The morphophonology of Somali nouns

The morphophonology of Somali nouns
Nicola Lampitelli
Université Paris 7
[email protected]
June, 15-18 2011
1
Introduction
The Somali nominal system is characterized by the presence of inflexional classes, as
shown below:1
(1)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
naág F sg. vs. naagó M pl. ‘woman/women’, class 1
albáab M sg. vs. albaabbó F pl. ‘door(s)’, class 2
ı́lik M sg. vs. ilkó M pl. ‘tooth/teeth’, class 3
mı́is M sg. vs. miisás M pl. ‘table(s), class 4
mádax M sg. vs. madáx F pl. ‘head(s)’, class 5
Each inflexional pattern is established on the basis of:
(2)
a.
b.
c.
the position of a tonal accent (henceforth TA),
the gender of the noun (both at the singular and at the plural),
a few specific suffixes (or the absence of segmental suffixes).
In this talk, I propose that:
(3)
a.
b.
c.
a unique plural marker applies to the whole system,
a unique feminine marker accounts for the feminine interpretation on a noun,
each syntactic case is marked by a specific phonological item.
Finally, I will argue that
(4)
the notion of “inflexional class” or “noun class” is redundant.
1
Standard Somali spelling is adopted throughout this talk. Particular spelling conventions are adopted
in a few cases, where the following correspondences with the IPA notation hold : <sh> /S/, <kh> /x/,
and <y> /j/. In addition to standard conventions,
<dh> /ã/, <x> /è/, <c> /Q/, <’> /P/, <j> /dZ/
tonal accent is marked when it occurs.
1
The morphophonology of Somali nouns
2
The data
I propose a classification based on both Saeed (1993, 1999) and Orwin (1995).2
• Following Hyman (1981) and Puglielli & Siyaad (1984), I assume that each noun bears
a tonal accent (henceforth TA).
(5)
The TA
a. it is associated either to the last or to the penultimate vowel
b. long vowels count as two units:
(i) háan ‘throat’ vs. haán ‘water container’,
(ii) qáan ‘young camels’ vs. qaán ‘debt’,
(iii) ceesáan ‘male goat’ vs. ceesaán ‘female goat’.3
• Somali has three syntactic cases: nominative (NOM), genitive (GEN), and absolutive
(ABS) (plus a vocative case which will not be treated in the present study).
(6)
The ABS
a. is the default case: knowing an ABS form for a given noun allows the prediction of the form of all other cases.
b. is used when a noun is either a focussed subject or a direct object (either
focussed or not).4
The table containing the forms of each class is given below, and a table with examples
follows:
Table 1: Inflectional classes - ABS
1
2
3
4
5
singular
form
*-o
*-e
C(V)Vi CVi C
C(V)VC
*CVC
gender
F+
M+
M
M
M
TA
vv#
vv#
vv#
v (v) #
vv#
2
plural
form
-ó
-Có (-yó)
C(V)VCCó
C(V)VCáC
gender
M
F
M
M
F
TA
vv
vv
vv
vv
vv
#
#
#
#
#
Despite Saeed’s 1999 and Orwin’s 1995 classifications, I do not include what would have been declensions 6 and 7, respectively. These are characterized by suffixed nouns in the sg.: the former includes
feminine nouns ending in -o (cf. wáddo ‘road’), whereas the latter includes masculine nouns ending in -e
(cf. báre ‘teacher’). Both have a specific plural suffix which is added to the singular form (cf. waddoóyin
‘roads’ and barayaal ‘teachers’). According to Puglielli & Siyaad (1984) and later Lecarme (2002), these
nouns are all derived, thus contrasting with the other declensions. For this reason, I will not be concerned
with them in this paper.
3
Cf. Puglielli & Siyaad (1984:55-56) for other examples.
4
Cf. Saeed (1993:138), Banti (1988) and Puglielli & Siyaad (1984).
