding. 2007. Dialectal variation in the
rising accents of American English. In Papers in Laboratory
Phonology 9, eds. J. Cole & J. H. Hualde, Mouton de
Gruyter, 547-576.
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Colantoni, L. and J. Gurlekian. 2004. Convergence and
intonation: historical evidence from Buenos Aires Spanish.
Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 7 (2), CUP, 107–
119.
Grabe, E., B. Post, F. Nolan and K. Farrar. 2000. Pitch accent
realisation in four varieties of British English. Journal of
Phonetics 28.
Ladd, D. R. 2008. Intonational phonology. Cambridge Studies
in Linguistics 79. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2nd edition.
Ladd, D. R., A. Schepman, L. White, L.M. Quarmby and R.
Stackhouse. 2009. Structural and dialectal effects on pitch
peak alignment in two varieties of British English. Journal
of Phonetics 37:145-161.
Leemann, A. and L. Zuberbühler. 2010. Declarative sentence
intonation patterns in 8 swiss German dialects. Interspeech,
1768-1771.
O’Rourke, E. 2003. Peak alignment in Peru: Spanish in contact
with Quechua. Paper presented at the 33 Linguistic
Symposium of Romance Languages, Bloomington, Indiana.
Queen, R. 2001. Bilingual intonation patterns: Evidence of
language change from Turkish-German bilingual children.
Language in Society,30, 55-80.
Blocking of velar palatalization in child speech
Nitsa Paracheraki & Ioanna Kappa
University of Crete
In this study, we analyze the naturalistic production data from
one normally developing child, acquiring Greek as L1, in the
dialectal environment of a village in eastern Crete. The child at
the age of 2;06 is in the intermediate developmental phase. This
phase is characterized universally by the emergence of more
marked sounds, its duration is quite long lasting and it is
characterized by a variety of type production, until the child
systematically realizes all target words (Ingram 1989; Macken
1992, among many others). The child has already acquired and
realizes all consonants, but /r/, in simple onsets of [CV]
syllables. The child does not realize yet the complex onsets of
[Stop/Fricative + Sonorant], e.g. [kl/kr, kn, pl/pr, pn, fl/fr/, xl/xr,
General session
γr/γl], but applies the widely attested pattern of reduction to the
less sonorous consonant, thus it is realized only the Stop or the
Fricative member of the target CC-cluster.
The topic of our study focuses on the palatalization of
target Dorsals /k, g, x,γ/ in the environment of a following front
vowel. The rule of Dorsal palatalization is active in the child’s
system (1-4), as well as the rule of Sonorant palatalization, e.g.
/l/ changes to [ʎ] (5) and /n/ to [ɲ] (6) in the environment of the
(un)stressed high, front vowel /i/; the application of latter rule
has a very high frequency in the ambient (dialectal) language.
The following palatalizations are attested only in primary
(underlyingly) CV-syllables.
In case of a target /Dorsal+Sonorant+V+front/ syllable, e.g. /kli/,
/kre/, /xri/, after the cluster simplification/ reduction of
Sonorant, the child does not realize a single onset with an
expected palatalized Dorsal, e.g. [ci], [ce], [çi] respectively, i.e.
Dorsal palatalization is blocked (7-13). This is a paradox
phenomenon, because the child was highly exposed in a dialect
with idiosyncratic velar palatalizations, namely from plain
palatalized velars up to dialectal palatal [cç] and alveolo-palatal
[tɕ] affricates (Lengeris & Kappa, under review).
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In the above data, after the Sonorant reduction interacts with the
following changes: (a) the front, mid unstressed vowel /e/ is
centralized to [ə] (7, 10); (b) the stressed front vowels are
realized as long ones (8, 9, 11). The high front unstressed
vowels are unaffected (12, 13).
We claim that Dorsal palatalization only occurs if the
interacting C-V segments are underlyingly strictly adjacent, as
in (1-4). In the case of clusters, the Sonorant reduction interacts
with centralization of the unstressed mid front vowel; the
centralized unmarked [ǝ] lacks in [+front] features, thus
palatalization can not take place in (7, 10). The target unstressed
vowel /i/ in (12, 13) can not change to a centralized [ɨ]. The
child has not any external evidence from his ambient dialect for
the centralized marked vowel [ɨ] which does not belong to his
phonological system. In this case the lack of palatalization is
opaque. The Sonorant reduction seems to result in
compensatory lengthening of the tautosyllabic stressed vowel in
(8, 9, 11) (see Topintzi 2006, for similar findings in the dialect
of Samothraki).
References
Ingram, D. 1989. First language acquisition. Method,
description and explanation. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Lengeris, A. and I. Kappa (submitted/under review).
‘Palatalization and affrication of velar stops in the (western)
Cretan dialect’. Selected Papers. 21th International
Symposium on Theoretical and Applied Linguistics.
University of Thessaloniki.
Macken, M.A. 1992. Where’s phonology? Phonological
Development: Models, Research, Implications, (Eds.) C.A.
Ferguson, L. Menn, & C. Stoel-Gammon, (249-269).
Timonium, MD: York Press.
Topintzi, N. 2006. ‘A (not so) paradoxical instance of
compensatory lengthening: Samothraki Greek and
theoretical implications’. Journal of Greek Linguistics 7: 71119
General session
Επιτονισμός των ερωτήσεων ολικής άγνοιας στην
Κερκυραϊκή διάλεκτο
Maria Giakoumelou
University of Patras
Στόχος του συγκεκριμένου άρθρου είναι να προσδιορίσουμε και
να περιγράψουμε τον επιτονισμό των ερωτηματικών προτάσεων
ολικής άγνοιας στην Κερκυραϊκή διάλεκτο. Πιο συγκεκριμένα,
δεδομένου ότι δεν υπάρχει καμία μελέτη που να αφορά τον
επιτονισμό των Κερκυραϊκών, επιμέρους στόχοι μας είναι να
δείξουμε α) την εσωτερική δομή της μελωδίας ερωτηματικών
προτάσεων ολικής άγνοιας, ποια είναι δηλαδή εκείνα τα
επιτονικά χαρακτηριστικά που τις προσδιορίζουν β) πώς
επηρεάζεται η μελωδία ανάλογα με την εστίαση σε διαφορετικά
σημεία του εκφωνήματος (συγκεκριμένα στην αρχή και στο
τέλος) γ) σε ποια σημεία διαφέρει η μελωδία των ερωτηματικών
προτάσεων της διαλέκτου από την Κοινή Νέα Ελληνική (ΚΝΕ).
Το υλικό μας συλλέχθηκε με πειραματικές μεθόδους, υπό
μορφή ερωτηματολογίου, και αποτελείται από ερωτηματικές
προτάσεις ολικής άγνοιας οι οποίες είτε ήταν ενσωματωμένες
σε μικρούς διαλόγους είτε ακολουθούσαν ένα πολύ
συγκεκριμένο περικείμενο που δινόταν ώστε το αποτέλεσμα να
είναι πιο φυσικό και να έχουμε τη δομή που επιθυμούμε. Στο
πείραμα πήραν μέρος 14 φυσικοί ομιλητές της Κερκυραϊκής
διαλέκτου2.
Τα αποτελέσματα της ανάλυσής μας έδειξαν ότι η δομή
των ερωτηματικών προτάσεων της διαλέκτου παρουσιάζει
διαφορές σε σχέση με την ΚΝΕ. Συγκεκριμένα, στην ΚΝΕ η
μελωδία συνίσταται από έναν χαμηλό πυρηνικό τόνο L* ο
οποίος βρίσκεται στην εστιασμένη λέξη του εκφωνήματος, και
ακολουθείται από έναν δίτονο L+H- φραστικό τόνο και έναν
χαμηλό L% οριακό τόνο. Στις περιπτώσεις που η εστίαση
βρίσκεται στην αρχή του εκφωνήματος ο φραστικός τόνος
ευθυγραμμίζεται με την τελευταία τονισμένη συλλαβή του
εκφωνήματος, ενώ όταν βρίσκεται στο τέλος πραγματώνεται
2
Για τα δεδομένα της ΚΝΕ στηριχτήκαμε σε σχετικές έρευνες
για τον επιτονισμό των ερωτηματικών προτάσεων ολικής
άγνοιας της ΚΝΕ (π.χ. Arvaniti 2009).
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6th MGDLT
στην τελευταία συλλαβή μαζί με τον οριακό τόνο (βλ. Arvaniti
2009). Στην διάλεκτο παρατηρήσαμε τα εξής: α) όταν η εστίαση
βρίσκεται στην αρχή του εκφωνήματος, η μελωδία του
εκφωνήματος συνίσταται επίσης από έναν χαμηλό L* πυρηνικό
τόνο ο οποίος βρίσκεται στην εστιασμένη λέξη, και αμέσως
μετά ακολουθεί μία άνοδος που πιθανότατα αποδίδεται σε έναν
δίτονο L+H- φραστικό τόνο. Η διαφορά με την ΚΝΕ είναι ότι ο
φραστικός τόνος δεν ευθυγραμμίζεται με την τελευταία
τονισμένη συλλαβή του εκφωνήματος, αλλά αμέσως μετά την
εστίαση, δημιουργώντας ένα υψηλό πλάτωμα μέχρι την
τελευταία συλλαβή, όπου και πέφτει στο τελευταίο φωνήεν
καταλήγοντας σε έναν χαμηλό L% οριακό τόνο. β) όταν η
εστίαση βρίσκεται στο τέλος, ο φραστικός τόνος
πραγματώνεται στην τελευταία συλλαβή. Χαρακτηριστικό της
διαλέκτου είναι ο μεγάλος χρόνος πραγμάτωσης της τελευταίας
λέξης του εκφωνήματος και κυρίως της τελευταίας συλλαβής, ο
οποίος γίνεται ακόμα μεγαλύτερος σε περιπτώσεις τονικού
συνωστισμού.
Βιβλιογραφία
Arvaniti, Amalia. 2009. Greek intonation and the phonology of
prosody: polar questions revisited. Proceedings of the 8th
International Conference on Greek Linguistics, pp. 14-29.
Retroflexion of /l/ in Modern Greek dialects: The case of
Aperathou (Naxos) dialect
Maria Xefteri1, Angelos Lengeris2 & Kalomoira Nikolou3
University of Athens1, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki2,
University of the Aegean3
Aperathou dialect is spoken in the north-eastern part of Naxos
island, including the population of the villages of Aperathou
(Apiranthos), Danakos and Triakatha/Moutsouna. This dialectal
variety of the Cycladic island group exhibits an intriguing
combination of both Cycladic and Cretan linguistic features in
all levels of grammar (Oikonomidis 1952, among others). In this
paper, we will focus on a phonological one, namely the
General session
allophonic realization of lateral /l/, which constitutes the most
typical and well recognized feature of Aperathou dialect
(Xefteri, 2009; 2010; 2011).
Impressionistic descriptions of the dialect report that the
lateral /l/ has a rhotic allophone before back vowels, namely
retroflex [ɻ], which has generally been referred to as the ‘thick l’
(Oikonomidis, 1952; Zevgolis 1937). This distinctive and quite
rare among European languages sound is not found in Standard
Greek, but it is witnessed only in Crete (Kappa & Vergis, 2011;
Kontossopoulos 1972; Newton, 1972; Pangalos, 1955; Trudgill
& Mansfield, 1994; Vergis, 2012). In a recent experimental
study, Lengeris et al. (submitted) examined the phonetics and
phonology of the Western Cretan retroflex allophone and report
that it differs from the standard [l] pronunciation in terms of F1
and F3 formant frequencies.
The present study examines the realization of retroflex
approximant in Aperathou village with the goals of (a)
determining the phonological environments which favor its
occurrence (e.g. following vowel, syllable and word position,
stressed vs. unstressed syllable); (b) comparing the acoustic
characteristics of the retroflex allophone with the standard [l]
pronunciation; and (c) comparing the acoustic characteristics of
the retroflex allophone of Aperathou with the Cretan one.
For this purpose, six speakers of the dialect (3 female
and 3 male) with a mean age of 81 years (range 77-88 years)
were recorded conversing freely with a native speaker of the
dialect. Acoustic phonetic analysis was performed in PRAAT
(Boersma & Weenink, 2008), in order to measure the duration
and F1-F3 formant frequencies of [l] and [ɻ ].
The results confirmed that the process of retroflexion is
triggered by a back vowel context. In fact the lateral allophone
was used almost exclusively in this environment by dialectal
speakers. More specifically, retroflex [ɻ] occurs in word-initial
and word-medial position (a, b), in stressed and unstressed
syllables (b, c), as well as in consonant clusters (d), as
evidenced by the following examples.
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6th MGDLT
Standard Greek Aperathou dialect
a.
[lukúmi]
[ɻukúmi]
‘Turkish delight’
b.
[kaθólu]
[kaθóɻu]
‘not at all’
c.
d.
[mɲaló]
[ɣlástɾa]
[mɲaɻó]
[ɣɻástɾa]
‘mind’
‘flower pot’
The acoustic analysis of these novel data revealed that the
retroflex allophone differed from /l/ in terms of F1 and F3.
Interestingly, a comparison between the allophonic realization
of retroflex of Aperathou and the Cretan one showed no
difference in their acoustic characteristics in terms of duration
and F1-F3 frequencies. Our results provide the first instrumental
analysis of the retroflex allophone and support a close
resemblance of the dialects spoken in Aperathou Naxos and
Western Crete (see also Kontossopoulos 2000).
References
Boersma, P. & Weenink, D. (2008). Praat: doing phonetics by
computer. http://www.praat.org.
Kappa, I. & Vergis, N. (2011).
“Delateralization and
Retroflexion in the Cretan Dialect: a Case Study”. In: M.
Janse, B. Joseph, P. Pavlou & A. Ralli (eds) Studies in
Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. Proceedings
of the 3rd International Conference of Modern Greek
Dialects and Linguistic Theories. Nicosia: Kykkos Cultural
Research Centre, 47-57.
Kontossopoulos, Ν. (1972). “Enorganos meleti kritikon tinon
fthongon”. Kritika Xronika 24: 448-464.
Kontossopoulos, N. (2000). Dialekti kai idiomata tis Neas
Ellinikis. Athens: Ekdoseis Grigori.
Lengeris, A., Kappa, I., Paracheraki, N. & Sipitanos, K.
(submitted). “On the Phonetics and Phonology of
Retroflexion in the (western) Cretan Dialect”. In:
Proceedings of the 11th International Conference of Greek
Linguistics. Aegean University.
General session
Newton, B.E. (1972). The generative interpretation of dialect. A
study of Modern Greek phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Οikonomidis, D. (1952). “Peri tou glossiku idiomatos
Aperathou Naxou”. Athina 56: 215-275, Athens.
