シドニーの日本： サドラー教授とモダニズム1920－30年代
JAPAN IN SYDNEY
Professor Sadler & modernism 1920–30s
CURATED BY AJIOKA Chiaki AND Maria (Connie) Tornatore-Loong
with contributions by Catriona Moore, Nishiyama Junko,
Kuwahara Noriko, Marsden Hordern and Silas Clifford-Smith
UNIVERSITY ART GALLERY
THE UNIVERSITY OF SYDNEY
1
Front cover: KAWANISHI Hide, Miss Kobe (detail) 1931 (Cat. 85)
Rear cover: UNKNOWN, Photograph of
Professor Sadler from Hermes Volume
XXVIII No 2, August 1922. © Courtesy
of the University of Sydney Archives
G3/224/0577
Title page: Harold CAZNEAUX, Professor Sadler, 1926 (Cat. 1.2)
Published in conjunction with the exhibition
Japan in Sydney: Professor Sadler & modernism, 1920-30s
University Art Gallery
The University of Sydney
3 April – 26 June 2011
Exhibition curators: Ajioka Chiaki and Maria (Connie) Tornatore-Loong
Editors: Luke Parker and Ann Stephen
© University Art Gallery and authors April 2011, electronic version revised July 2011
This catalogue is copyright. Apart from any use permitted under the Copyright Act
1968 and subsequent amendments, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system or transmitted by any means or process whatsoever without the prior written
permission of the publisher.
Every attempt has been made to locate the copyright holders for material quoted
and reproduced in this catalogue. Any person or organisation that may have been
overlooked or misattributed may contact the publisher.
Rights and permissions: Ajioka Chiaki and Maria (Connie) Tornatore-Loong
Copy editor: Ewen McDonald
Design and print production: Peter Thorn
Printed using Forestry Stewardship Council approved paper
Published by University Art Gallery, The University of Sydney
National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry:
Title: Japan in Sydney: Professor Sadler & modernism, 1920-30s
by Ajioka Chiaki and Maria (Connie) Tornatore-Loong
ISBN: 9781742102184 (pbk.)
Notes: Includes bibliographical references.
Subjects: Sadler, A. L. (Arthur Lindsay), 1882-1970.
Art, Japanese—Australia—20th century—Exhibitions.
Art, Modern—20th century—Exhibitions.
University of Sydney. Art Gallery.
Dewey Number: 709.520904
The Japan in Sydney exhibition, catalogue and symposium have been generously
supported by the Commonwealth through the Australia-Japan Foundation which is
part of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, and The Japan Foundation.
CONTENTS
Foreword
David ELLIS
5
The remarkable Professor Sadler: Japan, Sydney and Australian modernism
Maria (Connie) TORNATORE-LOONG
7
When language is not a barrier: Professor Sadler and modern Japan AJIOKA Chiaki
51
Modern ideas on the move
Catriona MOORE
81
Japanese modernist prints and European inspiration
NISHIYAMA Junko
93
Case study One: ONCHI Kōshirō and European art
KUWAHARA Noriko
Case study Two: Paul Haefliger and the art of Japan
Maria (Connie) TORNATORE-LOONG
111
117
Professor Sadler: A Personal Reminiscence
Marsden HORDERN
125
Sadler after Sydney: A Personal Note
Silas CLIFFORD-SMITH
129
Artist biographies 133
Catalogue of works
138
Professor Sadler
Australian modernist prints
Bookplates–European, Australian, Japanese
European modernism in prints
Japanese modernism and its inspirations
Selected bibliography
148
Contributors 150
Acknowledgements 152
All Japanese names used in this catalogue are written with surname first, followed by the given name.
European names are given with the surname after the given name/s.
KAWANISHI Hide, Dance hall 1935 (Cat. 86)
4
FOREWORD
David ELLIS
Director – Museums and Cultural Engagement, The University of Sydney
The University of Sydney recently celebrated the 150th anniversary of its first museum. Today,
it holds one of the largest university collections of antiquities, art, ethnography and natural
history in Australia. Importantly, these collections have been created by generous benefactors
who have greatly contributed towards the cultural and intellectual life of the University and the
wider community.
The Dr M J Morrissey Bequest Fund was established in 1984 in memory of Professor Arthur
Lindsay Sadler, Professor of Oriental Studies at The University of Sydney (1922-47) to create
a collection of ‘Far Eastern (particularly Japanese) pictorial works of art’. Dr M J Morrissey
studied Japanese under Sadler in the mid 1930s as part of his arts degree. The professor’s
passion for the Japanese language, its culture, history and aesthetics inspired Morrissey who
later enlisted as a Japanese interpreter and military intelligence officer during WWII. Morrissey’s
interest in ukiyo-e prints – which he subsequently donated to the University – can be attributed
to Sadler’s influence.
Since its inception, the fund has focused on the purchase of pre-WW II Japanese modernist
prints and publications for the University’s Eastern Asian Collection in the Fisher Library.
Professor John Clark (Department of Art History and Film Studies) and Jackie Menzies (Head
Curator, Asian Art, Art Gallery of New South Wales, Sydney) have provided much expert
advice on these acquisitions. This exhibition, Japan in Sydney: Professor Sadler & modernism,
1920-30s features a significant selection of the University’s Japanese prints, purchased by the
Dr M J Morrissey Bequest Fund and celebrates Sadler’s legacy at The University of Sydney.
This exhibition and catalogue would not have been possible without the generous support of
sponsors and lenders, and I thank particularly the Commonwealth through the Australia-Japan
Foundation (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade), and The Japan Foundation for their
significant contributions. Finally, I extend my thanks to the curators, Maria (Connie) TornatoreLoong and Ajioka Chiaki and to The University of Sydney Museums team.