2
40 Italian Meeting of Afroasiatic Linguistics Università di Torino
Table 2: Examples - ABS
1.a
.b
2.a
.b
3
4
5
singular
bare N
naág
galáb
albáab
darı́iq
ı́lik
mı́is
mádax
N+det
naágta
galábta
albáabka
darı́iqa
ı́ligga
mı́iska
mádaxa
gender
F+
M+
M
M
M
plural
bare N
naagó
galbó
albaabbó
dariiqyó
ilkó
miisás
madáx
5
N+det
naagáha
galbáha
albaabbáda
dariiqyáda
ilkáha
miisáska
madáxda
gender
M
F
M
M
F
glosses
‘woman’
‘afternoon’
‘door’
‘road’
‘tooth’
‘table’
‘head’
Some crucial observations:
• Classes 1, 2 and 5 nouns change their gender at plural (grey cells).6
• Classes 3 and 4 nouns are always M.
• Singular F nouns have a final TA (class 1).
• Singular M nouns have a penultimate TA (classes 2 and 5).
• Classes 1 and 3 nouns are pluralized adding the suffix -o.
• Class 2 nouns are pluralized by adding the suffix -o and by the gemination of the last
radical consonant.
• Class 4 nouns are pluralized by adding -a and reduplicating the last radical consonant.
• Class 5 nouns are pluralized by moving the TA one vowel rightwards.
As for the relation between the TA and the inflexion of a noun, a closer scrutiny of
the system reveals the following facts:
Table 3: TA and inflection
1
2
3
number
gender
case
form 1
mádax
ı́nan
géri
sg.
M
ABS
form 2
madáx
inán
gerı́
6
pl.
F
GEN
glose
‘head’
‘boy’ vs. ‘girl’
‘giraffe’
This phenomenon is referred to as the gender polarity (cf. Lecarme, 2002). Cf. Italian uovo sg. M
vs. uova pl. F ‘egg(s)’.
3
The morphophonology of Somali nouns
3
The decomposition of a noun
3.1
A single plural marker
Consider the following:
(7)
a.
b.
c.
the directionality of TA movement;
the restrictiveness of reduplication;
the suffix -o has no inherent gender, and it alternates with -a when the noun
is suffixed.
• As for (7-a), the tonal variation can be used to mark the plural only if the singular
noun is maasculine:
(8)
TA movement directionality
a. búug ‘book’ M −→ buúg ‘books’ F ;
b. naág ‘woman’ F *−→ *náag ‘women’ M.
• Gender polarity works for both genders.
• As for (7-b), reduplication is highly restricted :
(9)
Conditions on reduplicated plurals :
a. A fixed syllabic structure CV(V)C at sg.
b. The M gender
In CVCV-Theory terms (Lowenstamm, 1996; Scheer, 2004), the sequence CV1 +(CV)+CV2
represents both a closed syllable having a short vowel and a closed syllable having a long
vowel.
(10)
Representation of mı́is ‘table’ M sg. ABS:
a.
V-pos
TA
2
1
-
TA
Consonants
m
Template
C V(CV)C V
Vowels
s
mı́is
i
The tier labelled TA indicates the position of the high tone with respect to the vowel.
Vocalic positions are numbered from right to left.7
• The plural miisás is formed by reduplicating the last consonant.
• In CVCV-Theory terms, the template of these plurals is CV1 +(CV)+CV2 +CV3 .
• In order to avoid word-final geminates (which are impossible in Somali), /a/ is inserted
between the reduplicated consonants.
7
Final V positions are excluded from this computation. Cf. Kaye (1990) for an analysis on final empty
nuclei.
4
40 Italian Meeting of Afroasiatic Linguistics Università di Torino
(11)
Representation of miisás ‘table’ M pl. ABS:
a.