Pangalos, G. (1955). Peri tu glosiku idiomatos tis Kritis. Athens.
Trudgill, P. & Mansfield, P. (1994). “A sex-specific linguistic
feature in a European dialect”. Multilingua 13(4): 181-186.
Vergis, N. (2012). “Women, language and stereotypes:
Evidence from a rural community of Greece”. In: G.
Fragaki, T. Georgakopoulos & C. Themistocleous
(eds) Current Trends in Greek Linguistics. Newcastle:
Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 148-176.
Xefteri, M. (2009). “Koinonioglossiki prosegissi tu idiomatos
Aperathou Naxou (opos diatirite stin Athina)”. In: N.
Lavidas, E. Nouhoutidou et al. (eds) Proceedings of the 4th
Athens Postgraduate Conference of the Faculty of Philology
(1-3 June 2007). Athens: National and Kapodistrian
University of Athens, 251-260.
Xefteri, M. (2010). “Staseis apenadi sto aperathitiko idioma.
Apopseis ton neoteron geneon t’ Aperathou apenadi sti
glossiki epilogi kai xrisi”. In: E. Vrinioti, T.
Georgakopoulos, C. Themistocleous et al. (eds) Proceedings
of the 5th Athens Postgraduate Conference of the Faculty of
Philology (29-31 May 2009). Athens: National and
Kapodistrian University of Athens, 212-221.
Xefteri, M. (2011). “I tautotita tou (sin)omiliti os ermineftiki
metavliti sti glossiki epilogi. I periptosi tu idiomatos t’
Aperathou Naxou”. In: G. Giannoulis, E. Korre et al. (eds)
Naxiaka – Epetirida Omospondias Naxiakon Sillogon 1.
Athens: Omospondia Naxiakon Sillogon & Graphopress,
385-402.
Zevgolis, G. (1937). To sinxrono laiko tragoudi stin Apirantho
tis Naxou. Athènes [now in: Zevgolis, G. (2006). “Glossika
phenomena apo ta idiomata tis Naxou”. In: M. Vardanis et
al. (eds) Philologika kai laografika meletimata. Athens, 53103].
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6th MGDLT
A non-finite period in early Cypriot Greek?
Renos Georgiou, Christos Papatzalas & Arhonto Terzi
Technological Educational Institute of Western Greece, Patras
Introduction A number of studies crosslinguistically have
focused on an early period in language acquisition, during
which children produce non-finite verbs in a position adults
would use finite verbs instead (Wexler 1994, Pierce 1992,
Hyams 2002). These forms are known as Root Infinitives (RI),
or optional infinitives, they occur around the age of 2;0, and
their proportion varies from language to language and from
child to child. In the literature on the early stages of Standard
Greek (SG), it has been noted that children overuse a verb form
that employs the suffix –i, often referred to as 3rd person
singular (Katis 1984, Stephany 1981, 1997), Tsimpli
1992/1996).
(1) opaci
vali
aopaki.
person-dim put-perf person-dim
little person.’
‘(I want to) place the
Varlokosta et al. (1996, 1998) make the novel suggestion that
this form is not the 3rd person form of the verb, but a non-finite
form, comparable to the (non-finite) RIs crosslinguistically. The
additional observation that, when misused, this form appears
predominantly with the perfective aspect, offers Varlokosta et
al. an additional argument for the idea that it is the counterpart
of RIs: this is because it is very much reminiscent of a form that
is non-finite in adult language as well, the one constituting the
second part of periphrastic tenses, (2):
(2) exo/ixa vali
have-1sg/had-1sg put ‘I have/had put’
Hypothesis Cypriot Greek (CG), among other varieties of
Greek, lacks present perfect A, using what is known as present
perfect B instead (exo _cavazmeno in place of exo dhiavasi),
Menardos (1969) a.o. Although periphrastic tenses are used to
some extent when interacting with speakers of SG, see
General session
Melissaropoulou et al. (2013), one wonders whether CG
children receive less input of the non-finite forms in (2), and,
moreover, what may be the effect on early language. The
specific questions we address are:
a) what is the non-finite form CG speaking children use at a
similar age, if any?
b) if early CG overgeneralizes the –i forms as well, what could
be the source of these forms
and what are the implication this may have for the existing
accounts of the RI stage in SG?
In order to investigate these issues we collected spontaneous
speech from three CG speaking children, aged 1;07 to 2;03.
Two of them were followed for a short period of time (1;07,
10;8 and 2;00, 2;02) an one over a period of seven months, once
per month (1;07 to 2;02).
Findings and Discussion Data analysis revealed that agreement
error rate under the age of 2;00 is generally around 10%, which
is much lower than what has been observed by Varlokosta et al.
(op.cit), but way above the error rate of Doukas & Marinis
(2012), (0,7- 1,9%). Agreement errors of all children of the
study seriously decline after age 2;00. An important finding that
emerges, however, is that there were periods in two of the
children’s language during which the rate of agreement errors is
particularly high, (Phi 1;8 – 35,29%, Aris 1;8 – 43,75%, Aris
1;11 – 23,80%). In particular, although i-forms were present
throughout, during these specific periods, the overwhelming
majority of agreement errors involved the –i form (Phi 1;8 –
10/12, Aris 1;8 – 7/7, Aris 1;11 – 13/15).
(3) Adult: thelis kati na fais?
aniksi/aniksume)
want something to eat
Aris: titsi (=
open-perf (Aris, 1;8)
An equally important finding was that the overwhelming
majority of children’s utterances containing non-agreeing iforms used them with null subjects, in accordance with
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crosslinguistic findings on the RI stage (and despite the fact that
children used two-word utterances already). The above lead us
to conclude that CG speaking children do go through a nonfinite verb period, and, moreover, employ the same form of the
verb as SG (despite a potentially impoverished input in forms
such as (2), which have often been associated with the nonfinite stage of SG). Perfective aspect, another characteristic of
the non-finite stage of SG, was less obvious for two of the
aforementioned stages, i.e., 3/10, 7/7, 8/13 (but probably more
pronounced than in the findings of Doukas & Marinis (2012), in
which no perfective aspect trend was attested). We also discuss
the interpretation of non-agreeing i-forms, and compare them to
those of SG and of RIs crosslinguistically, and conclude with
the insights CG offers into the verb form and agreement pattern
of early SG (cf. Tsimpli 2005, Varlokosta 2005), and,
potentially, of other similar languages, cf (Avram & Coene
2011).
References
Avram, L. & Coene, M. (2011). The root infinitive stage in a
null subject language: Romance in the Balkans. Revue
roumaine de linguistique 4: 347-370.
Doukas, T., & Marinis, T. (2012). The acquisition of person and
number morphology within the verbal domain in early
Greek. Language Studies Working Papers 4: 15-25.
Hyams, N. (2002). Clausal structure in Child Greek: a reply to
Varlokosta, Vainikka and Rohrbacher and a reanalysis. The
Linguistic Review, 19(3), 225-270.
Katis, D. (1984). The acquisition of the Modern Greek verb:
with special reference to the Imperfective Past and Perfect
classes. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Reading.
Melissaropoulou, D., Themistocleous, C., Tsiplakou, S., &
Tsolakidis, S. (2013). The Present Perfect in Cypriot Greek
revisited. In A. Peter, J. C. Reina & G. Kaufmann (Eds.),
Language Variation – European Perspectives IV: Selected
papers from the Sixth International Conference on Language
Variation in Europe (pp. 159-172). John Benjamins
Publishing.
General session
Menardos, S. (1925). Κυπριακή γραμματική. Γ Ρήματα [Cypriot
Grammar. C: Verbs]. Athena 37. 35-79. Reprinted in
Menardos, Simos. (1969). Γλωσσικαί μελέται [Language
Studies]. Nicosia: Cyprus Centre for Scientific Research.
Pierce, A. (1992). Language Acquisition and Syntactic Theory:
A Comparative Analysis of French and English Child
Grammars. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
Stephany, U. (1981). Verbal grammar in early Modern Greek
child language. In P.S. Dale & D. Ingram (Eds.), Child
Language: An International Perspective (pp. 45-57).
Baltimore: University Park Press.
Stephany, U. (1997). The acquisition of Greek. In D. I. Slobin
(Ed.), The Crosslinguistic Study of Language Acquisition 4
(pp. 183-333). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Tsimpli, I. M. (1992). The Acquisition of Functional Categories.
Ph.D. dissertation, UCL. Published as The Prefunctional
Stage of First Language Acquisition: A Crosslinguistic
Study. Garland Publishing, New York and London, (1996).
Tsimpli, I.M. (2005) Peripheral Positions on early Greek. In M.
Stavrou & A. Terzi (Eds.),
Advances in Greek Generative Syntax (pp. 179-216).
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Varlokosta, S. (2005). Eventivity, modality and temporal
reference in child Greek. In M. Stavrou & A. Terzi (Eds.),
Advances in Greek Generative Syntax (pp. 217-240).
Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Varlokosta, S., Vainikka, A., & Rohrbacher, B. (1996). Root
infinitives without infinitives. In Proceedings of the 20th
Annual Boston University Conference on Language
Development (pp. 816-827). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla
Press.
Varlokosta, S., Vainikka, A., & Rohrbacher, B. (1998).
Functional projections, markedness, and "root infinitives" in
early child Greek. The Linguistic Review, 15(2-3), 187-208.
Wexler, K. (1994). Optional Infinitives, Head Movement and
the Economy of Derivations. In N. Hornstein & D. Lightfoot
(Eds.), Verb Movement (pp. 305-350). Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
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Referential clauses as/and relative clauses in Pharasiot Greek
Metin Bağrıaçık
Ghent University
Data: Pharasiot Greek exhibits head-final relative clauses (RCs)
with an invariant complementizer (tu) which always occurs at
the left-edge of the relative clause. The surface word order can
be schematically represented as [C-relative clause-NP]. The
same sequence, albeit without an overt NP yields a free relative
clause (2). Moreover, the complementizer tu can also introduce
‘referential’ complementizer phrases (RCPs) (in the sense of
Haegeman and Ürögdi 2010), such as complements to factive
predicates (3)–(4), finite subject clauses (5) or PP complements
(6).
Aim: In this talk, I offer a unified account of the examples in
(1)–(6). More specifically, adopting the promotion analysis to
relative clauses (Kayne 1994, Bianchi 1999 a.o.), I will first
argue that RCs (both headed and free (1)–(2)) are a CP-level
projection dominated by a DP, and (ii) that the structure
invariantly involves C-to-D raising (cf. Roussou and Roberts
2001), yielding an ‘individual’ reading in both structures.
Secondly, free relatives, I argue, involve a silent head, but C-toD raising nonetheless. Finally, concerning the structures in (3)–
(6), I argue that their derivation involves an event operator
moving to Spec,CP (following Haegeman 2006 and Haegeman
and Ürögdi 2010; see also Aboh 2005 and Torrence and Tamba
2013 among others), but they are, similar to RCs, also CPs
selected by a D-head (cf. Roussou 1994). Hence the analysis
proposed here based on Pharasiot data offers further evidence
for the unification of RCs and RCPs which involve (nearly)
identical structures with distinct heads, which is responsible for
the special semantics of the respective derivations. Further
issues concerning their island status are also going to be
discussed.
The overall argument is enriched with discussion
concerning the diachrony of the complementizer tu as well as
the possible role of contact with Turkish in the structures (1)–
(6); and with a comparison of the structures in (1)–(6) with their
General session
counterparts in Cappadocian (and Pontic). In addition, I offer
some observations on the functional projections of the left
periphery in Pharasiot and their relative order.
References
Aboh, Enoch. 2005. Deriving relatives and factive clauses. In
Contributions to the 13th Icontro di Grammatica
Generativa, February 26–28, 2004, eds. Laura Brugè,
Giuliana Giusti, Nicola Munaro, Walter Schweikert, and
Giuseppina Turano, 265–285. Venice: Università Ca’
Foscari.
Bianchi, Valentina. 1999. Consequences of Antisymmetry:
Headed Relative Clauses. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Haegeman, Liliane. 2006. Conditionals, factives and the left
periphery. Lingua, 116:1651–1669.
Haegeman, Liliane and Barbara Ürögdi. 2010. Referential CPs
and DPs: An operator movement account. Theoretical
Linguistics, 36(2/3):111–152.
Kayne, Richard. 1994. The Antisymmetry of Syntax. Cambridge,
MA: MIT Press.
Roussou, Anna. 1994. The Syntax of Complementizers.
Doctoral dissertation, UCL.
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Roussou, Anna, and Ian Roberts. 2001. Pou-complements and
acc-ing constructions: a comparative analysis. In
Proceedings of the 4th international conference on Greek
linguistics, eds. Georgia Agouraki, Amalia Arvaniti, J.I.M
Davy, Dionysios Goutsos, Marilena Karyolaimou, Anna
Panagiotou, Andreas Papapavlou, Pavlos Pavlou, and Anna
Roussou, 201-208. Thessaloniki: University Studio Press.
Torrence, Harold and Khady Tamba. 2013. Factive relative
clauses in Wolof. Ms. University of Kansas.
Griko subjunctive as a contact-induced phenomenon
Marika Lekakou1 & Josep Quer2
University of Ioannina1, ICREA-Universitat Pompeu Fabra2
We adopt a micro-comparative perspective on clause structure
in Griko, focusing on the category ‘subjunctive’. Griko is an
indigenous Greek language spoken in the Salento area of
Southern Italy. We propose that Griko encodes subjunctive not
just via the complementizer/modal particle na, as does Standard
Modern Greek (SMG), but also in verbal morphology. This
situation, we suggest, results from contact with the Romance
varieties of the area, and in particular with Salentino, which
(quite exceptionally for Southern Italian dialects) also encodes
subjunctive in verbal morphology (Damonte 2010). This
analysis has implications for the clause structure of Griko, and
moreover for the contact situation between Italo-Greek and Italo
Romance. As highlighted by Baldissera (2013) and Ledgeway
(in press (a)), several phenomena in Griko seem to have
originated from contact with Romance, such as the formation of
passive, the syntax of non-volitional ‘want’, and the postnominal placement of adjectives. If we are right, the realization
of subjunctive should count as another contact-induced feature.
SMG encodes subjunctive through na (Rivero 1994,
Philippaki-Warburton 1998, Roussou 2000). From a
morphological point of view, the verbal form in na-clauses is
taken to be indicative (Lightfoot 1979, Tsangalidis 2002,
Roussou 2009). Greek verbs inflect for tense (P=past/NP=nonpast) and aspect (P=perfective/I=imperfective: INP, PNP, IP,
and PP). SMG thus has four verbal forms available as
complements to na that yield different temporal and aspectual
General session
interpretations (Tsangalidis 1999; Roussou 1999). Although naclauses have a rather similar distribution in Griko and SMG, na
in Griko is only compatible with the perfective nonpast form
(PNP) (dependent) form. This is so, even though the other forms
(INP, IP and PP) occur elsewhere in the language. This
difference between Griko and SMG is illustrated in (1)-(2).