5
Ethel SPOWERS, Wet afternoon 1929-30 (Cat. 39)
6
The remarkable Professor Sadler:
Japan, Sydney and Australian modernism
サドラー教授の業績：日本、シドニー、オーストラリアのモダニズム
マリア(コニー)・トーナトーレ・ロング
Maria (Connie) TORNATORE-LOONG
From the second half of the 19th
century, Japanese culture and aesthetics
became a source of inspiration and
knowledge for Western artists, scholars and
writers. Artists, for instance, adopted the
technique and compositional features of the
ukiyo-e (‘art of the floating world’) woodcut
print, employing its decorative motifs, multiple
and unconventional viewpoints, graphic
linearity and flat colour, to create modernist
works of art in the Japanese style.1
In Australia, artists were first introduced to
a display of ‘Oriental prints’ at the Sydney
Mechanics School of Arts in 1857. This was
followed by similar displays held at each of
the major colonial exhibitions. These exhibits
fueled an appetite for things Japanese,
as did publications such as the English art
periodical, The Studio (from 1893) and
the illustrated French journal, Le Japon
artistique, which stimulated a generation
of artists to experiment in colour printing
and carving techniques.2 During the 1920s
and 1930s, due partly to interest generated
by ukiyo-e prints and travel, there was a
revival in the production of woodcuts and
linocuts. The Impressionist painter John
Peter Russell journeyed to Japan in 1874
and later presented a collection of Japanese
woodcut prints to his cousin, Thea Proctor.3
Likewise during the 1930s, Paul Haefliger
and Margaret Preston both separately visited
Japan to refine their skills in colour woodblock
printing techniques.
19世紀後半から、西洋の学者･芸術家･作家た
ちは日本の文化・美意識から学ぼうとしてい
た。画家たちは、浮世絵版画の特徴である装
飾的モチーフ、固定的でない、あるいは斬新な
視点、曲線的構図、色面などの技術的・構図的
手法を取り入れて、｢日本的な｣近代美術を制作
した。1　豪州においては、1857年にシドニー技術美術
学校での「東洋の版画」展示を皮切りとし、都
市部で開催された博覧会が日本美術紹介の場
となった。博覧会の日本の物産展示は日本の
物産についての人々の興味をそそったし、一方
イギリスの『ザ・スチュディオ』(1893年発刊)や
フランスの『ル・ジャポン・アーティスティック』
などのヨーロッパの美術雑誌に刺激された世
代の作家たちは、多色木版の手法を試みた。2
1920年代から30年代にかけては、浮世絵への
興味と日本旅行の刺激も手伝って、木版画とリ
ノカットのリバイバルが起こった。印象派の画
家ジョン･ピーター･ラッセルは1874年に日本を
訪れ、当地で蒐集した木版画を従妹の画家シ
ア・プロクターに贈った。3　また、1930年代に
はポール･ヘイフリガーとマーガレット・プレス
トンが日本へ渡って木版技術を磨いた。
7
But in Sydney, it was the remarkable
Professor Arthur Lindsay Sadler, (1882-1970)
and his extensive publications on the
traditional arts and crafts of Japan, who
was at the forefront of this awakening
international interest in Japanese culture and
the ukiyo-e aesthetic (Cat 1.1).4
As Professor of Oriental Studies at The
University of Sydney, from 1922 to 1947
– succeeding the inaugural Professor of
Oriental Studies, James Murdoch who died in
1921– Sadler was instrumental in promoting
Japanese art, language and history.5 Londonborn and Oxford-educated, he had studied
Hebrew, Assyrian, Greek, Sanskrit, Chinese
and Japanese languages, history, classical
literature, philology and archaeology. Sadler’s
interest in Japanese art further extended to
its architecture, interior decoration and garden
design. He shared his passion for Japonisme
with local Sydney modernists, intellectuals and
a generation of Australian artists. Significantly
Sadler’s ‘Orientalist’ vision linked European
modernism to Japanese aesthetics.6
Sadler arrived from Tokyo in 1922 after
thirteen formative years in Japan, where he
had lectured in English literature and classics
at the Sixth Higher School (Dai Roku Kōtō
Gakkō), in Okayama and at the Peers School
(Gakushōin) in Tokyo (Cat. 14). In 1916 he
married Eva Botan Seymour, an AngloJapanese woman (Cat. 1.3) In addition, he
actively participated in the Asiatic Society of
Japan as a council-member and was awarded
companion (Fifth Class) of the Imperial Order
of the Rising Sun in 1919 for his services to
teaching.7
Sadler believed that a study of texts
provided the foundation for a knowledge
of the Japanese language and its culture.8
His language courses involved three years’
study of classical literature, poetry, modern
novels and press extracts. For the first time,
‘Oriental’ history courses were available to
non-language students, offering a general
introduction to East Asian and Japanese
culture.9 These classes were popular as
8
しかしシドニーにおいて、作家たちを日本文化
や浮世絵の美学に目覚めさせる先鋒に立った
のは、アーサー･リンジー･サドラー教授の啓蒙
活動と日本の美術工芸に関する彼の著作であ
った。(cat.1.1)4
シドニー大学で、1921年に急逝した東洋学部