V-pos
2
1
TA
-
TA
Consonants
m
Template
C V(CV)C V C V
Vowels
Plural
s
miisás
i
a
• I argue that the inserted /a/ is an allomorph of the plural marker. This vowel is not
epenthetic (cf. fı́lin ‘film’, qálbi ‘heart’ (ar. qalb), bánki ‘bank’).
• A unique underlying template exists for the nouns in class 3: CV1 +(CV)+CV2 +CV3
• As for suffixed plurals, -o has two interesting properties:
(12)
The suffix -o
a. It has no inherent gender, as o-plurals are either M (cf. naagó ‘women’) or
F (cf. albaabbó ‘doors’).
b. It alternates with -a-, when the plural noun is in premodifier form:
(i) naagó ‘women’ −→ naagáha ‘the women’
(ii) garbó ‘shoulders’ −→ garbáha ‘the shoulders’
(iii) albaabbó ‘doors’ −→ albaabbáda ‘the doors’
This alternation is morphologically restricted: final [a]’s exist, and interconsonantal
[o]’s, too:8
(13)
a.
b.
[a]#: naagáha ‘the women’, galábta ‘the afternoon’, etc..
Co(o)C: qódob ‘article’, górgor ‘vulture’, xóog ‘force’, qólay ‘bag’, etc..
• The theory of Elements (Kaye et al., 1985, 1990) argues for the existence of phonological
basic matrix Elements generating complex vowels.
(14)
Phonological decomposition of vowels (non-exhaustive list)
a. [o] = /A.U/
b. [a] = /A/
c. [e] = /A.I/
The Element /A/ is shared by both vowels.
• The plural suffix /o/ has the following underlying structure:
8
As far as I know, there is only one other striking example of such an alternation in Somali morphology.
This happens in conjugation 3 verbs, also known as the ‘autobenefactive’ form (cf. Saeed 1993:51-58, and
Orwin 1995:82-84), i.e. qaadó ‘to take for oneself’; joogsó ‘to stop’, etc.. These verbs are characterized
by final -o in imperative singular, which is the only bare form in the paradigm. Finite verbal forms are
created by adding suffixes to the stem of the imperative singular. Crucially, final -o is always replaced
by -a-, as a few examples from past tense illustrate: 1sg. joogsa-day ‘I stopped’, 2sg. joogsa-tay ‘you
stopped’, 1pl. joogsa-nnay ‘we stopped’, 2pl. joogsa-teen ‘you stopped’, etc..
5
The morphophonology of Somali nouns
(15)
Structure of the plural suffix -o: /A.U/
• I propose that the same complex vowel underlies internal plural -a-.
• The alternation between [o] and [a] can be formalized as shown in (16):
(16)
Plural suffix alternation:
a.
Consonants
n
g
Template
CVCVCV
Vowels
a
[naagó]
‘women’
A
U
b.
Consonants
m
Template
CVCVCVCV
Vowels
s
[miisás]
‘tables’
A
i
U
3.2
Templatic nouns
• Somali roots can have a fixed length.
• Class 4 nouns share a unique template of the form CV1 +(CV)+CV2 +CV3 , cf. (11).
• Class 3 nouns appear to fit the same template CV1 +(CV)+CV2 +CV3 .
• These are bisyllabic, the first vowel is either short or long, and the second vowel, which
is identical to the first one, is always short.
(17)
gárab ‘shoulder’ M sg. ABS, dáb ‘fire’ M sg. ABS and mı́is ‘table’ M sg. ABS:
a.
V-pos
2
TA
b.
1
-
TA
Consonants
g
r
Template
C V(CV)C V C V
Vowels
a
V-pos
1
TA
b
class 3
-
TA
Consonants
d
Template
C V(CV)C V C V
Vowels
[gárab]
b
a
6
[dáb]
class 4
40 Italian Meeting of Afroasiatic Linguistics Università di Torino
c.