(1) Spiccetsa na polem-iso/*polem-o stes etse. (Griko) finished1SG SUBJ work-PNP.1SG/work-INP.1SG at six “I finished
working at six.”
(2) Stamatisa na *dulep-so/ dulev-o stis eksi. (SMG) stopped1SG.SUBJ work-PNP.1SG/work-INP.1SG at six “I stopped
working at six.”
The restriction of Griko na-clauses to PNP forms follows if the
PNP in Griko is analyzed as realizing verbal subjunctive
morphology, and if a concord relation is established between na
in Finº and the verb in Tº, in the spirit of Damonte (2010) for
Salentino. Salentino examples like (3) show that the language
employs, next to a specialized complementizer cu,
morphological subjunctive on the verb (cf. Ledgeway 2005). In
addition to morphological marking of subjunctive as in (3),
Salentino has been argued to display, in a diachronically and
diatopically consistent way, marking of subjunctive dependents
through raddoppiamento fonosintattico (Ledgeway in press (b)).
(3) Ulia *ca/cu bbegna qualchedunu. (Salentino) wanted.1SG
that.IND/that.SUBJ come-SUBJ.3SG someone ‘I wanted
someone to come.’
Thus, SMG differs from Griko in that na in Finº is the single
carrier of the mood feature, and no concord relation between na
and the indicative verb is established. The restrictions on the
distribution of the PNP in SMG derive from its temporalaspectual semantics (Giannakidou 2009, Lekakou & Nilsen
2009). By contrast, the PNP in Griko, as an aspectually
neutralized form, instantiates verbal marking of the category
subjunctive. If indeed verbal subjunctive in Griko developed as
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a result of contact with Salentino, more evidence is adduced in
favour of the idea that borrowing between Greek and Romance
in southern Italy proceeded in both directions.
References
Baldissera, V. 2013. Il dialetto grico del Salento: elementi
balcanici e contatto linguistico. PhD Thesis, University of
Venice.
Damonte, F. 2010. Matching moods: mood concord between CP
and IP in Salentino and Southern Calabrian subjunctive
complements. In P. Benincà & N. Munaro (eds.), Mapping
the left periphery, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 228256.
Giannakidou, A. 2009. On the temporal properties of mood: the
subjunctive revisited. Lingua 119:1883-1908.
Ledgeway, A. 2005. Moving through the left periphery: the dual
complementiser system in the dialects of southern Italy.
Transactions of the Philological Society 103:336-96.
Ledgeway, A (in press a). Greek Disguised as Romance? The
Case of Southern Italy. In M. Janse, B. Joseph & A. Ralli
(eds.), Proceedings of the 5th I’national Conference on
Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory.
Ledgeway, A. (in press b). Reconstructing Complementiserdrop in the Dialects of the Salento: A Syntactic or
Phonological Phenomenon? In Theresa Biberauer and
George Walkden (eds), Syntax Over Time: Lexical,
Morphological, and Information-structural Interactions.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lekakou, M. & Ø. Nilsen 2009. What aspect can tell us about
the future of MUST. Proceedings of 8th ICGL. Ioannina:
University
of
Ioannina.
Available
at:
http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/@PrdDPXRVJaAQRObt/CvTeS
HMT?10
Lightfoot, D. 1979. Principles of Diachronic Syntax.
Cambridge: CUP.
Philippaki-Warburton, I. 1998. Functional categories and
Modern Greek Syntax. The Linguistic Review 15:158-186.
General session
Rivero, M.-L. 1994. Clause structure and V-movement in the
languages of the Balkans. NLLT 12:63-120.
Roussou, A. 1999. Modals and the subjunctive. In A.Alexiadou,
G.Horrocks & M.Stavrou (eds.),
Studies in Greek Syntax. Dordrecht: Kluwer. 169-183.
Roussou, A. 2000. On the left periphery: modal particles and
complementizers. Journal of Greek Linguistics 1:65-94.
Roussou, A. 2009. In the mood for control. Lingua 119:18111836.
Tsangalidis, A. 1999. Will and tha: a comparative study of the
category future. Thessaloniki: University Studio Press.
Tsangalidis, A. 2002. Gia tous xronous tou neoellinikou
rimatos. Studies in Greek Linguistics 22: 647-658.
Greek dialects in Southern Italy: nominal syntax between
Greek and Romance?
Cristina Guardiano1 & Melita Stavrou2
Università di Modena e Reggio Emilia1, Aristotle University2
Background. In recent work about adjectival syntax in Southern
Italy, the two Greek dialects spoken in that area (in Salento,
henceforth Grico, and Southern Calabria, henceforth Bovese)
have been shown to display interesting peculiarities in the
syntax of adjectives that, once compared to that of other
Romance dialects spoken in the same area, might reveal
phenomena of contact-induced change.
The syntax of adjectives in Greek. In the Modern Greek
Determiner Phrase (DP), adnominal adjectives are
unexceptionally prenominal, despite some apparent evidence to
the contrary ((a) postnominal adjectives BUT with their own
definite article; (b) unarticulated postnominal adjectives in
indefinite noun phrases; (c) unarticulated postnominal adjectives
in predicative position). Articulated adjectives, constituting the
phenomenon of polydefiniteness or determiner spread (to pedi
to kalo), and postnominal adjectives in indefinite DPs have a
number of properties setting them apart from ordinary
modification of nouns by pronominal adjectives ((to) kalo pedi)
(Alexiadou&Wilder 1998; Campos&Stavrou 2004; Kolliakou
2004; Alexiadou 2006).
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Furthermore, it has been shown (Stavrou 2013) that the socalled polydefinite construction corresponds to a subset of
postnominal adjectives in Romance, namely those that are
restrictively interpreted.
Data. In Italian, Speaker-Oriented and (a subclass of) Manner
adjectives can only be prenominal; all other classes surface
postnominally (la bella nuova macchina blu tedesca vs. *la
bella nuova blu tedesca macchina). In the Romance dialects of
Southern Italy (here we refer in particular to Salentino, a few
Sicilian dialects, and Northern Calabrian (Guardiano 2014)),
prenominal adjectives are restricted to beautiful (i.e. bello/a and
its variants) and a few other synonyms/antonyms. All other
adjectives (with the exception of numerals) are postnominal.
Grico (data from interviews with native speakers and from
written sources) behaves exactly like these three dialects: only
orrio (‘nice/beautiful’) can occur prenominally. All other
adjectives (with the exception of numerals) are postnominal,
with no determiner spreading, precisely like in the neighboring
Romance varieties. In Bovese (data from written sources), apart
from numerals, only the equivalents of nice/bad, as well as liga
(i.e. ‘a few’), can be prenominal. All other adjectives are
postnominal and always articulated in definite DPs, just as in
(all the other varieties of) Greek. Postnominal adjectives occur
without their own article only in indefinite DPs and in
predicative position, again as in Greek.
Proposal. The facts regarding postnominal adjectives in both
GR and BO suggest that, in both dialects, an innovation was
introduced, plausibly under the Romance influence and induced
by lexical borrowing of adjectives from this group; namely
movement of the noun to a functional layer above the lexical
projection (probably the same as in the neighboring Romance
dialects), in contrast with (the rest of) Greek, where no noun
movement is assumed. Yet, while Grico has adopted the
Romance pattern as a whole, Bovese (despite showing pervasive
effects of the contact with the Romance system both in the
lexicon and in the syntax) partially preserved the Greek pattern,
since postnominal adjectives in definite DPs are articulated. The
hypothesis we will pursue is that both Greek dialects had the
polydefinite pattern, found already in Ancient Greek and
General session
surviving in Modern Greek, but in Grico it was lost under the
pressure of Romance, whereas in Bovese it was retained. If this
line of reasoning is correct, then Bovese ends up as more
conservative and less subject to contact than Grico. Further
support comes from the fact that sequences of articulated
adjectives preceding the articulated noun are not found in the
texts we searched, therefore we assume that, even if they
existed, they must have been very rare. This draws a line
between Bovese and all the other varieties of Greek, where this
ordering is very common (Campos & Stavrou 2004), and is
reminiscent of Ancient Greek, where prenominal polydefinite
adjectives are very rare as well (Guardiano 2003). Another
nominal domain where similar phenomena can be detected is
the pattern displayed by demonstratives (Guardiano 2014); here,
Romance and Greek display at least two main differences: (a) in
Romance, demonstratives never cooccur with the definite article
while in Greek they must; (b) in Romance, demonstratives
always surface DP-initially while in Greek they might also
occurr DP-internally. According to our evidence, Grico displays
a pattern that is identical to Romance, while Bovese exhibits a
more complex system (where the lexical shape of
demosntratives seems to play a crucial role). According to
standard assumptions, the behavior of Bovese in general turns
out to be aberrant. This is not surprising, given the ‘semiartificial’ nature of the variety (Bovese is no more used as an
actual vehicular language nor learned by native speakers, it is
essentially artificially maintained and retained mostly as a
symbol of cultural heritage and for the transmission of
folkloristic memories). Finally, the patterns observed here seem
to be typical of similar cases of language contact (Thomason
and Kaufmann 1988), where sociolinguistic factors such as
geographic isolation, low social prestige, diaspora, play a
crucial role in determining language change.
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D. Poster presentations
Παρακείμενος
Yoryia Agouraki
Cyprus University
Ο παρακείμενος θεωρείται γενικά υποκατηγορία του ποιού
ενεργείας με τη γενική σημασία που περιγράφεται στο 1(α).
(1) Η ‘γενική’ σημασία του Παρακειμένου
Περασμένα συμβάντα που αφορούν, με κάποιον τρόπο, το
παρόν
Πέρα από τη ‘γενική’ σημασία του παρακειμένου, στις
γλώσσες/διαλέκτους με παρακείμενο διακρίνονται και μια σειρά
από ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του παρακειμένου (βλ. (2)). Από
αυτές, ο παρακείμενος της Κοινής φαίνεται να έχει τις σημασίες
2(β)-(δ).
(2) Οι ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του Παρακειμένου
α. Καθολική σημασία/ σημασία διάρκειας
β. Υπαρκτική σημασία/ σημασία της εμπειρίας
γ. Σημασία του αποτελέσματος
δ. Σημασία του πρόσφατου παρελθόντος/ σημασία ‘φρέσκα
νέα’
ε. Σημασία της συνήθειας/ επαναλαμβανόμενης πράξης
Δημιουργούνται τα εύλογα ερωτήματα στο (3).
(3) Βασικά ερωτήματα
α. Πώς μπορούν/γίνεται τόσες ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες να
‘συνδέονται’ με μία/ τη συγκεκριμένη ‘γενική’ σημασία;
β. Τι σχέση έχει η κάθε μία από τις ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του
παρακειμένου με τη ‘γενική’ σημασία του παρακειμένου;
Ο στόχος του άρθρου είναι διττός και περιγράφεται στο (4).
General session
(4)
α. Να ‘τοποθετήσουμε’ τη σημασία του Παρακειμένου μέσα
στο πλαίσιο της σημασίας της πρότασης.
β. Να βρούμε τα ανεξάρτητα, ενδεχομένως, κομμάτια σημασίας
τα οποία προστίθενται στη ‘γενική’ σημασία του παρακειμένου
για να ‘παραχθούν’ οι θεωρούμενες ως ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες
του παρακειμένου.
Προτείνεται η διάκριση ±εξωτερική χρονική ροή (βλ. (5)), η
οποία συσχετίζεται με μία δεύτερη προτεινόμενη διάκριση, τη
διάκριση ανάμεσα σε δυναμικό και στατικό τρόπο παρουσίασης
μιας πληροφορίας (βλ. (6)).
(5) ±εξωτερική χρονική ροή
α. Στην +εξωτερική χρονική ροή έχουμε διαδοχή γεγονότων.
β. Στην –εξωτερική χρονική ροή ο ομιλητής εστιάζει σε μια
συγκεκριμένη χρονική στιγμή/περίοδο και περιγράφει ή
συνοψίζει την κατάσταση πραγμάτων (μέχρι) εκείνη τη χρονική
στιγμή/περίοδο.
(6) Δυναμικός ή στατικός τρόπος παρουσίασης μιας πληροφορίας
Ο Παρακείμενος ως δείκτης του στατικού τρόπου παρουσίασης
μιας πληροφορίας για περασμένα συμβάντα.
Οι ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του παρακειμένου παράγονται όπως
περιγράφεται στο (7).
(7)
α. Οι ανεξάρτητες ‘επιμέρους’ σημασίες του παρακειμένου
περιλαμβάνουν τη σημασία της διάρκειας, τη σημασία της
συνήθειας/ επαναλαμβανόμενης ενέργειας, την αόριστη
σημασία και την οριστική σημασία.
β. Τα ανεξάρτητα κομμάτια σημασίας τα οποία προστίθενται
στη ‘γενική’ σημασία του παρακειμένου για να ‘παραχθούν’ οι
‘επιμέρους’
σημασίες
περιλαμβάνουν
τη
διάκριση
συγκεκριμένη/γενικευτική πρόταση και τη διάκριση πρόταση
κατηγόρησης/ υπαρκτική συμβάντος.
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Διακρίνονται τρεις χρήσεις του στατικού τρόπου παρουσίασης
μιας πληροφορίας (βλ. (8)).
(8) Χρήσεις του στατικού τρόπου παρουσίασης μιας πληροφορίας
α. η χρήση ως προϊστορίας
β. η τροπική χρήση
γ. η χρήση εκτός συμφραζομένων
Εξετάζεται, τέλος, αν ο παρακείμενος είναι υποχρεωτικός
δείκτης του στατικού τρόπου παρουσίασης μιας πληροφορίας
για περασμένα συμβάντα στην Κοινή ή πώς μαρκάρεται ο
στατικός τρόπος παρουσίασης μιας πληροφορίας για περασμένα
συμβάντα σε διαλέκτους χωρίς παρακείμενο.
Ετερόκλιση και Παραδειγματική Ομοιομορφία στην
Ονοματική Κλίση της διαλέκτου της Λέσβου και των
Κυδωνιών – THALIS PROJECT
Vaso Alexelli & Angela Ralli
University of Patras
"Ετερόκλιση (heteroclisis) ονομάζεται η ιδιότητα του λεξήματος
να περιλαμβάνει στο κλιτικό του παράδειγμα δύο ή
περισσότερες κλιτικές τάξεις" (Stump 2006: 278). Σύμφωνα με
τον Maiden (2009: 59-86), η ετερόκλιση επηρεάζεται από
μορφολογικούς, κυρίως, παράγοντες και ενισχυτικά για την
εμφάνισή της φαίνεται να λειτουργεί η παρουσία θεματικής
αλλομορφίας.