初代教授のジェームズ･マードックを継いで
1922年から47年まで同学部教授を務めたサド
ラーは、 日本語および日本の文化･歴史の啓
蒙活動において重要な役割を果たした。5 ロ
ンドンで生まれ、オックスフォードで学んだサ
ドラーは、ヘブライ語、アッシリア語、ギリシア
語、サンスクリット語、中国語そして日本語を専
門とし、中国･日本の歴史、古典文学、哲学、考
古学に通じていた。また日本美術への興味は、
建築・室内装飾・造園へ及んだ。ジャポニズム
への情熱をシドニーのモダニズム作家、知識
層、そしてこの世代の豪州作家と共有した。こ
こで重要なのは、サドラーの｢東洋学｣の視点
が、日本の美学を西洋モダニズムと結びつけた
ことである。6　1922年、サドラーは、東洋学者としての形成期
となった13年間を過ごした日本を出立してシド
ニーに到着した。日本では岡山の第六高等学
校と東京の学習院(cat.14)で英文学とラテン語
を教え、1916年には日英混血のエヴァ・ボタン・
シーモアと結婚した。(cat.1.3)また日本アジアテ
ィック･ソサエティーの評議員を務め、1919年に
は英語教育への貢献を認められ、勲五等旭日
章を授与された。7　サドラーは日本語の文章を学習することが日本
語および文化の知識の基盤となると考えた。8
彼の語学コースは、三年間にわたって日本の古
典文学、詩歌、現代小説、新聞記事を読むもの
であった。また、東洋と日本文化の入門コース
を設置し、日本語科以外の学生も初めて東洋史
を履修できることとなった。9　日本や東洋の歴
Harold CAZNEAUX, Professor Arthur Sadler, Sydney, 1926 (Cat. 1.1)
Harold CAZNEAUX, Eva Botan Sadler, Sydney, 1926 (Cat. 1.3)
Sadler provided a comparative account
with European history. Joan Ackroyd,
a former student in the 1930s, recalled
that “lectures were enlivened by Sadler’s
inherent irreverence and quizzical sense of
humour, as he seized with delight on the
quirks of individuals, events and associated
anecdotes.” Regarded by fellow University
colleagues and students as modest and
renowned for his formality and politeness,
Sadler was a distinctive figure. A large,
solidly built man, in his English tweeds with
a pince-nez, he would receive visitors to the
University, surrounded by his collection of
Japanese ceremonial swords, samurai armour,
ukiyo-e prints, theatre masks, Chinese scrolls
and ceramics (Cat. 15).10
His personal life was also filled by Japanese
recreational interests. As well as collecting
ukiyo-e prints and artefacts, he practiced
kendō (swordfighting), the traditional art of
Cha-no-yu (the tea ceremony), and ikebana
(flower arranging).11 Sadler lectured regularly
at the University and the Art Gallery of
史をヨーロッパと比較しつつ語るサドラーのク
ラスは非常に人気があった。1930年代に学生で
あったジョーン・アクロイドによると、｢サドラー
が歴史的人物や事件の逸話を語るときの彼特
有の不敬さとひねったユーモアで、教室は活気
を帯びていた｣。大学の同僚と学生の間では、サ
ドラーは謙虚な人物とみなされ、その格式ばっ
た態度と慇懃さで知られていた。大柄な骨太の
身体に、保守的な英国製ツイードをまとい、鼻
眼鏡をかけていた。彼の教官室には、日本の儀
式用刀、甲冑、浮世絵、能面、中国絵画・陶磁器
が飾られて訪問者を迎えた。(cat.15)10 サドラーは日本趣味豊かな私生活を送った。
浮世絵や骨董を蒐集し、剣道、茶の湯、生け花
に励んだ。11 また度々、日本の社会、政治、美
術、宗教、演劇、室内装飾、造園などについて
ニューサウスウェールズ美術館でスライドを用
いて講義し、時には地域劇団のために日本の
古典戯曲を演出した。12　9
Utagawa KUNISADA / TOYOKUNI III, Fan (recto) 1830-50 (Cat. 15)
10
Utagawa KUNIAKI II, The opening ceremony of Gakushōin, The Peers School at Nishiki-chō (detail) 1877 (Cat. 14)
11
MAEKAWA Senpan, Department store 1933 (Cat. 92)
12
INAGAKI Tomoo, Blast furnace 1926 (Cat. 83)
13
New South Wales on all things Japanese:
its society and politics, art, drama, interior
decoration, landscape design and religion. He
even produced classical Japanese plays for
community theatre.12
However, it is for his translations of ancient
Japanese and Chinese texts – including
histories, essays, novels and poetry – that
Sadler is celebrated. As any selected
bibliography reveals, his publications
focused on aspects of Japanese cultural
and artistic traditions which he considered
relevant to modern Australia. He also wrote
on Japanese art, architecture and garden
design for publications including The Home
and Art in Australia, and contributed a
number of articles to The Sydney Morning
Herald and scholarly journals. Sadler was
always generous in acknowledging his
colleagues and associates. For instance,
he dedicated his The Art of Flower
Arrangement in Japan (1933) to Bernard
Leach, the British potter (a connection
elaborated upon in Ajioka Chiaki’s essay).
And others were generous in return:
despite being an avid anti-modernist as
his tract Addled Art (1943) reveals – the
artist, critic and writer Lionel Lindsay wrote
a preface espousing the significance of
‘Japanese colour prints’ and the art of flower
arrangement as a source of inspiration for
European modernists such as James Whistler,
Claude Monet and Vincent van Gogh,
acknowledging Sadler’s recommendation
that Japanese flower arrangements were
appropriate sources for art.13 While Lindsay’s
wood-engravings from the 1920s such
as Heysen’s birds (c1923), Pheasant and
magnolias (1925) and Flowers (c1925) are
illustrative of his draughtsmanship and
compositional skills, they are reminiscent
of the kachōga (bird and flower pictures)
aesthetic (Cat. 27 & 28).