V-pos
TA
2
1
-
TA
Consonants
m
Template
C V(CV)C V C V
Vowels
s
[mı́is]
class 4
i
• The syllable between parentheses is activated only if V1 is long, as in the case of mı́is,
otherwise it is erased.9
• I argue for the existence of a unique class, which I label 3/4.
(18)
Declension 3/4:
a. roots have a uniform and fixed template: CV1 +(CV)+CV2 +CV3 ;
b. the nouns are all masculine;
c. no gender polarity is observed.
• On the other hand, nouns from classes 1, 2 and 5 do not require any templatic restriction, as it can be seen from data in table 2.
3.3
The feminine exponent and the gender polarity
• Godon (1998:71-82) argues that feminine gender in Somali nouns depends on the presence of an underlying CV in their representations.
• I assume such a hypothesis as to which a CV syllable attached to the right edge of a
M noun is responsible for the tonal accent shift and thus for a F interpretation.
(19)
ı́nan ‘boy’, M vs. inán ‘girl’, F:10
a.
V-pos
TA
2
Vowels
b.
n
i
[ı́nan]
M sg.
[inán]
F sg.
a
2
TA
1
-
TA
Consonants
Vowels
m
CVCVCV
V-pos
Template
-
TA
Consonants
Template
1
n
m
CVCVCV+CV
i
a
9
This is an intrinsic property of CV units: if they are not used, they are erased. Cf. Guerssell &
Lowenstamm’s (1996) analysis of Classical Arabic verbs.
10
In Somali, /m/ neutralizes in favor of [n] when it occurs in final codas (cf. Saeed, 1999:301). Thus,
the underlying form is /inam/ for both [ı́nan] and [inán].
7
The morphophonology of Somali nouns
(20)
Arguments for the F marker:
a. the gemination of the last consonant in F plurals (class 2):
(i) albáab M sg. −→ albabbó F pl. ‘door(s)’
b. the alternation of the TA between singular and plural in class 5:
(i) mádax M sg. −→ madáx F pl. ‘head(s)’
c. the generalization on the position of the TA:
(i) the TA is always associated to the 2nd vowel from the right.
(21)
Additional CV syllable at plural (class 2 and 5): albáab ‘door’ and mádax ‘head’
a.
V-pos
2
TA
l
b
b
CVCVCVCVCV
Vowels
b.
[albáab]
M sg.
a
a
V-pos
2
TA
1
-
TA
Consonants
Template
-
TA
Consonants
Template
1
l
b
b
CVCVCVCVCV+CV
Vowels
a
[albaabbó]
a
Plural
A
U
c.
V-pos
TA
2
-
TA
Consonants
m
Template
CVCVCV
Vowels
d.
1
d
x
[mádax]
a
V-pos
2
TA
1
-
TA
Consonants
m
Template
CVCVCV+CV
Vowels
M sg.
d
x
a
Plural
A
U
8
[madáx]
F pl.
F pl.
40 Italian Meeting of Afroasiatic Linguistics Università di Torino
• The exception to the generalization on the position of the TA is represented by plurals
displaying the suffix -o.
• In class 5, where [o] does not appear, the TA surfaces on the predicted position: the
second vowel from the right.
(22)
Partial conclusion:
a. F is marked by a suffixed CV unit, whereas M is marked by zero.
b. The TA is independent from the gender.
c. Gender polarity is an epiphenomenon.
• Question: what is the TA used for in the system?
3.4
Case exponents
• I make the hypothesis that the TA is involved with case marking.
• The presence of two or more TA’s on a noun is prohibited. Hence, three logical possibilities exist on the position of the TA:
(23)
a.
b.
c.
The TA is on the 2nd V position from the right;
The TA is on the 1st V position from the right;
The TA is absent.
• The situation (23-a) corresponds to the ABS case.