Σε αυτή την παρουσίαση θα δείξουμε ότι η παρουσία
θεματικής αλλομορφίας διαδραματίζει σημαντικό ρόλο όχι μόνο
στην περίπτωση της ετερόκλισης -κατά την πρόταση του
Maiden- αλλά και στην ενεργοποίηση δια-παραδειγματικής
ομοιομορφίας (inter-paradigmatic levelling). Αυτό άλλωστε
προκύπτει και από τον ορισμό της παραδειγματικής
ομοιομορφίας, η οποία κατά τον Bussmann (1996) ορίζεται ως η
μείωση ή εξάλειψη των μορφολογικών και φωνολογικών
διαφοροποιήσεων σε ένα κλιτικό παράδειγμα. Στη
συγκεκριμένη συμβολή θα ελέγξουμε το ρόλο της θεματικής
αλλομορφίας στην εμφάνιση των δύο παραπάνω φαινομένων
General session
(ετερόκλιση και δια-παραδειγματική ομοιομορφία) αντλώντας
παραδείγματα από την ανάλυση της ονοματικής κλίσης της
λεσβιακής διαλέκτου.
Για τον σκοπό αυτό συγκεντρώσαμε ένα corpus
ουσιαστικών προερχόμενων από ηχογραφήσεις αφηγήσεων που
συνελέγησαν στο πλαίσιο δύο ερευνητικών προγραμμάτων της
καθ. Αγγελικής Ράλλη και τα οποία εκπονήθηκαν/εκπονούνται
στο Εργαστήριο Νεοελληνικών Διαλέκτων (1. Καταγραφή και
Μελέτη της Διαλέκτου Κυδωνιών και Μοσχονησίων,
Υπουργείο Αιγαίου 2002-2004, 2. Καταγραφή, μελέτη και
χαρτογράφηση των ιδιωμάτων της Λέσβου, Γενική Γραμματεία
Αιγαίου και Νησιωτικής Πολιτικής 2010-2016). Η συλλογή
έγινε σύμφωνα με την εθνογραφική μεθοδολογία συλλογής
πρωτότυπου υλικού, όπως αυτή περιγράφεται από τους
Παπαζαχαρίου & Αρχάκη (2003). Όλοι οι πληροφορητές είναι
φυσικοί ομιλητές της Λεσβιακής διαλέκτου, άνω των 60, άνδρες
και γυναίκες, του ιδίου μορφωτικού περιεχομένου, και
προέρχονται κυρίως από χωριά της Ανατολικής Λέσβου.
Ως προς τη λεσβιακή διάλεκτο, πρέπει να σημειωθεί ότι
πέραν των φωνολογικών αποκλίσεων που παρουσιάζει από την
Κοινή Νέα Ελληνική (ΚΝΕ), καθώς ανήκει στα βόρεια
ιδιώματα, εμφανίζει και έντονες μορφολογικές αποκλίσεις.
Αυτό έχει ως αποτέλεσμα τη διαμόρφωση ενός νέου και αρκετά
διαφορετικού κλιτικού συστήματος από αυτό της ΚΝΕ.
Συγκεκριμένα, στη διάλεκτο διαφαίνεται μια τάση
αναδιάρθρωσης των κλιτικών παραδειγμάτων και συρρίκνωσης
των Κλιτικών Τάξεων (ΚΤ), όπως αυτές έχουν προταθεί από τη
Ralli (2000) και Ράλλη (2005). Στο υλικό μας εφαρμόσαμε τα
κριτήρια που η Ράλλη (2005) χρησιμοποίησε για την οργάνωση
των Κ.Τ. της ΚΝΕ., δηλαδή τη συστηματική αλλομορφία του
θέματος και την μορφή των κλιτικών επιθημάτων,
προσθέτοντας και το επιπλέον χαρακτηριστικό του γένους. Με
βάση αυτά τα κριτήρια, οδηγηθήκαμε στο συμπέρασμα ότι το
ονοματικό σύστημα της Λεσβιακής αναδιαρθρώνεται σε
λιγότερες Κ.Τ., την κατανομή των οποίων θα αναλύσουμε κατά
τη διάρκεια της παρουσίασης. Προτείνουμε ότι βασικός λόγος
για αυτή την αναδιάρθρωση είναι η εμφάνιση ή η εξάλειψη μιας
θεματικής αλλομορφίας, διαφορετικής από αυτή που υπάρχει
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στην ΚΝΕ, όπως άλλωστε έχει επισημανθεί στο παρελθόν από
τους Ράλλη, Μελισσαροπούλου και Τσιάμα (2003: 568-579).
Για παράδειγμα, το ουδέτερο ουσιαστικό λάθους (ΚΝΕ
λάθος) εμφανίζει τον τύπο λάθητα στον πληθυντικό, δηλαδή
τύπο που κλίνεται κατά το παράδειγμα των ουσιαστικών σε -ο
(π.χ. βουνό πληθ. βουνά). Παρ’ όλα αυτά, ο τύπος αυτός
συνυπάρχει με τον αρχαιοπρεπή τύπο λάθ (< ΚΝΕ λάθη με
αποβολή του άτονου τελικού /i/), δείχνοντας αφενός μεν ότι το
φαινόμενο της αναδιάρθρωσης του κλιτικού παραδείγματος των
ουδετέρων είναι σε εξέλιξη, αφετέρου την εμφάνιση
ετερόκλισης λόγω της δημιουργίας του νέου αλλομορφικού
τύπου.
Όπως
ήδη
αναφέραμε,
στην
παραδειγματική
ομοιομορφία και στην εμφάνιση ετερόκλισης σημαντικό ρόλο
δεν παίζει μόνο η εμφάνιση θεματικής αλλομορφίας αλλά και η
εξάλειψη μιας ήδη υπάρχουσας αλλομορφίας. Για παράδειγμα,
ο πληθυντικός του αρσενικού ουσιαστικού μπακάλ’ς (< ΚΝΕ
μπακάλης) αναλλάσσσει τους τύπους μπακάλ’δις (< ΚΝΕ
μπακάληδες) με θεματικό αλλόμορφο το μπακαληδ-, και
μπακαλοί, χωρίς θεματικό αλλόμορφο. Ο δεύτερος τύπος του
πληθυντικού είναι νεωτερικός και αφορά αρσενικά ουσιαστικά
με αλλόμορφο σε -δ. Η εμφάνισή του όμως υπόκειται και σε
κάποιους φωνολογικούς περιορισμούς, αφού εφαρμόζεται στα
ουσιαστικά σε -ανη(ς) και -αρη(ς).
Τέλος, αξίζει να επισημάνουμε ότι τόσο το φαινόμενο
της ετερόκλισης όσο και το φαινόμενο της παραδειγματικής
ομοιομορφίας, στη διάλεκτο της Λέσβου, εμφανίζονται κυρίως
στον πληθυντικό αριθμό. Θεωρούμε ότι η επιλογή του
πληθυντικού έναντι του ενικού αριθμού δικαιολογείται από το
γεγονός ότι ο πληθυντικός είναι σημασιολογικά μαρκαρισμένη
κατηγορία, σε αντίθεση με τον αμαρκάριστο ενικό, και ως εκ
τούτου είναι περισσότερο επιρρεπής στην αλλαγή.
Επιλεγμένη Βιβλιογραφία:
Bussmann, H. (1996). Routledge dictionary of language and
linguistics. London & New York: Routledge.
Maiden, M. (2009). Where does heteroclisis come from?
Evidence from Romanian dialects: Morphology 19: 59-86.
General session
Παπαζαχαρίου, Δ., & Αρχάκης, Α. (2003). Εθνογραφικός
προσδιορισμός δεδομένων από νεανικές συνομιλίες. Μελέτες
για την Ελληνική Γλώσσα: 23, σσ. 289-300.
Ralli, A. (2000). A Feature-based Analysis of Greek Nominal
Inflection. Glossolojia 11-12, 201-228
Ράλλη, Α. (2005). Μορφολογία. Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις Πατάκη.
Ράλλη, Α., Μελισσαροπούλου, Δ. & Θ. Τσιάμας. (2003).
Φαινόμενα Αναδιάρθρωσης του Ονοματικού Κλιτικού
Παραδείγματος στη Μικρασιατική Διάλεκτο των Κυδωνιών
και Μοσχονησίων. Μελέτες για την Ελληνική Γλώσσα, 568579.
Stump, G. (2006). Heteroclisis and paradigm linkage. Language
82: 279-322.
Orthographic trends for a non-standardised variety: the
representation of the CiV sequence in Cypriot Greek
Marianna Katsoyannou,1 Kyriaki Christodoulou,2 Spyros
Armosti3
1,2
University of Cyprus , Open University of Cyprus3
Cypriot Greek (CG), a variety of Modern Greek spoken in the
Republic of Cyprus, lacks a standardised orthography,
something that poses problems for its written representation.
One of the challenges for standardising the CG
orthography is the representation of synizesis. Synizesis is the
phonological process whereby an unstressed /i/ in a CiV
sequence does not surface as a syllable nucleus, and hence
either turns into a consonant or deletes. For instance, after
voiceless obstruents the outcome is the palatal [c], while after
the tap /ɾ/ the outcome is the velar [k]: e.g. /pio/
[pco]
‘more’; /po tiɾiɐ/
[po tiɾkɐ] ‘drinking glasses’. The challenge
this phenomenon poses for CG orthography is whether to
represent it more phonetically (e.g. 〈πκιο〉, 〈ποτήρκα〉) or
phonologically (e.g. 〈πιο〉, 〈ποτήρια〉). Any solution selected
should be based on theoretical considerations but also on the
preferences of native speakers of CG. The present paper reports
the results of a pilot study which investigates the tendencies of
Greek Cypriots in writing various types of the CiV sequence.
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This study was part of an on-going research program undertaken
in Cyprus for the creation of lexicographic resources of the
dialect. Subjects of different sex, age, and educational
backgrounds were exposed to audio stimuli of words containing
the CiV sequence and were asked to write down on paper what
they heard. The main findings indicated that there was a
preference for writing phonologically rather than phonetically in
cases whereby /i/ was preceded by plosive consonants, such as
/p/ or /t/. This way of writing concurs with Standard Greek
orthography. However, a systematic phonetic representation
dominates in cases whereby /i/ is preceded by fricative
consonants, such as /θ/ or /f/, or the tap /ɾ/. In the light of these
findings, we discuss the factors that may affect the preferences
of Greek Cypriots in writing CG, such as the influence of the
writing system of Standard Modern Greek, and phonotactic
constraints of CG.
References
Cahill & Karan (2008) Factors in designing effective
orthographies for unwritten languages. SIL Electronic
Working Papers 2008-001: 16.
Coutsougera, P. & G. V. Georgiou (to appear) An Orthographic
System for Cypriot Greek. Actes du XXX Colloque
International de Linguistique Fonctionnelle (Nicosia, 18–21
October 2006). Paris: L’Harmattan.
A typology of vowel-vowel and consonant-vowel-consonant
phenomena in the dialectal variants of Western Crete and its
use in education
Marina Tzakosta
University of Crete
Since vowels are considered to be structurally solid and,
therefore, remain unchangeable in the Cretan dialect (both the
eastern and western variants), it is not strange that front vowels
/e/and /i/ trigger fronting to adjacent consonants (data in (1a-b)).
In general, in the dialects of Crete vowels seem to be triggers of
General session
harmonic phenomena targeting not only other vowels but also
consonants even non-adjacent (data in (1c-d)) (Κοντοσόπουλος
2001, 2006). This goes against Autosegmental Theory (cf.
Goldsmith 1984) according to which vowels and consonants are
located at different harmonic tiers, a fact which implies that
vowels can harmonize with vowels and consonants can
harmonize with consonants.
In this paper, we argue that vowel harmony phenomena
depend on several morphophonological principles, such as the
position of the vowels in the word, i.e. whether they belong to
stressed or unstressed syllables or whether they are located in
word initial, medial or final position, or whether they belong to
certain morphological environments (Revithiadou et al. 2005).
Aim of this paper is to make a typology of vowel affecting and
vowel affected phenomena. The typology will be the product of
the study and processing of a) longitudinal developmental data
from two children who acquire Greek as a mother language (age
range 1;05-3;00), b) samples of free speech and c) data
stemming from a structured picture naming task, d) indexed
dialectal data (Tzakosta 2010, Tzakosta & Karra 2011). The
typology will be supported by a statistical analysis which will
underline the frequency of emergence of the Greek vowels and
the salience of vowel affecting and vowel affected phenomena.
The value of the typological/ theoretical and statistical
analysis of our data is: on the one hand, we will offer a complete
theoretical account of the vowels emerging in the dialects of
Western Crete. On the other hand, vowel frequency and salience
rates will facilitate the designation of certain strategies used in
the teaching of vowels in preschool and primary school
education.
Examples
(1a) mikrόs
mićos ‘small-MASC. NOM.SG.’
(1b) lύzi
lύji ‘shampoo-3PRES.SG.’
(1c) oloéna
oļoéna ‘continuously-ADV.’
(1d) salvárja
çaluvάrja ‘costume-NEUT.NOM.PL.’
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References
Κοντοσόπουλος, Ν. 2001. Διάλεκτοι και ιδιώματα της νέας
ελληνικής. Αθήνα: εκδ. Γρηγόρη.
Κοντοσόπουλος, Ν. 2006. Γλωσσικός άτλας της Κρήτης.
Ηράκλειο/ Αθήνα: Πανεπιστημιακές Εκδόσεις Κρήτης.
Tzakosta, M. 2010. ‘The Importance of Being Voiced:’ Cluster
Formation in Dialectal Variants of Greek. In Ralli, A., B.
Joseph, M. Janse and A. Karasimos (eds.) E-proceedings of
the 4th International Conference of Modern Greek Dialects
and Linguistic Theory. University of Patras. 213-223.
http://www.philology.upatras.gr/LMGD/el/index.html (ISSN:
1792-3743).
Tzakosta, M. and A. Karra. 2011. A typological and
comparative account of CL and CC clusters in Greek
dialects. In Janse, Μ., B. Joseph, P. Pavlou, A. Ralli & S.
Armosti (eds.) Studies in Modern Greek Dialects and
Linguistic Theory I. Nicosia: Kykkos Cultural Research
Centre, 95–105.