Sadler advocated the importance of teaching
Asian languages instead of French, German
and Italian, in Australian state schools and
universities. For him, learning Japanese had
14
しかしサドラーを著名にしたのは、日本と中国
の歴史、随筆、小説、詩歌の翻訳であった。そ
して彼の著作リストが示すごとく、その出版物
は、彼がオーストラリアの近代社会に貢献でき
ると考えた、日本の伝統文化・美術に関する著
作が中心をなしている。また『ザ・ホーム』誌お
よび『アート・イン・オーストラリア』誌に日本
の美術・建築・造園について寄稿し、
『シドニ
ー・モーニング・ヘラルド』等の新聞及び学会
誌にも頻繁に投稿した。サドラーは常に同僚へ
の謝辞を忘れなかった。たとえば、著書『日本
の生け花』を英国人陶芸家バーナード・リーチ
に献辞している(リーチとサドラーとの関係につ
いては、本カタログの味岡エッセイを参照)。
そのようなサドラーに対し、人々は礼で報い
た。芸術家・美術批評家・著者のライオネル・
リンジーは、著作『混乱する美術』(1943年)と
いう小冊子に見られる反モダニズムの立場に
あるにもかかわらず、日本の多色木版と生け花
がホイッスラーやモネ、ゴッホらのヨーロッパ近
代の作家に多大な影響を与えたと述べ、生け
花がモダンな室内に適切だというサドラーの
説に賛同している。13 リンジーが1920年代に
制作した《七面鳥》(1923年頃)や《雉と木蓮》
(1925年)などは、日本の花鳥画を思わせると同
時に、彼の卓越した木口木版の技術と構図の
センスを物語っている。(cat.26-28)
サドラーは更に、豪州の学校・大学で、フラン
ス語・イタリア語・ドイツ語の代わりにアジア
の言語を教えることの重要性を訴えた。彼は日
本語教育は実用的・文化的意義があるとし、そ
の理由をこう述べる：
｢日本はその伝統を保存しながら、いや、その高
度に発達した自己の文明を近代国家の基礎に
連結させつつ、ここ40年の間に、英国や米国と
肩を並べる地位を築くという、前例のない偉業
を成し遂げたのだ」14
Lionel Arthur LINDSAY, Pheasant and magnolias 1925 (Cat. 27)
Lionel Arthur LINDSAY, Flowers c1925 (Cat. 28)
15
both a useful and cultural value. He stated that:
Japan has the most remarkable record of
any country the world has yet seen, for while
retaining all her ancient characteristics, or
rather, developing them and linking her own
very high civilisation, the foundation to build
up the modern nation, she has in forty years
attained the position of holding equal rank
with Powers like Great Britain and America in
world politics.14
As a Pacific people, Sadler urged Australians
“to study the Japanese and Chinese
languages in order to assist with trade
and finance as well as to develop an
understanding of our closest neighbours.”15
Consequently, Sadler was instrumental in
the founding of the Australia-Japan Society
in 1928. Together with the patronage of the
Governor (Sir Dudley de Chair) and University
supporters, Mungo MacCallum, professors
Wilkinson, Burkitt and R.C. Mills and the
artist and publisher Sydney Ure Smith, Sadler
promoted cross-cultural understanding
and cooperation as well as commercial
developments. He became an active member
of the Institute of Peace Relations and
travelled with a delegation to the Kyoto
Conference in 1929.16
From 1931 to 1937, Sadler was concurrently
Professor of Japanese at the Royal Military
College, Victoria Barracks, Sydney and
acted as an official advisor to the Australian
Government on Japanese culture and
traditions. He trained translators and was
possibly involved in cryptography and military
intelligence reconnaissance during the years
of the war in the Pacific.17 Not surprisingly,
Sadler’s advocacy of Japanese culture and
its military traditions raised suspicions about
his loyalty, when Japan entered the war in
December 1941.18 Sadler and his wife Eva
were subjected to continuous surveillance and
hostility due to their Japanese associations,19
but repeated investigation by police and
military intelligence throughout 1941 and 1942
cleared them of all accusations. In fact, Sadler
was an invaluable advisor on Japanese cultural
affairs and foreign policy.
16
太平洋地域の国である豪州は「貿易と金融の
ためばかりでなく、我々に最も近い諸国への理
解を深めるために日本語と中国語を学ぶ」べき
だとした。15　このため、豪日協会の設立(1928
年)に尽くし、また総督ダドリー・デ・チェア卿
の協力を得て、学内の教授マンゴ・マッカラム、
ウイルキンソン・バーキット、RCミルズ、作家で
出版者のシドニー・ユア・スミスと共に、文化間
の理解・協力が商業開発と同様に必要である
と奨励した。そして平和関係委員会のメンバー
として活動し、1929年には、代表団と共に京都
会議に出席した。16
1931年から37年まで、サドラーはシドニーのビ
クトリア兵舎にある王立兵学校の日本語教授
を兼ね、豪州政府の日本文化伝統に関する公
式アドバイザーでもあった。彼は日本語通訳者
を育て、1941-45年の太平洋戦争中には、軍諜
報部において暗号解読に携わった可能性があ
る。17 当然ながら、1941年に太平洋戦争が勃発
すると、日本の文化・軍人を擁護する態度は国
民としての忠誠を疑われることとなった。18 サド
ラーと妻のエヴァは、日本との関係のために、
頻繁に監視や嫌がらせの対象となったが、19
1941–42年に行われた警察と軍諜報部による
度重なる調査の結果、夫妻に対する嫌疑はす
べて根拠のないことが証明された。事実、サド
ラーは日本の文化・外交に関して政府の貴重
なアドバイザーであったのだ。
サドラーが教え子のマシュー･モリシーと再会
したのもこの頃であった。サドラーと同様、モリ
シーも浮世絵を蒐集し、遺書によって、サドラ
ーの功績を記念して｢極東(特に日本)の絵画美
術｣コレクションを設立する目的で、財産を大学
に遺贈した。(cat.9)20
NAGARE Shirō, Road cut c1930 (Cat. 96)
17
OHARA Shōson, Two women in snow 1927 (Cat. 9)
ODA Kazuma, The Great Matsue Bridge from the series Scenes of north-western Japan 1924 (Cat. 8)
It was also during this period that Sadler was reacquainted with a former student
Dr MJ Morrissey who, like Sadler, was a keen
collector of ukiyo-e prints. It was Morrissey’s
bequest to the University that established
the collection of ‘Far Eastern (particularly
Japanese) pictorial works of art’ – a collection
that honoured the work and contribution of
Sadler (Cat. 9).20
Sadler and modernism
Sadler had espoused the virtues of Japanese
aesthetics and its influence on European
modernism. In his introduction to Cha-No-Yu:
The Japanese Tea Ceremony (1934) he stated :
This movement may be called Modern only
in Europe, for it appears to a great extent to
be, where it is not influenced by machinery of
some kind, a copying of the national outlook
and taste of Japan in these spheres … there
is so much in the details of Modernism
that is identical with what has long been
characteristic of Japanese idiosyncrasy.21
18
サドラーとモダニズム
サドラーは、日本の美意識の利点と、そのヨー
ロッパのモダニズムへの影響について人々を啓
蒙した。
『茶の湯：日本の茶道』(1934年)の前
書きで彼はこう述べる：
｢この芸術運動を｢モダン｣と呼べるのは恐らく
ヨーロッパのみであろう。なぜなら、機械によ
る影響を除けば、その大半は日本人の特性と好
みを真似たものであるからだ...(略)モダニズム
の具体的な特徴の多くは、昔から典型的な日
本人の特性であったのだから。」21
簡素、節操、規律は、サドラーの気性に合って
いた。茶の湯は日本的審美の粋であり、彼はそ
こに西洋モダニズムとの確かな共通点を見た
のだった。
大学に落ち着いたサドラーは、シドニーの作家
や知識人と積極的に交わった。その中には、先
に触れたリンジー、プロクターをはじめ、エイド
Simplicity, discipline and order appealed
to Sadler’s sensibilities. The art of Chano-yu reflected the essence of Japanese
aestheticism and Sadler recognised its
distinct parallel with European modernism.