(24)
ABS case is marked by the TA on the 2nd V from the right
• As for NOM, it corresponds to the absence of high tone, cf. (23-c).11
• Feminine nouns add the suffix -i
Table 4: NOM markings
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
11
absolutif
warqád
warqadó
albáab
albaabbó
mı́is
miisás
mádax
madáx
nominatif
warqad-i
warqado
albaab
albaabbo
miis
miisas
madax
madax-i
classe
1
1
2
2
3/4
3/4
5
5
genre
F
M
M
F
M
M
M
F
Saeed (1993:142) observes: “subject case lowers high tones”.
9
nombre
sg.
pl.
sg.
pl.
sg.
pl.
sg.
pl.
gloses
‘lettre’
‘lettres’
‘porte’
‘portes’
‘table’
‘tables’
‘tête’
‘têtes’
The morphophonology of Somali nouns
• Feminine NOM marking -i is attached to the last or rightmost element of the phrase,
unless this is the determiner.
• In addition, this suffix has three interesting behaviors from a phonological point of view:
Table 5: NOM i -suffix phonological properties
cl.
cl.
cl.
cl.
1.a
1.b
1.a
2
F
M
F
M
singular
f. simple
naagi
galabi
inani
inan
premodif
naág-tu
galáb-tu
inán-tu
ı́nan-ku
M
F
M
F
plural
f. simple
naago
galbo
inamo
inammo
12
premodif
naagú-hu
galbú-hu
inamú-hu
inammá-du
‘femme(s)’
‘épaule(s)’
‘filles(s)’
‘garçon(s)’
• -i does not trigger the palatalization, cf. joog ‘to stop’ vs. jooj-i ‘to make sb stop’.
• -i does not trigger the V-zero alternation in class 1.b.
• -i does trigger the neutralization of /m/ in intervocalic positions.
(25)
Hypothesis: -i attaches to an external CV unit:
a. the F CV hosts the NOM suffix -i
b. this explains why only F nouns display a segmental suffix at NOM
(26)
NOM templatic representations :
a.
b.
c.
NOM
Segments
n a
Template
CVCVCV+CV
g
NOM
g a l a b
Template
CVCVCV+CV
NOM
Template
[naagi] ‘woman’, F
i
Segments
Segments
d.
i
[galabi]shoulder’, F
i
i n am
CVCVCV+CV
NOM
[inani]
‘girl’, F
[inan]
‘boy’, M
i
Segments
i n am
Template
CVCVCV
12
Final -o in naago, galbo et inamo alternates with -u- in naagúhu, galbúhu et inamúhu. This phenomenon is referred to as the transparence of gutturals: vowels undergo harmony through a guttural
which is ‘transparent’.
10
40 Italian Meeting of Afroasiatic Linguistics Università di Torino
• As for GEN, it corresponds to a TA on the first vowel, cf. (23-b).
• Feminine nouns add the suffix -eed at sg. and -ood at pl.13
Table 6: Le GEN
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
absolutif
warqád
warqadó
albáab
albaabbó
mı́is
miisás
mádax
madáx
génitif
warqad-eéd
warqad-(oód)
albaáb
albaabb-(oód)
miı́s
miisás
madáx
madáx-oód
classe
1
1
2
2
3/4
3/4
5
5
genre
F
M
M
F
M
M
M
F
nombre
sg.
pl.
sg.
pl.
sg.
pl.
sg.
pl.
gloses
‘lettre’
‘lettres’
‘porte’
‘portes’
‘table’
‘tables’
‘tête’
‘têtes’
• The vowels /e/ and /o/ share the Element /A/, as predicted by the Theory of Elements.
• Hypothesis: a unique suffix underlies GEN nouns.
• This suffix surfaces only at F because of the presence of the external CV.
(27)
The GEN suffix -eed :
I vs. U
Ad
C V /ed/ or /od/
(28)
4
4.1
The GEN marker:
a. The TA is associated to the first V from the right;
b. The suffix (27) is inserted on the right edge of the root.