Compiling the microstructure of a multi-media tri-dialectal
online dictionary: Decisions and practices – THALIS
PROJECT
Eleonora Dimela, Dimitra Melissaropoulou, Christos
Papanagiotou,
George J. Xydopoulos & Angela Ralli
University of Patras
In this paper we discuss a series of methodological issues in the
compilation of a multi-media tri-dialectal online dictionary of
the Asia Minor Greek Dialects of Aivali, Pontus and
Cappadocia (TDGDAM). This dictionary is a deliverable of the
“Thales AMIGRE” project and, we believe, constitutes an
innovative piece of reference work in the area of dialectal (e)lexicography, both in terms of theory and application, taking
into consideration the rather scarce literature available (for
relevant discussion see e.g. Barbato & Varvaro 2004,
Karanikolas et al. 2014 and Xydopoulos & Ralli 2013). In other
General session
words, in making decisions for the compilation of TDGDAM
we have been challenged by various issues pertaining to the
particularity of these non-standard varieties of Greek, e.g.
orality and the lack of established writing/spelling systems,
historicality of existing written resources, intra-dialectal
variation (e.g. Béjoint 2010, Xydopoulos 2011, Dimela to
appear). In particular, we investigate all major issues concerning
the way we structured the microstructure of TDGDAM,
pertaining to pronunciation, grammar, origin, meaning and
usage accompanied by illustrative examples from different
entries of all three dialects. We put special emphasis on the
following:

Regarding the form of the headword, we decided to
adopt the capitalized form (in the sense of Penhalluric 2009),
i.e. the most appropriate and advantageous option. This decision
has
helped
us
avoid
prescription,
through
the
(re)conventionalization of (semi-phonetic) spelling rules in the
dialect, by adding special symbols or diacritics, while it allowed
us to include alternative orthographic forms found in different
written sources of the three dialects.

The phonetic form, we believe, is of major significance
in a dialectal dictionary. In this vein, we transcribe dialectal
data, in a broad phonetic transcription, solely using IPA
characters (see e.g. Atkins & Rundell 2008). Phonetic forms are
accompanied by sound files (WAV) containing the authentic
pronunciation performed by native speakers. This decision has
proved to be crucial in disentangling discrepancies between
written resources and actual pronunciation.

In the formal comment we also include information on
(i) etymology (ii) the morphological process involved in the
formation of the lemma (iii) the lexical category of each
different realization form. We restrict etymological information
to the most recent origin, while we pay particular attention to
loan forms from other languages in contact as well as cases with
common form of reference for all three varieties, highlighting
both their common and diverse characteristics. We also include
categorial information next to each alternative phonetic form in
order to highlight micro-dialectal differentiations, e.g. in gender.
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
In the semantic-pragmatic comment, we mainly use
synonymic definitions, while sentential versions (e.g. Geeraerts
2003) are opted for in difficult cases or in dialect-specific
meanings. In selected lemmas, definitions are enriched with
multimedia information (pictures and/or videos, hyperlinks), a
small thesaurus of synonyms and antonyms and cross-references
to other related lemmas. Moreover, we provide authentic
examples of use, accompanied by translation in the standard
form of Greek, that help the user to better understand the
definitions. In addition, we use labels of usage to indicate the
thematic domain for every different meaning of each entry (e.g.
agriculture, fishing, religion) when available and the
“pragmatics” that limit its range of application.
The discussion in our work is intended as a contribution to the
lexicographic treatment of dialectal variation, emphasizing
Modern Greek Dialects as well as to the preservation of Asia
Minor’s linguistic heritage.
Selected References
Atkins, B. T. S. & M. Rundell 2008. The Oxford guide to
practical lexicography. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Barbato, M. & A. Varvaro 2004. Dialect dictionaries.
International Journal of Lexicography 17.4,
429-439.
Béjoint, H. 2010. The lexicography of English. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Burke, S. M. 2003. The design of online lexicons. In P. van
Sterkenburg (ed.), A practical guide to lexicography.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 240-249.
Dimela, Ε. (to appear). Τα Λεξικά Διαλέκτων [Dialectal
Dictionaries]. In G. J. Xydopoulos and G. Trapalis (eds.),
Εγχειρίδιο λεξικογραφίας [Handbook of Lexicography]. To
be published in Athens by Patakis.
Karanikolas, N., E. Galiotou, G. Xydopoulos, A. Ralli, K
Athanasakos & G. Koronakis. 2013. Structuring a
Multimedia Tri-Dialectal Dictionary. Lecture Notes in
Computer Science 8082, 509-518.
General session
Geeraerts, D. 2003. Meaning and definition. In P. van
Sterkenburg (ed.), A practical guide to lexicography.
Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 83-93.
Penhallurick, R. 2009. Dialect dictionaries. In A. P. Cowie (ed.),
The Oxford History of English Lexicography. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, Volume II, 290-313.
Xydopoulos, G. J. 2011. Μεταλεξικογραφικές παρατηρήσεις
στα λεξικά Μ. Μπεναρδή & Α. Σύρκου [Metalexicographic
observations on the dialectal dictionaries of M. Benardis and
A. Syrkou]. In Patras Working Papers in Linguistics 2.1
(Special Volume on the dialect of Megara), 96-113.
Xydopoulos, G. J. & A. Ralli. 2013. Greek dialects in Asia
Minor: Setting lexicographic principles for a tridialectal
dictionary. In M. Janse, B. D. Joseph, A. Ralli & M.
Bagriacik (eds.), Online Proceedings of the 5th International
Conference on Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic
Theory (MGDLT 5, Ghent Belgium, 20-22 September 2012
), 524-536.
Vowel raising and deletion in Kozani Greek
Evia Kainada1, Angelos Lengeris2 & Nina Topintzi3
University of Ioannina1, University of Thessaloniki2, University
of Leipzig3
Northern Greek dialects are phonologically characterized by
two hallmark phenomena: raising of unstressed /e/ and /o/
(henceforth VR) and deletion of unstressed /i/ and /u/
(henceforth VD) (Chatzidakis 1905; Papadopoulos 1927;
Newton 1972; Browning 1991; Kondosopoulos 2000; Trudgill
2003). While impressionistic reports of the phenomena in
various Northern dialects are abundant, systematic and
experimental research is very limited. Two notable exceptions
are Topintzi & Baltazani (2012; henceforth T&B) and Kainada
& Baltazani (submitted; on Ipiros Greek). Focusing on VD in
Kozani Greek (KG), T&B report that (a) VD does not apply
categorically even when conditions favour its application; (b) its
phonetic output is also gradient involving a number of stages in
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its implementation; and (c) there are several asymmetries
between i-VD vs. u-VD application.
The present paper follows-up on T&B in the examination
of KG – allowing for direct comparison of the results in the two
studies –but seeks to extend it in two significant ways: by also
considering VR and by exploring further aspects relevant to VD.
Notably, the results of T&B were deemed rather tentative given
that they relied on recordings of only one KG speaker who read
aloud a text written in the dialect. Our current data aspires to
eliminate this potentially confounding effect as they are based
on recordings of spontaneous speech (describing their lives,
hobbies, etc.) from 6 KG speakers collected for the
VOCALECT Thalis project (Baltazani et al. 2012-2015). For
the purposes of this paper, we selected and analyzed 5 minutes
of dialectal speech from each KG speaker (from a total of
around 45 minutes of speech recorded for each speaker).
Preliminary results suggest that both VR and VD are
variable and gradient phenomena, with VD however applying
more frequently than VR. This result comes in stark contrast
with Dinas (2005: 36-37, 43), who claims that VR applies
deterministically unlike VD, but is in accord with Kainada &
Baltazani (submitted) for Ipiros Greek. The comparison of i-VD
vs. u-VD verifies the asymmetries also identified in T&B,
although in a somewhat different way. For instance, T&B found
that u-VD applies more commonly than i-VD, while our results
indicate a rather comparable distribution of the two processes,
although differences do emerge. For example, i-VD is more
frequent post-tonically, but u-VD pre-tonically.
Acoustically, the KG vowel space extends to a smaller
area than the area reported for Standard Modern Greek (e.g.
Arvaniti 2007). Fig. 1 shows that raised /e, o/ of KG female
speakers are much closer to non-raised (unstressed) /i, u/
respectively than to non-raised (unstressed) /e/ and /o/.
General session
Figure 1: Position in the vowel space of unstressed /e, o, i, u/ for KG female
speakers and for raised /e, o/.
The acoustic characteristics of VR and VD (duration, F1 and F2
formant frequencies, gradient acoustic manifestations) as a
function of factors such as position within the word and position
of V related to stress are discussed in an attempt to determine
the conditions that favour or block the application of the two
phenomena.
References
Arvaniti, Amalia. 2007. Greek phonetics: The state of the art.
Journal of Greek Linguistics 8: 97–208.
Baltazani, Mary et al. 2012-2015. VOCALECT. VOwels of
greek dialects: phonetiC and phonologicAL analysis, dialect
index construction, and diffusion of results through
educational material. Thalis Project. Greek Ministry of
Education Grant.
Browning, Robert. 1991. Medieval and Modern Greek [Η
ελληνική γλώσσα μεσαιωνική και νέα]. 1st edition 1962, 2nd
edition 1983; Greek edition 1991. Athens: Papadima
Publications
Chatzidakis, Georgios. 1905. Medieval and Modern Greek A'
[Μεσαιωνικά και Νέα Ελληνικά Α']. Athens: P.D.
Sakellarios.
Dinas, Kostas. 2005. The dialect of Kozani [Το γλωσσικό ιδίωμα
της Κοζάνης]. Kozani: Instituto Vivliu ke Anagnosis.
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Kainada, Evia & Mary Baltazani. submitted. The vocalic system
of the dialect of Ipiros. In Proceedings of the 11th
International Conference on Greek Linguistics.
Kondosopoulos, Nikolaos. 2000. Dialects and Idioms of Modern
Greek [Διάλεκτοι και Ιδιώματα της Νέας Ελληνικής]. 3rd
edition. Athens: Gregori Publications.
Newton, Brian. 1972. The Generative Interpretation of Dialect:
A Study of Modern Greek Phonology. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Papadopoulos, Anthimos. 1927. Grammar of Modern Greek
Northern Idioms [Γραμματική των Βορείων Ιδιωμάτων της
Νέας Ελληνικής]. Athens: P.D. Sakellarios.
Topintzi, Nina & Mary Baltazani. 2012. The acoustics of highvowel loss in a Northern Greek dialect and typological
implications. In Consonant clusters and structural
complexity, Phil Hoole et al. (eds.), Interface Explorations
series, Mouton de Gruyter, pp. 369-398.
Trudgill, Peter. 2003. Modern Greek dialects: a preliminary
classification. Journal of Greek Linguistics 4: 45-64.
Challenges of Annotating a Multi-Dialect, Multi-Level Corpus
of Spoken and Written Modern Greek Dialects – ΤΗALIS
PROJECT
Athanasios Karasimos1, Eleni Galiotou2, Nikitas Karanikolas2,
George Koronakis2, Kostas Athanasakos2, Dimitris
Papazachariou3 & Angela Ralli3
Academy of Athens & University of Patras1
TEI Athinon2, University of Patras3
Πολλές από τις διαλέκτους και ιδιώματα της Κοινής Νέας
Ελληνικής ομιλούνται στην καθημερινή ζωή, ενώ κάποιες από
αυτές χρησιμοποιούνται από συγκεκριμένες ομάδες – κυρίως
ατόμων της τρίτης ηλικίας και κινδυνεύουν να εξαφανιστούν.
Αυτές οι διάλεκτοι διαφέρουν σε φωνολογικό, μορφολογικό και
σημασιολογικό επίπεδο. Λιγοστά ερευνητικά κέντρα
συμμετέχουν ενεργά και συστηματικά στη συλλογή διαλεκτικού
προφορικού και γραπτού υλικού. Ωστόσο, η μόνη συστηματική
προσπάθεια για ψηφιοποίηση, καταλογογράφηση και
κωδικοποίηση διαλεκτικών δεδομένων έχει γίνει από το
General session
Εργαστήριο Μελέτης Νεοελληνικών Διαλέκτων του
Πανεπιστημίου Πατρών με τη δημιουργία της βάσης δεδομένων
GREED.
Στην παρούσα μελέτη που αποτελεί μέρος του
προγράμματος «AMIGRE – Πόντος, Καππαδοκία, Αϊβαλί: στα
χνάρια της Μικρασιάτικης Ελληνικής Γλώσσας» παρουσιάζεται
η επισημείωση ενός διαλεκτικού σώματος αρχείων που διαφέρει
από τα υπόλοιπα σε δύο βασικά σημεία. Πρώτον, έχει
συμπεριληφθεί ένα μεγάλο εύρος δειγμάτων από τις διαλεκτικές
ποικιλίες του Πόντου, της Καππαδοκίας και του Αϊβαλιού και
αποτελεί την πιο ευρεία κάλυψη των συγκεκριμένων
διαλεκτικών περιοχών σε προφορικό και γραπτό υλικό.
Επιπροσθέτως, παρέχονται τα αποτελέσματα από μια
συστηματοποιημένη προσπάθεια επισημείωσης με κοινή
στρατηγική σε γραπτά και προφορικά δεδομένα.
Το συγκεκριμένο διαλεκτικό σώμα κειμένων έχει μια
μεγάλη ποικιλία χαρακτηριστικών που συνδυαστικά
δημιουργούν ένα εξειδικευμένο εργαλείο για τη γλωσσολογική
και διαλεκτολογική μελέτη. Αυτά τα χαρακτηριστικά είναι
μεταξύ άλλων: γλωσσολογικό περιεχόμενο (διάλεκτοι από τρεις
περιοχές που συσχετίζονται), multi-tiers επισημείωση
(μεταγραφή και απεικόνιση προφορικού και γραπτού υλικού με
βάση διεθνή στάνταρ, π.χ. SAMPA), πολυεπίπεδα
μεταδεδομένα (TEI), αναβαθμισμένη μηχανή αναζήτησης
(βασισμένη σε γλωσσολογική πληροφορία και μεταδεδομένα),
ψηφιακές συλλογές χειρογράφων και ηχητικών αρχείων, χάρτες
απεικόνισης των δεδομένων και συνοδευτικό multimedia τριδιαλεκτικό λεξικό.
Σημαντικά ζητήματα για την επισημείωση σε
φωνολογικό επίπεδο αντιμετωπίστηκαν κατά τη μελέτη καθότι
έγινε μια συστηματική προσπάθεια να ενοποιηθούν όλες οι
διαφορετικές μεταγραφές διαλεκτικού γραπτού υλικού που δεν
υπήρχε κοινή στρατηγική απεικόνισης. Παράλληλα προτείνεται
πολυεπίπεδη φωνολογική (παράλληλα με μορφολογική)
επισημείωση του σώματος κειμένων καθιερώνοντας ένα βασικό
πρότυπο επισημείωσης διαλεκτικού υλικού για τις
Νεοελληνικές Διαλέκτους σε καθιερωμένα λογισμικά ανάλυσης
ομιλίας.