During his University tenure, Sadler
enthusiastically engaged with local artists
and intellectuals like Lionel Lindsay, Thea
Proctor, Adrian Feint, Hera Roberts, Roy
de Maistre, Ethel Spowers, Paul Haefliger,
Sydney Ure Smith, Percy Neville Barnett,
professors Wilkinson and Waterhouse and
the architect Hardy Wilson.22 His collection
of Japanese prints was well-known in Sydney
art circles and he was regularly invited to
organise and participate in various exhibitions.
In 1923, he loaned twenty-four ukiyo-e prints
by Utamaro, Hiroshige and Hokusai to the
Tyrrell’s Gallery, Woodcuts Exhibition which
displayed prints by prominent European,
American and Australian artists (including
Frank Brangwyn, Albrecht Dürer, Thomas
Bewick, Bertha Lum, Lindsay, Preston,
Spowers and Barnett) alongside Sadler’s
ukiyo-e works. This exhibition was significant
as it marked the revival in woodblock printing
techiques in Australia.23
It was Sadler’s participation in the Burdekin
House Exhibition (Macquarie Street, Sydney,
October 1929) that established his reputation
as a key figure of modern cross-cultural
exchange. This groundbreaking exhibition,
organised by Roy de Maistre, championed
the virtues of modernity and simplicity in
everyday living and included rooms designed
by Proctor, Feint, Leon Gellert, Henry Pynor,
Frank Weitzel, and Hera Roberts. Sadler
designed two rooms in the Euro-modernist/
Japoniste style. The first was a Europeanstyle sitting room ‘showing Japanese
influence’ with ceramics, furniture and a
painting by de Maistre. The second had ‘the
utter simplicity of the Oriental room’.24 Tatami
matting, a hanging scroll, tea kettle and
brazier, smoking cabinet, a clock and a handwarmer were strategically displayed. Sadler’s
philosophy of design derived from the ‘truths’
inherent in Yoshida Kenkō’s Tsurezuregusa
リアン・フェイント、ヘラ・ロバーツ、ロイ・ド・メ
ステラ、スパウアース、ヘイフリガー、ユア・スミ
ス、パーシー・ネヴィル・バネット、ウイルキンソ
ン教授、ウォーターハウス教授、建築家ウイリ
アム・ハーディー・ウイルソンらがいた。22
サドラーの浮世絵コレクションはシドニーの美
術関係者に知られており、度々要請されて展
覧会を開いた。1923年には、歌麿、広重、北斎
の版画24点をティレルズ・ギャラリーの『木版
画展』に出品している。この展覧会は、サドラ
ーの浮世絵と並んで欧米と豪州の作家(フラン
ク・ブラングウィン、アルブレヒト・デューラー、
トマス・ビューィック、バーサ・ラム、リンジー、
プレストン、スパウアース、バネット)の木版画
も展示し、オーストラリアにおける木版画のリ
バイバルを促した重要な企画であった。23
文化間交流の主導者としてのサドラーの地位
を確立したのは、1929年10月シドニーのマクォ
リー通りの「バーディカン・ハウス」で開かれた
室内装飾展であった。画家・デザイナーのロ
イ・デ・メストラの企画になるこの展覧会は、日
常生活にモダニズムの簡潔さを取り入れること
を奨励するもので、プロクター、フェイント、レ
オン・ジェラート、ヘンリー・パイニョー、フラン
ク・ウイゼル、ヘラ・ロバーツがそれぞれデザイ
ンしたインテリアが含まれていた。サドラーは
二部屋を受け持った。一つはヨーロッパ風の
居間に陶磁器、家具、デ・メストラの絵を｢日本
風｣にあしらったもの、もう一つは｢東洋的な
究極の簡潔さ｣24をうたい、畳敷きの床に
掛物、茶釜と火鉢、煙草入れ、和風時計などを
効果的にあしらったものである。このデザイン
の哲学となったのは、自然美、友情、死などに
ついてつづられた吉田兼好の『徒然草』に表
現された｢真実｣であった。兼好への賛美とし
て、サドラーは住宅装飾にその簡素さを適用し
たのだった。サドラーはまた、初期フランドル
や17世紀オランダ、英国チューダー朝、イタリア
19
(‘Essays in Idleness’), 1330-32, a medieval
collection of essays on diverse topics such as
the beauty of nature, friendship and death.