Syntactic structures in somali nouns
Complex heads
• I assume that noun formation proceeds along the lines drawn by Distributed Morphology (cf. Embick, 2010; Embick & Halle, 2005; Embick & Marantz, 2008; Embick &
Noyer, 2007; Harley & Noyer, 1999; Marantz, 1995, 1997, 2008);14
• This consists in a three-step derivation:
13
Saeed explicitly says that only some F nouns take the suffix -eed, but he does not explain the criteria
to distinguish such a group of nouns. In particular, he is not clear concerning the F plural nouns whose
singular is M (cf. class 2): “feminine plural nouns ending in -o add -od ”, naagoód ‘of women’ (GEN).
This example shows a noun which is F only at singular, its plural being M. Orwin (1995 : 66) claims that
F singular nouns taking an o-plural are suffixed by -oód at GEN pl. Finally, Puglielli & Siyaad (1984 :
105) show that all the o-plurals (both M and F) take the suffix -oód.
14
Cf. Lampitelli (2011) for a detailed analysis of somali nouns within DM framework.
11
The morphophonology of Somali nouns
(29)
Noun formation
a. syntactic basic structure;
b. complex head formation;
c. insertion of the phonological material and linearization.
• First, the following basic structure is found at the output of Syntax:
(30)
Basic structure of a noun
KP
K
numP
num
nP
√
n
ROOT
• A complex head is created via cyclic head movement (cf. Embick, 2010:36-40):
(31)
Somali noun complex head
K
K
num
num
n
ROOT
K [αobl.]
Th
num [αpl]
Th
n
√
Th
n
[αF]
• The insertion of the phonological material occurs (cf. each morpheme is called Vocabulary Item, Embick & Halle (2005)).
(32)
Somali noun VI’s:
a. [-F] ⇐⇒ zero
b. [+F] ⇐⇒ CV
c. [-pl] ⇐⇒ zero
d. [+pl] ⇐⇒ /A.U/
e. [NOM] ⇐⇒ -i
f. [GEN] ⇐⇒ last vowel TA + -eed
g. [ABS] ⇐⇒ penultimate vowel TA.
12
40 Italian Meeting of Afroasiatic Linguistics Università di Torino
• An example from declension 2 (albáab ‘door’) is shown below:
(33)
Complex head and linearization for albáab ‘door’, M sg. ABS
a.
K
num
n
√
ROOT
K
num TA
2nd vowel
n
zero
zero
albaab
CVCVCVCVCV
b.
V-pos
2
TA
-
TA
Segments
a l
b a
b
CVCVCVCVCV
Template
(34)
1
[albáab]
Complex head and linearization for albaabbó ‘doors’, F pl. ABS
a.
K
num
n
√
ROOT
albaab
K
num TA
2nd vowel
n
A.U
CV
CVCVCVCVCV
b.
V-pos
2
1
TA
Segments
Template
TA
a l
b a
b
C V C V C V C V C V + C V [albaabbó] ou [albaabbo]
Plural
A
U
13
The morphophonology of Somali nouns
5
Conclusion
• I proposed a unique marker for Pl: /A.U/
• I proposed a unique marker for F: an underlying unit CV;
• I defined a given marker for each syntactic case
• Each noun is formed by putting together the basic pieces of inflection
• All the nouns are formed the same way, by using the same material
• Surface differences are the results of phonological processes
(35)
The notion of “inflexional class” or “noun class” becomes redundant (cf. Bobaljik
(2008)).
References
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Jonathan David Bobaljik (2008). “Paradigms (Optimal and Otherwise): A Case for Scepticism”. In:
Asaf Bachrach, Andrew I. Nevins (eds.), Inflectional Identities, Oxford : Oxford University Press,
pp. 29–54.
David Embick (2010). Localism versus Globalism in Morphology and Phonology. Cambridge, Mass.:
MIT Press.
David Embick, Morris Halle (2005). “The status of stems in Morphological Theory”. In: Twan
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