97
98
6th MGDLT
Ανίχνευση πολιτισμικών στοιχείων στο διαδίκτυο: Ψηφιακές
προκλήσεις στην έρευνα Διαλεκτολογίας και Εθνολογίας
Athanasios Karasimos1 & Iraklitos Souyioultzoglou2
Academy of Athens & University of Patras1, Academy of
Athens2
Ένας από τους κύριους θεωρητικούς προβληματισμούς των
διάφορων μελετών της Ανθρωπολογίας της Γλώσσας (Foley
1997) και της Εθνολογίας (Ferraro 2006) αναφέρεται στη
συσχέτιση της γλωσσικής έκφρασης με το ευρύτερο κοινωνικό
και πολιτισμικό περιβάλλον, καθώς και -σε ένα ευρύτερο
πλαίσιο- στη σχέση μεταξύ πολιτισμικών παραγώγων,
εθνοτικών ταυτοτήτων και κοινωνικών συμπεριφορών. Η
πρόσφατη ανάπτυξη του κλάδου των Digital Humanities (DH)
θέτει νέες μεθοδολογικές προκλήσεις για την Εθνολογία και τη
Γλωσσολογία, που πλέον καλούνται να υπερκεράσουν τα όποια
μεθοδολογικά ζητήματα προέκυψαν κατά τη διεπιστημονική
μελέτη του λαϊκού πολιτισμού, αλλά και να ανταποκριθούν στις
νέες προκλήσεις που γεννιούνται από τη χρήση ψηφιακών
εφαρμογών για την αναπαραγωγή της πολιτισμικής
πληροφορίας.
Στο πλαίσιο του προγράμματος DARIAH-GR
(Ανάπτυξη της Ελληνικής Ερευνητικής Υποδομής για τις
Ανθρωπιστικές Επιστήμες), εστιάζουμε στην καταγραφή
ψηφιακών και μη συλλογών που περιέχουν τεκμήρια ανθρωπογλωσσολογικού
ενδιαφέροντος
(διαλεκτικά
κείμενα,
ηχογραφήσεις, οπτικοακουστικό υλικό), οι οποίες είναι κατά
κάποιο τρόπο απομακρυσμένες και απομονωμένες από το
πολιτισμικό συμφραζόμενο. Ειδικά κατά τη διαδικασία
τεκμηρίωσης των διαθέσιμων στο διαδίκτυο πηγών,
προκύπτουν τα ακόλουθα ζητήματα:
Μπορούμε, έχοντας πρόσβαση μόνο σε ά-χρονα και άχωρα δεδομένα (ψηφιακό περιεχόμενο) να αποδώσουμε τη
διαχρονικότητα και την ποικιλία που χαρακτηρίζουν τον λαϊκό
πολιτισμό σε διαλεκτικό και ανθρωπολογικό επίπεδο; Είναι
δυνατή η ποιοτική αξιολόγηση τεκμηρίων αυτής της μορφής, ο
έλεγχος αξιοπιστίας των δεδομένων και η αξιοποίησή τους για
την εξαγωγή συμπερασμάτων σχετικά με τα είδη και την
εξέλιξη των μορφών πολιτισμικής έκφρασης; Επιπλέον, πώς
General session
πρέπει να αξιολογούμε τα τεκμήρια, όταν η προβολή τους
γίνεται «ερασιτεχνικά», όπως στην περίπτωση των διάφορων
πολιτιστικών συλλόγων, που πλέον παράγουν και
δημοσιοποιούν την πλειονότητα της διαλεκτικής και
ανθρωπολογικής πληροφορίας; Τέλος, είναι εφικτό -μέσω των
τεχνολογιών, της μεθοδολογίας και των εφαρμογών των DH- να
αναβαθμίστει ποιοτικά το διαθέσιμο πολιτισμικό υλικό, ίσως
και να αναπαραχθεί συνδυαστικά με το βιωματικό πλαίσιο
εντός του οποίου παράγεται;
Η
ευρύτερη
έρευνα
βασίζεται
στη
χρήση
ερωτηματολογίου για την απάντηση των παραπάνω
ερωτημάτων από φορείς και συλλόγους που εμπλέκονται με
διαλέκτους, λαογραφία και ανθρωπολογία. Έτσι γίνεται και μια
γεωγραφική διαλεκτική χαρτογράφηση και κατανομή
συλλόγων, μια αξιολόγηση της πληροφορίας που παρέχεται για
έρευνα και παράλληλα προτείνουμε βασικές αρχές, κριτήρια και
στρατηγικές για την αντιμετώπιση των προαναφερθέντων
ζητημάτων στην ελληνική πραγματικότητα με βάση πρακτικές
των DH (Hirsch 2012).
Determiner spreading in Cappadocian Greek
Petros Karatsareas1 & Marika Lekakou2
University of the West of England & Open University of
Cyprus1, University of Ioannina2
In this paper, we take a micro-comparative approach to
determiner spreading (DS) in Cappadocian Greek (CG). DS
involves the multiple morphosyntactic realization of the definite
article in a construction that is semantically monodefinite. In
Standard Modern Greek (SMG), DS is optional and has special
syntactic and semantic properties vis-à-vis monadic definites
(see Androutsopoulou 1995; Alexiadou & Wilder 1998;
Kolliakou 2004; Campos & Savrou 2004; Lekakou & Szendrői
2012, 2013; Alexiadou 2014, among others). DS licenses word
order freedom unavailable to monadic definites, as shown in (1)
and (2). Moreover, DS imposes a restrictive interpretation on
the adjective; hence, in (3) from Kolliakou (2004), DS is
infelicitous, in virtue of all cobras being poisonous.
99
100
6th MGDLT
(1)
(2)
(3)
a.
to
the
‘the green box’
prasino to
green the
b.
to
prasino
the
green
‘the green box’
kuti
to
box
the
a.
to
the
‘the green box’
prasino kuti
green box
b.
*to
kuti
the
box
‘the green box’
kuti
box
prasino
green
Idhame tis dhilitiriodhis (#tis) kobres.
saw.1PL the poisonous
the cobras
‘We saw the poisonous cobras.’
In CG, DS is obligatory: adjectival modification in general
triggers an additional determiner as (4) shows. The only case of
apparent non-doubling involves the null definite determiner,
which Karatsareas (2013) argues surfaces in specific
morphological contexts, namely with historically masculine and
feminine nouns, which employ a phonologically null definite
article as in (5):
(4)
a.
du
omurfu
the
beautiful
‘the beautiful girl’
b.
*du
omurfu
the
beautiful
‘the beautiful girl’
du kuritʃ
the girl
kuritʃ
girl
General session
(5)
c.
*omurfu
du
beautiful
the
‘the beautiful girl’
kuritʃ
girl
a.
tun
ando
irte
when
came.3SG
Ø
the
aðelfos
brother
their
‘when their brother came’
b.
to
meɣa Ø
the
old
the
‘the older brother said’
aðelfos ipen
brother said.3SG
Contrary to SMG, the word order in CG is rigidly DADN:
(6)
a.
b.
du omurfu
du kuritʃ
The beautiful
the girl
‘the beautiful girl’
*du kuritʃ
du
omurfu
the girl
the
beautiful
‘the beautiful girl’
Finally, in virtue of being obligatory, DS does not impose
semantic restrictions on the adjective. As (7) shows, nonrestrictive interpretations are readily available.
(7)
Rantsam ula spitçu da domata scepasin=da d’aspru du çon.
saw.1PL all house.GEN the.PL roof.PL covered=them the white
the snow
‘We saw tha the white snow had covered all the house roofs.’
Following Lekakou & Szendrői (2012), DS in SMG is an
instance of close apposition involving noun ellipsis. By contrast,
101
102
6th MGDLT
DS in CG is an instance of definiteness agreement as in
Scandinavian and the Semitic languages, where doubling is the
only option (hence its obligatory status) and yields no ordering
freedom. In particular, like Hebrew DS (but unlike
Scandinavian DS), DS in CG yields multiple determiners in the
presence of multiple adjectives, on a par with SMG, in fact:
(8)
Aniksi
du tʃenurʝu du
lokum.
open.IMPV the new
the
Turkish_delight
prasinu du xuti
tʃ’ epar
green
and
the box
na
take.IMPV
a
‘Open the new green box and take a piece of Turkish delight.’
The locus of microvariation resides in D: the SMG determiner is
uniformly expletive (Lekakou & Szendrői 2012, 2013), which
enables DPs in SMG to combine semantically as predicates in
an appositive relation. By contrast, in CG, the nominal
determiner is semantically contentful and the adjectival one(s)
are exponents of an agreement relation, in the spirit of Sichel’s
(2002) proposal for Hebrew. This difference is finally argued to
be due to a truly language-internal innovation of the dialect that,
unlike many other CG developments, evolved independently of
contact with Turkish.
References
Alexiadou, A. 2014. Multiple Determiners and the Structure of
DPs. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Alexiadou, A. & C. Wilder. 1998. Adjectival modification and
multiple deteminers. In A. Alexiadou & C. Wilder (Eds.),
Possessors, Predicates and Movement in the DP.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 303–332.
Androutsopoulou, A. 1995. The licencing of adjectival
modification. Proceedings of WCCFL 14, 17–31. Campos,
H. & M. Stavrou. 2004. Polydefinites in Greek and
Aromanian. In O. Tomić (Ed.), Balkan Syntax and
Semantics. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 137–
173.
General session
Karatsareas, P. 2013. Understanding diachronic change in
Cappadocian Greek: the dialectological perspective. Journal
of Historical Linguistics 3, 192–229.
Kolliakou, D. 2004. Monadic definites and polydefinites: their
form, meaning and use. Journal of Linguistics 40, 263–333.
Lekakou, M. & K. Szendrői. 2012. Polydefinites in Greek:
ellipsis, close apposition and expletive determiners. Journal
of Linguistics 48, 107–149.
Lekakou, M. & K. Szendrői. 2013. When determiners abound:
implications for the encoding of definiteness. In P. CabredoHofherr & A. Zribi-Hertz (Eds.), Cross-linguistic studies in
noun phrase structure and reference. Leiden: Brill, 212–
238.
Sichel, I. 2002. Phrasal movement in Hebrew adjectives and
possessives. In A. Alexiadou, E. Anagnostopoulou & S.
Barbiers (Eds.), Dimensions of Movement: From Features to
Remnants. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 297–
339.
103
104
6th MGDLT
Loanword integration substantiating the realization of gender
in Heptanesian, Grekaniko and Cretan
Vasiliki Makri
University of Patras
This paper deals with the congruities in the main mechanisms
governing nominal loanword integration, with respect to gender
assignment, drawing data from three contact-induced dialectal
systems of Greek, i.e. Grekaniko (Griko and Bovese spoken in
Southern Italy) which has been influenced by the local Romance
varieties and Italian, as well as Heptanesian (spoken on the
Ionian islands) and Cretan (spoken on the island of Crete) which
have been both affected by Venetian and Italian.
Corbett (1991) argues that the assignment of this
property depends on semantic and formal factors. Ralli (2002,
2003) maintains that gender constitutes a lexical feature actively
involved in Greek word-formation processes.
In this paper, we examine the grammatical factors that
determine the assignment of gender value to loanwords in
Greek, encapsulated as follows:
(a) Animacy, as codified in grammatical gender (cf. Dahl 2000),
is prevalent in the integration of non-human nouns as neuter,
in correspondence with natural gender, corroborating the
universal premise according to which gender has a semantic
core (cf. Aksenov 1984) (1A, 1B, 1C for human and 2-3A,
2B for non-human loanwords). Thus, gender functions as a
device of nominal classification in terms of the grammatical
encoding of animacy, and “humanness” in particular for
Greek loanwords.
(b)Morphological factors regulate gender assignment to
Romance loanwords, in line with Ralli (2002, 2003) who
argues that in Greek the determination of gender seems to be
heavily dependent on morphological criteria relevant to
inflection and derivation. More specifically, the non-human
loanwords are not exclusively assigned to the neuter gender,
but are divided in the three genders by virtue of the
employment of formal assignment rules that clearly
outweigh the semantic principles (cf. Ralli 2002). Moreover,
General session
Ralli’s (2012a, b) assertion that the inherent morphological
properties of the recipient language are crucial for the
integration of loanwords in a language affected by contact, is
corroborated by our data.
(c) A certain matching of phonological features between
languages in contact, the so-called ‘diaforms’ by Selinker
(1992: 83-84) or ‘interlingual correspondences’ by
Weinreich (1953: 39-40), may also act as a facilitating factor
for borrowing and gender assignment.
For an illustration, consider the following data, drawn
from the oral and written corpora of the Laboratory of Modern
Greek Dialects of the University of Patras:
Group A: Heptanesian
(1) avokatos. MASC ‘lawyer’ < ital. avvocato. MASC [ic1]
(2) apartamento. NEU ‘apartment’ < ital. apartamento. MASC
[ic5]
(3) premurarisma. NEU ‘rush, anxiety, care, willingness’ < ital.
premura.
FEM ‘care’ (-ma NEU) [ic8]
Group B: Grekaniko
(1) patruna. FEM ‘hostess’ < ital. padrona. FEM ‘mistress,
owner’ [ic3]
(2) kapetali. NEU ‘pillow’ < ital. capitale. MASC ‘pillow’ [ic6]
(3) akula. FEM ‘eagle’ < ital. acula. FEM ‘eagle’ [ic3]
(4) xiuraci. NEU ‘small flower’ < ital. fiore. MASC (-aci NEU)
[ic6]
Group C: Cretan
(1) δatseris. MASC ‘tax collector’ < ven. dazièr. MASC
‘customs officer’ [ic2]
(2) embos. NEU ‘dark rain cloud’ < ital. nembo. MASC [ic7]
(3) mosteritsa. FEM ‘lizard’ < ital. mostro. MASC ‘monster’ (itsa FEM) [ic3]
By assuming Ralli’s (2000) division of Greek nouns into 8
inflection classes, we notice that loanwords behave as native
nouns in terms of inflection:
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6th MGDLT
(i) Nouns of inflection-class types 1 and 2 are masculine (IC 1:
1A; IC2: 1C);
(ii) Nouns of inflection-class type 3 are feminine (1B, 3B, 3C);
(iii) Nouns of inflection-class types 5, 6, 7, and 8 are neuter
(IC5: 2A; IC6: 2B, 4B; IC7: 2C; IC8: 3A).