In homage to Kenkō, Sadler advocated a
minimalist aesthetic within the domestic
sphere – an aesthetic he also connected
with the “pleasing severity” and lack of
“superfluities” associated with early Flemish,
17th century Dutch, Tudor English and
Renaissance Italian cultures.25
Sadler’s passion for transcultural design
extended to his upper North Shore Warrawee
residence, ‘Rivenhall’ – a combination of
Tudor, Neo-Georgian, Italianate and Japanese
architectural elements (Cat. 1.13). Designed
and built by the architectural firm, Stafford
Harman Buchanan in 1923, ‘Rivenhall’
appeared as if “transplanted by some
mysterious agency among the gums and
wattles of Sydney”.26 Its shell-shaped dome
above the entrance, Italian well-head, parallel
pavilions overlooking a sunken watercourse,
water-lily pond surrounded by irises, and Renji
mado (lattice windows) all echoed Sadler’s
synthesis of Euro-Japoniste styles (Cat. 1.4,
1.5 & 1.6).27 Jacobean furniture, designed by
Sadler but manufactured in Japan, furnished
the dining and reception rooms, while Persian
rugs, Japanese prints and ceramics, Chinese
scrolls and Buddhist shrines were stylishly
presented throughout.28 Sadler also carved
bamboo flower vases for his ikebana displays,
and engaged in the craft of ship modelling.29
While the portico provided relief in the
summer months, his study, with cathedral
ceilings and massive wooden beams, served
as a retreat.
Sadler’s ‘Rivenhall’ is renowned for its
Japanese-inspired garden, complete with
a Sukiya (outdoor tea-room) and Roji (teahouse garden).30 The Sukiya and Roji were
hand-built by Sadler “according to the dicta
of the most eminent Masters” and Cha-no-yu
aesthetics (Cat. 1.8 & 1.10).31 In A Short History
of Japanese Architecture (1941) he recorded
that his attraction to Japanese buildings and
gardens was first awakened by Professor
Morse’s 1888 edition, Japanese Homes and
20
ルネッサンスの文化が持っていた｢煩雑さのな
い、心地よい厳格さ｣を好んだ。25　サドラーのハイブリッドなデザインへの情熱
は、彼がシドニー北部に建てた自宅「ライヴェ
ンホール」の設計にも及んだ。(cat.1.13) チュ
ーダー朝、ネオ・ジョージアン、イタリア、日本
の建築様式を組合わせたライヴェンホール
は、1923年にスタフォード・ハーマン・ブカナ
ン建築事務所が設計建設したもので、
「シドニ
ーのユーカリとミモザの只中に、不可解な力に
よって植えつけられた」と評された。26 貝を模
った入り口上部のドーム、イタリア風井戸、平
行した棟の間には、一段下がって菖蒲に囲ま
れた睡蓮の浮かぶ池、日本風の連子窓は、サ
ドラーの「洋和折衷」を物語る。(cat.1.4-1.6)27
屋内には、サドラーがデザインし日本で作られ
たジャコバン風の家具が食堂・応接間を飾り、
そこかしこにペルシア絨緞、日本の版画や陶
磁器、中国絵画、仏壇などが適所に置かれて
いた。28 また自ら竹を削って生け花の花器と
し、船舶模型も得意とした。29 天井に聖堂風
の梁が交差する書斎はサドラーの憩いの場で
あり、外の柱廊は夏の暑さをしのぐ場所であ
った。
ライヴェンホールは、数奇屋と露地のある日本
的要素を取り入れた庭園で知られていた。30 数
奇屋と露地は、茶の湯の美学と「最も優れた茶
人の定めに従って」サドラー自身が造ったもので
ある。(cat.1.8 & 1.10)31 サドラーは『日本建築史
概説』(1941年)で、日本の建築と庭園に最初に興
味を持ったのは、
モース教授の『日本の住宅と
その環境』(1888年)を読んでからだと述べてい
る。(cat.11)また、オックスフォードの東洋学と中
国の専門家C J ボール教授に勧められて、アジ
アの言語を学び日本へ行くことになったと回想
している。日本に滞在中のサドラーは、城下町の
伝統的な家三軒に移り住んだ。32
Harold CAZNEAUX, Professor Arthur Sadler’s ‘Rivenhall’, Warrawee, Sydney, 1926 (Cat. 1.13)
their Surroundings (Cat. 11); and he credited
his Oxford Professor C J Ball, a Chinese
scholar and Asian specialist, with encouraging
him to study Asian languages and travel to
Japan. Significantly, during his years in Japan,
Sadler lived in three traditional Japanese
houses within an ancient castle village.32
In accordance with the tradition of Cha-no-yu, Sadler’s garden and tea-house
were designed in isolation from the house,
with a separate entrance from the street.33
Stepping stones led to a path towards
the entrance gates of the Sukiya, creating
a contemplative and tranquil oasis (Cat.
1.8).34 Traditional Japanese plants such as
bamboo and conifers surrounded the Sukiya.
According to Sadler, “the planting of trees in
a tea-garden should be such as to suggest
some quiet spot in the woods where all
the fresh purity of nature abides in an air
of solitary detachment.”35 His garden was
further complemented with stone lanterns
to honour the ‘tea masters’ who adapted
them from the Buddhist temples. Sadler
茶の湯の伝統に従い、サドラーの茶室は母屋
から独立して造られ、道路からの入り口も別に
なっていた。33　入り口からは飛び石が茶室へ
と導き、落ち着いた清閑な空間を作り出して
いた。(cat.1.8)34　植木も、竹や針葉樹といっ
た日本的なものが選ばれた。サドラーによると
「露地の植木は、林の中の静寂な一角、超然
とした空気に自然の純粋な息吹を感じさせる
場所を思わせる」べきであった。35 また庭に
は、寺院の石灯籠を露地に見立てた昔の茶人
に倣って石灯籠が置かれた。そのためにサド
ラーは、コンクリートを使って18世紀の瑞穂流
茶道が好んだ雪見灯篭を造った。これらの石
灯籠は露地の通路に沿って置かれ、夜に｢面白
い効果を狙って｣火が灯された。学生や同僚、
作家たちは度々ライヴェンホールに招かれた。
そこでは英国風の｢午後のお茶｣に続いて、サド
ラー夫妻が茶室で茶の湯を振舞った。36 サド
ラーにとって茶の湯は、｢個人住宅における美
21
22
Harold CAZNEAUX, Eva Botan Sadler, 1926 (Cat. 1.4)
created Yukimi (snow-viewing lanterns) from
concrete, imitating traditional 18th century
designs favoured by the Mizuho school.