The dialectal data:
(I) that loanword integration in Greek and the Greek dialects is
constrained by the language’s intra-linguistic actuality, as
borrowed words are modified/hellenicized to fit the Greek
word pattern which combines a stem and an inflectional
ending (see 1,2A, 1-3B, 1,2C), or in the case of derivation, a
stem and a derivational suffix (3A, 4B, 3C) (Ralli 2014);
(II) show that the phonological compatibility between the
inflectional suffixes -o and -a (2A, 3B) in both the donor and
the recipient language entails assignment of a specific
gender value (neuter and feminine) and membership in a
certain inflectional class (IC5 and IC3);
(III) reveal that in derived nouns the choice of the gender value
is dictated by the derivational suffix, since this is the head of
the construction (Ralli 2002, 2003), which is also applicable
to loanwords (3A, 4B, 3C). As a case in point in (4B), the
diminutive suffix -aci determines the feature [+neuter] of the
word xiuraci.
In a nutshell, both a semantic (a) and a morphological (b) basis
of gender assignment to loanwords are traceable in confirm
Ralli’s (2014) hypothesis Greek. Furthermore, gender serves as
an inflectional classifier in the organization of nominal
classification, on the grounds that nominal loanword inflection
of the varieties under examination is organized according to (i),
(ii), (iii). Additionally, there is a one-to-one correspondence
between gender and inflectional class in Romance borrowings,
contrary to SMG in which IC1 encompasses both masculine and
feminine nouns. Finally, the recipient systems resort to the
available word-formation mechanisms in order to effect
loanword integration (I). Overall, this paper demonstrates that
the integration of loans in a recipient linguistic system, which
General session
bears an overtly marked gender, may offer invaluable insights
into grammatical gender assignment.
Selected bibliography
Aksenov, A. T. 1984. K Probleme èkstralingvističeskoj
motivacii grammatičeskoj kategorii roda. Voprosy
jazykoznanija 1, 14-25.
Dahl. Ö. 2000. Animacy and the notion of semantic gender. In
B. Unterbeck, M. Rissanen, T. Nevalainen and M. Saari
(Εds.), Gender in grammar and cognition, I: approaches to
gender, 99–115. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
Corbett, G. 1991. Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Ralli, A. 2000. A feature-based analysis of Greek nominal
inflection. Γλωσσολογία/Glossologia 11-12, 201-227.
Ralli, A. 2002. The role of morphology in gender determination:
evidence from Modern Greek, Linguistics 40, 519-551.
Ralli, A. 2003. The definition of the grammatical gender in
nouns in Modern Greek. A theoretical proposal (in Greek).
In: A. Anastasiadi-Symeonidi, A. Ralli & D. Cheila–
Markopoulou (eds.) To genos [Gender], 57-99. Athens:
Patakis.
Ralli, A. 2012b. Verbal loanblends in Griko and Heptanesian: a
case study of contact morphology. L’ Italia Dialettale
LXXIII: 111-132.
Ralli, A. 2014. On the Romance influence on Modern Greek
Dialects. In: Atti del Terzo Convegno "Parole per parlare e
per parlarne" Patrizia del Puente (ed.). Potenza.
Selinker, L. 1992. Rediscovering interlanguage. London:
Longman.
107
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6th MGDLT
Η Κατωιταλική διάλεκτος του Σαλέντο σε σχέση με τις
υπόλοιπες νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους
Vladimir Panov
Instutute of Linguistics, Russian Academy of Sciences
Από τη μέση του 19ου αιώνα, η ελληνική διάλεκτος του
Σαλέντο (Griko) προσέλκυσε την προσοχή των γλωσσολόγων.
Τα πρώτα έργα που ασχολούνται με τις διαλέκτους του Σαλέντο
και της Καλαβρίας είναι Morosi (1870), Comparetti (1866).
Υπάρχουν δύο κύρια έργα (Rohlfs 1977, Καραναστάσης
1997) που περιγράφουν με λεπτομέρειες και τα δύο ιδιώματα,
υπάρχουν και μεγάλα λεξικά (Rohlfs , Καραναστάσης 1984-92)
αυτών των ιδιωμάτων. O Rohlfs έχει ασχοληθεί εκτενώς και με
την ιστορία και με την προέλευση των ιδιωμάτων (Rohlfs 1973,
1972).
Μιλώντας για το πρόβλημα της προέλευσης των
ελληνικών ιδιωμάτων της Κάτω Ιταλίας πρέπει να αναφέρουμε
ότι για τους περισσότερους γλωσσολόγους το κύριο ερώτημα σε
σχέση με την προέλευσή τους από την αρχή των ερευνών ήταν,
αν αυτά τα ιδιώματα είναι “Αρχαίας Ελληνικής” ή
“Βυζαντινής” προέλευσης.
Κατά την άποψή μου, ένα τέτοιο ερώτημα δε βοηθάει
στο να καταλάβουμε βαθύτερα την αληθινή φύση των
Κατωιταλικών ιδιωμάτων, καθώς όλες οι διάλεκτοι της
Νεοελληνικής γλώσσας είναι “αρχαίας” προέλευσης. Παρ'όλα
αυτά, όλες οι διάλεκτοι έχουν επηρεαστεί από την ελληνική
κοινή, άλλες σε μεγαλύτερο και άλλες σε μικρότερο βαθμό –
ακόμα και η Τσακωνική διάλεκτος που θεωρείται αρχαϊκή.
Σκοπός μου είναι να μελετήσουμε ποια είναι τα κοινά
στοιχεία μεταξύ των δύο κατωιταλικών ιδιωμάτων, καθώς και
ποια είναι η σχέση τους με τις διαλέκτους και με τα ιδιώματα
του υπόλοιπου ελληνικού κόσμου.
Θα εξετάσουμε συγκεκριμένα φωνητικά και γραμματικά
φαινόμενα όπως οι αλλαγές [ll<ddh, ld], η χρήση του Αορίστου
και του Ενεστώτα στην Προστακτική και την Υποτακτική σε
διάφορες διαλέκτους (στα Κατωιταλιώτικα του Σαλέντο και της
Καλαβρίας, στα Δωδεκάνησα, στην Κύπρο, στην Κρήτη, στην
Τσακωνία, στη Νότια Ελλάδα, στην Ανατολική Ουκρανία και
σε άλλες τοποθεσίες). Επιπλέον, θα αναλύσουμε τη λεξική
General session
λίστα του Swadesh για μερικές ελληνικές διαλέκτους και για
την τοπική ρομανική διάλεκτο του Σαλέντο.
Μελετώντας φαινόμενα από διαφορετικά επίπεδα της
γλώσσας, θα προσπαθήσουμε να βρούμε ισόγλωσσα που
ισχύουν για μια διαλεκτολογική σύγκριση μεταξύ των
διαλέκτων της Κάτω Ιταλίας και άλλων ελληνικών ιδιωμάτων.
Η σύγκριση πρέπει να θεωρείται ως συνέχεια των
διαλεκτολογικών ερευνών του Κοντοσόπουλου (2001), Newton
(1972), Kisilier (2012) και άλλων διαλεκτολόγων. Στην έρευνά
μου χρησιμοποιούνται τα δικά μου υλικά ηχογραφημένα στο
Σαλέντο το 2012.
Τα αποτελέσματα μπορούν να φανούν χρήσιμα για τον
Πανελλήνιο διαλεκτολογικό Άτλαντα που πιθανόν να
χαρτογραφηθεί στο μέλλον.
Βιβλιογραφία
Comparetti, D. (1866) Saggi dei dialetti Greci dell’Italia
meridionale.
Καραναστάσης Α. (1984-1992) Ιστορικόν Λεξικόν των
ελληνικών ιδιωμάτων της Κάτω Ιταλίας. Αθήνα: Ακαδημία
Αθηνών
Καραναστάσης Α. (1997). Γραμματική των ελληνικών
ιδιωμάτων της κάτω Ιταλίας. Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών
Kisilier (2012) Румейский язык и новогреческие диалекты
(στα ρωσικά) [Rumaiic language and Modern Greek
dialects]. In: ИНДОЕВРОПЕЙСКОЕ ЯЗЫКОЗНАНИЕ И
КЛАССИЧЕСКАЯ ФИЛОЛОГИЯ-XVI (чтения памяти
И. М. Тронского). Saint-Petersburg: Nauka, 2012, 355-368
Κοντοσόπουλος Ν. (2001). Διάλεκτοι και ιδιώματα της Νέας
Ελληνικής. Αθήνα: Εκδώσεις Γηργόρη
Morosi, G. (1870) Studi Sui Dialetti Greci Della Terra
D'Otranto. Lecce: Editrice Salentina
Newton, B. (1972). A generative interpretation of dialect: a
study of Modern Greek phonology. Cambridge studies in
linguistics, 8
Rohlfs, G. (1972) Nuovi scavi linguistici nella antica Magna
Grecia. Palermo: Luxograph.
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6th MGDLT
Rohlfs (1964) Lexicon graecanicum Italiae inferioris. 2., erw. u.
völlig neubearb. Aufl. Niemeyer, Tübingen
Rohlfs, G. (1972) Nuovi scavi linguistici nella antica Magna
Grecia. Palermo: Luxograph.
Rohlfs, G. (1977) Grammatica storica dei dialetti italogreci.
Mόnchen: Beck
«Διαλεκτικά λεξικά και γλωσσάρια της Ηλείας» Μία
λεξικογραφική περιγραφή
Athina Prountzou
University of Patras
Στην εργασία αυτή ασχολούμαι με τη δομή και το περιεχόμενο
των έντυπων και ηλεκτρονικών διαλεκτικών λεξικών και
γλωσσαρίων στα οποία έχει καταχωρηθεί λεξιλόγιο από την
περιοχή της Ηλείας.
Πιο συγκεκριμένα:
 Θα αναφερθώ στις βασικές αρχές της λεξικογραφίας για το
σχεδιασμό ενός έντυπου ή/και ηλεκτρονικού διαλεκτικού
λεξικού/γλωσσαρίου τοπικών διαλέκτων.
 Θα περιγράψω τη δομή και το περιεχόμενο αυτών των
λεξικών/γλωσσαρίων με βάση τις λεξικογραφικές αρχές και
θα επικεντρωθώ σε εκείνα τα χαρακτηριστικά που
αναμένεται να χαρακτηρίζουν ένα έντυπο ή/και ηλεκτρονικό
διαλεκτικό λεξικό.
 Θα δώσω μία αδρομερή περιγραφή ενός σύγχρονου
ηλεκτρονικού λεξικού για τη συγκεκριμένη διαλεκτική
ποικιλία παρουσιάζοντας τη δομή και το περιεχόμενό του.
Βιβλιογραφία
Barbato, M. & A. Varvaro 2004. Dialect dictionaries.
International Journal of Lexicography 17.4, 429-439.
Béjoint, H. 2000. Modern lexicography: An introduction.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
General session
Giakoumaki, E., C. Karantzi & I. Manolessou. 2004. ΙLNE ke
ilektroniki
lexikografia [HDAA and electronic lexicography]. Proceedings
of the 6th ICGL, Rethymno, Crete, 18-21 Sep. 2003, 921929. Rethymno: University of Crete.
Karanikolas, Ν., E. Galiotou, G. J. Xydopoulos, A. Ralli, K.
Athanasakos, & G. Koronakis. To Appear. Structuring a
Multimedia Tridialectal Dictionary. In Proceedings of the
16th International Conference of Text, Speech and Dialogue
(TSD2013), Pilsen, Czech Republic, 1-5 September 2013.
Markus, M. & R. Heuberger 2007. The architecture of Joseph
Wright’s English Dialect Dictionary: preparing the
computerized
version.
International
Journal
of
Lexicography 20.4: 355-368.
Ξυδόπουλος Γ. 2011. Μεταλεξικογραφικές παρατηρήσεις στα
διαλεκτικά λεξικά Μ. Μπεναρδή και Α. Σύρκου. Patras
Working Papers in Linguistics 2.1 (2011), 96-113.
Xydopoulos, G. J. & A. Ralli 2012. Greek dialects in Asia
Minor: Setting lexicographic principles for a tridialectal
dictionary. Paper read at the 5th MGDLT Conference
(September 2012), Ghent, Belgium.
Parallel Voices: A socioprosodic study of Standard Modern
Greek and Cypriot Greek Vowels
Charalambos Themistocleous1 & Ageliki Logotheti2
University of Cyprus1, University of Athens2
The current study compares the production of vowels by ten
female speakers of Standard Modern Greek and ten female
speakers of Cypriot Greek; all speakers were university students
in their early twenties. The study aims to provide a model of
young adults speech living in the main urban areas of Greece
and Cyprus. Both varieties phonetic inventory comprises of five
vowels, namely [ a e i o u ] (Arvaniti, 1999; Fourakis, Botinis,
& Katsaiti, 1999). Speakers produced each vowel five times.
Vowel f1 and f2 and vowel duration were measured. The effects
of vowel position, i.e., word-initial and word-final and the effect
of stress, i.e., stressed vs. unstressed vowels, on the vowel
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formants and vowel duration were examined. The results show
that vowels vary considerably in their f1 and f2, as well as in
their intrinsic duration both within varieties and between
varieties. We argue that the differences between the vowels of
the aforementioned varieties represent variational differences in
the varieties’ vowel spaces. Finally, the socioprosodic
implications of the findings are discussed.
References
Arvaniti, A. (1999). Illustrations of the IPA: Cypriot Greek.
Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 19 (173176).
Fourakis, M., Botinis, A., & Katsaiti, M. (1999). Acoustic
Characteristics of Greek Vowels. Phonetica, 56 (1-2), 28-43.
Qualitative research in service of the Greek dialects and their
teaching in the Greek educational system: the case of the
Digital Museum of Greek Oral History
Marina Tzakosta1, Anna Sfakianaki2 & Angelos Patsias3
University of Crete1, University of Ioannina2, Fourfouras
Primary School3
Spontaneous speech data have greatly contributed to the
theoretical and typological analysis of the Greek dialects. In
other words, free speech constitutes a goldmine of dialectal data
which are difficult to capture through (semi-) structured
experimental tasks. The Digital Museum of Greek Oral History
(DiMOHI) (Tzakosta et al. in progress) is a platform which will
serve as a pool of dialectal data for all major dialectal areas of
Greece and aims to be used as an educational tool for the
teaching of the Greek dialects in school.
Museums of oral history are usually limited to
(theoretically) presenting data related to their main focus. The
innovative characteristic of the DiMOHI is that, first, all
dialectal data included in it have been collected, processed and
filed by pupils of primary and secondary education and, second,
General session
the DiMOHI is constructed for educational purposes. Regarding
the first aspect of the DiMOHI, the direct outcome of pupils
being language researchers is that they get acquainted with the
nature of their mother language and realize similarities and
differences between a dialect and the norm, i.e. standard Greek.