These lanterns were positioned along a path
in the Roji and lit at night for an ‘interesting
effect’. Students, colleagues and artists were
regularly entertained at ‘Rivenhall’ – an
English-style afternoon tea was accompanied
by Cha-no-yu, performed by the Sadlers in
the Sukiya in the Roji.36 For Sadler, Cha-no-yu
was “a household sacrament of aesthetics,
economics and etiquette; an epitome of
Japanese civilization.”37
E G Waterhouse adopted a similar ‘Orientalist’
vision for his own Gordon residence on
Sydney’s North Shore. In 1913, he enlisted
architect Hardy Wilson to build ‘Eryldene’,
a Neo-Georgian mansion complete with
meandering garden paths and beds planted
with varieties of Japanese camellia, a
Chinese-style pavilion or tea-house, a garden
study, walled fountain and pond. Importantly,
Harold CAZNEAUX, The loggia at ‘Rivenhall’, 1926 (Cat. 1.5)
学・経済・作法の真髄であり、日本文明全体の
縮図｣であった。37
ウォーターハウス教授も、サドラーの「オリエン
タリスト」のヴィジョンを共有し、やはりシドニ
ー北部のゴードンにある自宅にこれを応用し
た。彼は、建築家ウィリアム・ハーディー・ウイ
ルソンに依頼し、入り組んだ小道と日本の各種
の椿の植込み、中国風あずまや、戸外書斎、背
後に壁を配した噴水池の庭園を持つネオ・ジ
ョージアン式のマンション「エリルデーン」を
建てた。インテリアにはサドラーの提唱する、
簡潔さ、装飾・置物を最小限にとどめるという
哲学を実践した。彼はまた中国版画、浮世絵の
コレクションを持ち、後にこれをシドニー師範
学校に寄贈した。38 サドラーの｢ライヴェンホー
ル｣と同様に、
「エリルデーン」は美とバランス、
調和、統一に基づいた「オリエンタル」美意識
の結晶であるといえよう。
23
Harold CAZNEAUX, The garden at ‘Rivenhall’, Warrawee,
Sydney, 1926 (Cat. 1.10)
Harold CAZNEAUX, The Sukiya at ‘Rivenhall’, Warrawee,
Sydney, 1926 (Cat. 1.8)
Waterhouse incorporated Sadler’s interior
design philosophies, advocating simplicity and
minimal interior decoration. He also collected
Australian, Chinese and ukiyo-e prints that
he displayed throughout the house and later
donated to the Sydney Teachers College.38
Like Sadler’s ‘Rivenhall’, Waterhouse’s
‘Eryldene’ embodies an ‘Oriental’ aesthetic
formulated on beauty, balance, harmony and unity.
オーストラリアのモダニズム版画
Australian modernist printmaking
Sadler’s promotion of Japanese woodcut
prints fed a growing domestic market for
affordable decorative homewares for the
modern home. For artists, printmaking was
an inexpensive medium for experimenting in
design, colour and rhythm. During this period,
a group of artists, mostly women, created
woodcuts and linocuts in the distinctive
Japanese manner. Either they received
training in woodblock printing techniques
from Julian Ashton’s Sydney Art School or
24
サドラーの 日本版画啓蒙活動は、モダンな
家庭に合った低価格の室内装飾として需要が
増えつつあった版画の市場を更に刺激した。
作家にとって、版画は、デザイン、色彩、リズム
の実験には安価な表現手段であった。この時
代には一握りの作家(ほとんど女性)が木版や
リノカットに日本的手法を取り入れた。その技
術は、シドニーのジュリアン・アシュトン美術学
校、あるいは海外へ出た作家は、ロンドンのグ
ロヴナー現代美術学校でクロード・フライトか
ら、またパリのアンドレ・ロートとアルベール・
グレーズから学んだ。
版画家・デザイナーのシア・プロクターは、サ
ドラーの日本美術コレクションをよく知ってい
た。雑誌『ザ・ホーム』の1926年7月1日号には、
エイドリアン・フェイントが経営するシドニーの
グロブナー・ギャラリーで開催されたエセル・
Arthur Lindsay SADLER, A Short History of Japanese
Architecture 1941 (Cat. 11)
Harold CAZNEAUX, The water-lily pond at ‘Rivenhall’,
Warrawee, Sydney, 1926 (Cat. 1.6)
they ventured overseas, enrolling at the
Grosvenor School of Modern Art in London
under Claude Flight, or attending the Parisian
ateliers of André Lhôte and Albert Gleizes.
スパウアース個展のオープニング会場で、プロ
クターに浮世絵を見せているサドラーの漫画
が載せられている。39　プロクターの「オリエ
ンタリスト」様式は、1900年代初頭にロンドン
で恩師チャールズ・コンダーの下で学んだもの
で、1920年代初頭には扇形を取り入れた日本
風の作品を制作した。40 しかし、プロクターに
日本の版画技術を教えたのはマーガレット・
プレストンで、そのきっかけは1923年にディー
ラー・美術批評家のバジル・バーデットがプレ
ストンの木版をプロクターに見せたことであっ
た。プレストンは、1912－13年にロンドン(恐ら
くケンジントンのビクトリア・アルバート博物館)
およびパリのギメ美術館で日本版画と中国絵
画を研究した。41 彼女は、17世紀の菱川師宣
らを真似て手彩色の版画を制作した。42 1925
年にはプロクターとプレストンはグロヴナー・
ギャラリーで木版画の展覧会を開き、成功を
収めた。
The printmaker and designer, Thea Proctor
was well acquainted with Sadler’s Japanese
art collection. A caricature in The Home (1 July 1926) depicts the professor showing
her a Japanese print at the opening of Ethel
Spowers’ woodcut exhibition at Adrian
Feint’s Grosvenor Galleries, in Sydney.39 Her
‘Orientalist’ style had initially developed in
London during the 1900s under her mentor
Charles Condor, and later, in the early 1920s,
she incorporated fan-shaped compositions
with Japoniste themes.40 But in 1923 art
dealer and critic Basil Burdett introduced
Proctor to Margaret Preston’s woodcuts
and it is Preston who is credited as training
Proctor in the Japanese woodblock printing
technique. Preston had studied Japanese
prints and Chinese paintings in London
(presumably at the Kensington, Victoria &
Albert Museum) and at the Museé Guimet 25
in Paris from 1912 to 1913.41 She handcoloured her woodcut prints in the manner
of 17th century ukiyo-e artist Hishikawa
Moronobu.42 In 1925, Proctor and Preston
jointly exhibited their woodcuts at Grosvenor
Galleries, to critical acclaim.