In addition, pupils’ language awareness is improved regarding
the knowledge of the grammatical system of their mother
language. Consequently, refinement of language awareness will
contribute to vocabulary development and enrichment of the
linguistics means used for language learning and language
teaching.
In this paper we describe the structure of the DiMOHI in
relation to its pedagogical goals. More specifically, we outline
the philosophy of the pedagogical/ teaching activities included
in the DiMOHI, i.e. the dialectal data which emphasis is placed
on, and the means through which dialectal data are disseminated
and exploited as educational tools.
Selected references
Tzakosta, M., A. Sfakianaki & A. Patsias. In progress. Museum
of Oral History: an 'experiential' research tool used for
educational purposes. John S. Latsis Foundation 2014
projects.
Περιγραφή του μορφολογικού συστήματος της Σύνθεσης στα
γλωσσικά ιδιώματα της Ίμβρου και της Λήμνου
Xenofon Tzavaras
University of Athens
Με την παρούσα μελέτη περιγράφουμε το μορφολογικό
σύστημα της σύνθεσης στα γλωσσικά ιδιώματα της Ίμβρου και
της Λήμνου, τα οποία –ως γειτονικά νησιά του
βορειοανατολικού Αιγαίου– ανήκουν στην ευρύτερη ομάδα των
βορείων νεοελληνικών ιδιωμάτων. Κατ’ επέκταση, το
ερευνητικό ερώτημα στο οποίο επιχειρούμε να απαντήσουμε με
βάση τα γλωσσικά δεδομένα και τα αποτελέσματα που
προκύπτουν από την συγκριτική προσέγγιση των 2 παραπάνω
μορφολογικών συστημάτων είναι η τυχόν ύπαρξη και ο βαθμός
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παρουσίας δομικών ομοιοτήτων σε επίπεδο σύνθεσης ανάμεσα
στο ιμβριακό και το λημνιακό ιδίωμα.
Το γλωσσικό-διαλεκτολογικό υλικό που αποτελεί το corpus για
την πραγματοποίηση της παρούσας μελέτης προέρχεται από τις
εξής πηγές:
α) Ιδίωμα Ίμβρου: συγκέντρωση πρωτογενούς γλωσσικού
υλικού από επιτόπια έρευνα πεδίου με βάση την
πραγματοποίηση
μαγνητοφωνήσεων
και
τη
χρήση
ερωτηματολογίων σε συνδυασμό με την αποδελτίωση του
συνόλου της χειρόγραφης και έντυπης βιβλιογραφίας που
αφορά το ιμβριακό ιδίωμα με αποτέλεσμα την συγκέντρωση
10.000 και πλέον λημμάτων.
β) Ιδίωμα Λήμνου: αποδελτίωση των σύνθετων λεξικών
μονάδων που απαντούν αφενός στην ενότητα του γλωσσαρίου
της διδακτορικής διατριβής με τίτλο Η διάλεκτος της Λήμνου
της Δ. Χ. Κοντονάτσιου (1989) σε σύνολο 2835 λημμάτων και
αφετέρου στη Συλλογή γλωσσικού υλικού από τη Λήμνο του Θ.
Μπελίτσου (1999) σε σύνολο 2.000 περίπου λημμάτων
αντίστοιχα.
Το θεωρητικό πλαίσιο που ακολουθούμε είναι αυτό που
διαμορφώνεται από τις αντίστοιχες μελέτες της Αγγ. Ράλλη
αναφορικά με το φαινόμενο της σύνθεσης στη Νεοελληνική
Κοινή (πβλ. κυρίως Ράλλη (1989): 205-221, (1996): 136-147,
(1999): 183-205, (2005): 164-203, (2007), Ralli 1992: 143-174,
Ράλλη – Ραυτοπούλου 1999: 389-403, Ράλλη – Γαλιώτου 2002:
135-146) στοιχιζόμενοι προς το οποίο ταξινομούμε τις σύνθετες
λεξικές μονάδες των 2 ιδιωμάτων σε διάφορες κατηγορίες με
βάση:
α) Την γραμματική κατηγορία τόσο των συνθέτων όσο και
καθενός από τα 2 συνθετικά.
β) Τον δείκτη σύνθεσης.
γ) Την δομή των συνθέτων, η οποία σχετίζεται με τα δομικά
τους σχήματα, με την έννοια της κεφαλής, με τις σχέσεις
μεταξύ των συνθετικών καθώς και με τη μορφή των
συνθέτων (σχέση της σύνθεσης με την κλίση και με την
παραγωγή).
General session
δ) Τα ρηματικά σύνθετα.
Η πρόσληψη της γεωγραφικής ποικιλότητας σε κείμενα
μαζικής κουλτούρας από μαθητές της Ε’ και ΣΤ’ Δημοτικού3
Dimitris Papazachariou, Anna Fterniati, Argyris Archakis &
Vasia Tsami
University of Patras
Στόχος της παρούσας έρευνας είναι να μελετήσει τις γλωσσικές
στάσεις των μαθητών της Ε’ και ΣΤ’ Δημοτικού απέναντι στην
αναπαριστώμενη γεωγραφική ποικιλότητα σε τηλεοπτικά
κείμενα μαζικής κουλτούρας (Kounnapi, 2006). Πιο αναλυτικά,
θα μελετήσουμε σε ποιες γεωγραφικές περιοχές και σε ποια
επικοινωνιακά πλαίσια οι μαθητές αναμένουν τη χρήση μιας
διαλέκτου. Θα μελετήσουμε επίσης με ποιο τρόπο αξιολογούν
τα παιδιά τη γεωγραφική ποικιλία. Παράλληλα, θα
επιχειρήσουμε να διαπιστώσουμε αν η πρόσληψη των παιδιών
επηρεάζεται από παράγοντες, όπως το φύλο, η κοινωνική
διαστρωμάτωση της περιοχής του σχολείου, η σχολική επίδοση
του μαθητή στο γλωσσικό μάθημα, κ.ά.
Κατά τη διαδικασία διεξαγωγής της έρευνας τα παιδιά
παρακολούθησαν ένα τηλεοπτικό απόσπασμα (διαφήμιση) στο
οποίο αναπαρίστανται φαινόμενα γεωγραφικής ποικιλότητας. Η
τηλεοπτική διαφήμιση αποτελεί πρόσφορο έδαφος για τη
μελέτη της πρόσληψης της γλωσσικής ποικιλότητας, καθώς
τέτοιου είδους κείμενα αξιοποιούν τις κυρίαρχες γλωσσικές
ιδεολογίες (Van den Bulck, 2001: 55) και προϋποθέτουν τις ήδη
διαμορφωμένες γλωσσικές στάσεις των ομιλητών-τηλεθεατών.
Η συλλογή των δεδομένων πραγματοποιήθηκε με τη
συμπλήρωση ερωτηματολογίου. Τα παιδιά κλήθηκαν να
απαντήσουν σε ερωτήσεις που αφορούν στο γεωγραφικό και
επικοινωνιακό πλαίσιο αποδεκτότητας της διαλέκτου, καθώς
και σε ερωτήσεις εναρμονισμένων αμφιέσεων (matched-guise
technique, Preston, 1989). Η έρευνα διεξήχθη σε τέσσερα
Το έργο υλοποιείται στο πλαίσιο του Επιχειρησιακού Προγράμματος
«Εκπαίδευση και Δια Βίου Μάθηση» και συγχρηματοδοτείται από την
Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινωνικό Ταμείο) και από εθνικούς πόρους.
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6th MGDLT
δημόσια Δημοτικά σχολεία του νομού Αχαΐας, τα οποία
λειτουργούν σε περιοχές με διαφορετικό κοινωνικό επίπεδο.
Σύμφωνα με τα αποτελέσματα, η πλειοψηφία των
παιδιών του δείγματος αναμένουν τη χρήση μιας διαλέκτου σε
επαρχιακές περιοχές και σε ανεπίσημα επικοινωνιακά πλαίσια,
ενώ στα επίσημα επικοινωνιακά πλαίσια θεωρούν τη χρήση της
διαλεκτικής ποικιλίας απαγορευτική. Μελετώντας τις
αξιολογήσεις των πληροφορητών μας, οι απαντήσεις τους μας
οδήγησαν
στη
διαμόρφωση
συγκεκριμένων
(μη
προκατασκευασμένων) κατηγοριών, οι οποίες αναδεικνύουν
τους διαφορετικούς τρόπους με τους οποίους χαρακτηρίζουν τα
ίδια τα παιδιά τη γεωγραφική ποικιλία. Οι αξιολογήσεις των
μαθητών φαίνεται να επηρεάζονται από ανεξάρτητες
μεταβλητές όπως, η κοινωνική διαστρωμάτωση της περιοχής
του σχολείου που φοιτά ο μαθητής και η σχολική επίδοση του
παιδιού στο γλωσσικό μάθημα.
Βιβλιογραφικές Αναφορές
Kounnapi, Ε. 2006. Greek Cypriot Children’s Language
Attitudes in a Bidialectal Setting: Τhe Case of Primary
Education in Cyprus. Στο Φτιάκα, Ε., Γαγάτσης, Α., Ηλία,
Ι., & Μοδέστου, Μ. (επιμ.) Η Σύγχρονη Εκπαιδευτική
Έρευνα στην Κύπρο, Πρακτικά του 9 ου Συνεδρίου
Παιδαγωγικής Εταιρείας Κύπρου, 2-3 Ιουνίου 2006.
Λευκωσία: Πανεπιστήμιο Κύπρου, 691-704.
Preston D. 1989. Perceptual Dialectology. Dordrecht: Foris.
Van den Bulck, H. 2001. Public service television and national
identity as a project of modernity: Τhe example of Flemish
television. Media, Culture & Society 23(1): 53-69.
Voices of Thrace: A fieldwork-based morphophonological
analysis of the dialect spoken in the region of Evros
Theodosia Papadopoulou
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
The classification of Greek linguistic varieties has been
challenging since 1938 when Triantaffilidis (1938:66)
recognized the need for systematic geolinguistic research.
General session
Linguistic fieldwork in Thrace has been limited during the last
decades, further heightening this need. This paper is an attempt
to examine the dialect as it is spoken today and investigate the
main morphological and phonological characteristics drawing
examples from primary data collected in the region of Evros.
All the dialectal features are juxtaposed to Standard Modern
Greek (SMG) and discussed in relation to the existing
bibliography. While most of the findings are in compliance with
earlier bibliography regarding the Northern Greek dialects, there
are some features that have not been accounted for in the past.
Noteworthy is the fact that in several cases, both with proper
names and common nouns, there is zero (Ø) article in the
nominative and genitive singular in cases where in SMG the
definite article would have obligatorily been used. Another
point of focus is the use of an atypical future tense which is
formed with the particle θαλά (/θa la/) and does not have a
direct equivalent in SMG, since it has a past imperfective
quality and refers to habitual past actions. The retention of the
final /n/ in the accusative of nouns and adjectives is also present
in the data. This characteristic has served as a basis in
identifying an eastern and a western dialectal zone (Thumb,
1910; Triantafillidis, 1938), the region of Thrace however was
not included in the dialects in which this Ancient Greek relic
has been retained. Lastly, the vitality of the dialect, as well as its
relation to other northern Greek linguistic varieties, is
addressed.
References
Thumb, A. (1910). Handbuch der Neugriechichen Volkssprache
(2nd ed.). Strasbourg: Trübner
Triantafillidis, M. (1938). Νεοελληνική Γραμματική: Ιστορική
Εισαγωγή
[Modern
Greek
Grammar:
Historical
Introduction]. In Apanta (1981). Vol.3. Thessaloniki
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6th MGDLT
Tsakonian: Problems and Approaches
Maxim Kissilier
St. Petersburg State University
Despite multiple descriptions Tsakonian still remains one of the
most mysterious Modern Greek (= MG) dialects. Brian Newton
even prefers to exclude it from his classification, and Peter
Trudgill manages to find just few isoglosses that are relevant
both for Tsakonian and other MG dialects. The fact is that many
peculiarities of Tsakonian (for example, its phonetics and
analytic forms of Present and Imperfect) cannot be explained if
just Tsakonian data is taken into consideration. Even the best
descriptions of Tsakonian (those by Deffner, Pernot, Costakes
and Haralambopoulos) keep repeating the same stereotypical
explanations: Tsakonian is the most ancient existing dialect in
Greece, it hasn’t passed the stage of Hellenistic Koine and its
strange features still exist because the speakers lacked contacts
with the speakers of other MG dialects or languages (the road
was built only in 1960th and electricity appeared in 1970th).
The data I gathered during fifteen expeditions to
Tsakonian villages within the last three years makes me
disagree with the widespread opinion. The analysis of
vocabulary definitely shows many loans from Italian (/koléγa/
‘friend’), especially from the Venetian dialect (/γánǯo/ ‘iron
anchor’ or bobóta ‘maize bread’) and various Balkan languages:
Slavic (/cérva/ ‘shoes’, /ambárja/ ‘granary’), Albanian (/kórbe/
‘black goat’, /ljópre/ ‘grey kid’), Aromanian (/búrda/ ‘sack’,
/maljóra/ ‘a 1-year-old goat that has not become pregnant’).
Most Tsakonian words (regardless their origin) have parallels in
other MG dialects. For example, /strúnga/ ‘yard for cattle’,
/vlámi/ ‘lover’, /fára/ ‘family, tribe’ are also met in Thessalian.
It means that Tsakonian was in continuous contact with other
languages and probably with other MG dialects. Probably this
experience of permanent multilingual situation helped
Tsakonian to survive when Standard MG became dominant in
the region.
The comparative analysis of vocabulary and morphology
makes me believe that Tsakonian did not manage to avoid the
influence of Hellenistic Koine. This statement can be illustrated
General session
with just two examples here: (1) main verb of speaking in
Tsakonias is /[énji] aú/ (< λαλῶ); (2) Tsakonian has analytic
Present and Imperfect. It is well-known that both verb λαλῶ and
analytic forms of Imperfect became widespread during the
period of Hellenistic Koine and so-called Late Koine.
So my starting points are that:
1. Tsakonian should not be regarded the most ancient, intact
or archaic of the MG dialects. From this point of view it
can be compared with Cypriot, Pontic, Cretan, dialect of
Karpathos probably, Cappadocian, Griko etc.
2.
Tsakonian should not be regarded as something special, but
it ought to be integrated into general classifications of MG
dialects. The preliminary research clearly demonstrates that
there are a lot of common features, and most peculiarities
of Tsakonian can be explained only “from outside of the
dialect”, i. e. by means of comparative analysis.
The problem I am going to discuss in my report is the
following: is it enough to compare Tsakonian with other MG
dialects or a wider Balkan context is to be involved?
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6th MGDLT
General session
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6th MGDLT

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