Preston readily adapted the tradition of
ukiyo-e to modernism. Her print, Harbour
foreshore (1925) not only exemplifies a
fascination with the work of Hiroshige and
Hokusai but also expresses her modernist
interpretation of the city (Cat. 33).
Organically shaped, silhouetted trees line
the foreshore, framing the vastness of the
harbour. Preston’s urban landscape woodcut
prints simultaneously mimic the Japanese
style and contribute to her promotion of a
‘national’ art.43 Similarly, Adelaide Perry’s
linocut The Bridge, October 1929 (1930),
illustrates the bold rhythmic patterning
and undulating curved lines of trees, set
against the rising construction of the Sydney
Harbour Bridge (Cat. 31). These are images
of the modern city, yet woodcut prints such
as Preston’s Banksia Cobs (c1933) and
Proctor’s Frangipanni (1928) are reminiscent
of Japanese kachōga with their dominant
floral subject matter, delicate yet bold
decoration and graphic linear patterning
(Cat. 36).
Preston explained the skill of woodblock
printing techniques in her Art in Australia
essay, ‘Woodblocking as a Craft’ (1930).44
The white-line printing technique was
especially popular with Preston and others
– Preston’s Nude 2 (c1925) and Perry’s
Model in armchair (c1930) both incorporate
the Western technique of wood engraving
but they are informed by the flowing lines
of ukiyo-e (Cat. 32). The calligraphic quality
of these prints illustrates the artists’ expert
draughtsmanship and their ability to create
organic, rhythmic patterns. During the
1930s, Paul Haefliger was another artist who
created prints in the Japoniste manner. After
travelling to Japan in 1932, he produced
woodcuts that evoked the Japanese ukiyo-e
conventions of intense colour application,
26
プレストンは、浮世絵を近代美術に適用した。
《シドニー湾岸》(1925年)は、広重・北斎の版
画に対する彼女の興味を示すだけでなく、こ
の街の風景を近代精神で解釈したものであ
る。(cat.33) 水際の木々のシルエットがその向
こうに広がる湾を切り取っている。他の都市風
景を扱った版画と同様、
《シドニー湾岸》は、日
本的様式を取り入れつつ、彼女が唱えた
「国民的」美術の表現でもある。43　同様に、
アデレード・ペリーのリノカット《ハーバーブリ
ッジ1929年10月》(1930年)(cat.31)も、波打つ
木々の曲線の上に、建設中のシドニー・ハー
バーブリッジがそそり立つ、大胆でリズミカル
なデザインである。これらは近代都市の姿で
ある。一方、プレストンの《バンクシアの種》
(1933年頃)やプロクターの《フランジパーニ》
(1928年)は、画面いっぱいのモチーフと、繊細
さと大胆さを兼ね備えた線的、装飾的表現に
よって日本の花鳥画を思わせる。(Cat. 36)
プレストンは、彼女の木版技術について『アー
ト・イン・オーストラリア』に寄稿した｢工芸とし
ての木版｣(1930年)で解説している。44　小口
木版風の白線を用いた表現は、プレストンらが
好んで用いた。
《裸婦2》(1925年頃)やペリー
の《肘掛け椅子のモデル》(1930年頃)に見ら
れるこの方法は、西洋版画法に日本版画の表
現を取り入れたもので、リズム感溢れる有機的
な線表現に、熟練した技術が伺える。(cat. 32)
またポール・ヘイフリガーも、1930年代に日本
式版画を制作した。1932年に日本を訪れたヘ
イフリガーは、その後浮世絵から学んだ鮮やか
な色彩、曲線美、ドラマティックな肖像画、そし
て自然の静寂さと人間の調和を表現した
(｢ケーススタディ:ポール･ヘイフリガー｣参照)。
サドラーは「日本の版画芸術は...(略)世界で最
も民主的な芸術であり...(略)この国の日常生活
を描いている」と公言した。45　これに対応す
Margaret PRESTON, Harbour foreshore 1925 (Cat. 33)
27
graphic linearity and dramatic portraiture as
well as representing the tranquillity of nature
and man’s unity with the landscape. (See
Case Study 2: p. 9)
Sadler professed that, “the art of Japanese
colour-print … is the most democratic art
in the world … and depicts the common life
of the nation.”45 Correspondingly, Preston
asserted that woodblock printmaking
represented the art of the nation. During the
late 1920s and early 1930s, the colour linocut
print gained recognition – its capacity
to capture the essence of contemporary
society, the modern city, its industry
and vitality. One of the most successful
linocut artists during this period was Ethel
Spowers, who studied under Claude Flight
at the Grosvenor School of Modern Art,
London. Spowers received much support
from Sadler. As an admirer of her prints, he
opened her exhibitions and provided access
to his ukiyo-e collection.46 While Spowers
never travelled to Japan, she created
innovative linocuts in the Japoniste manner,
embracing at the same time the modernist
ideals of composition, design, colour and
movement. Wet afternoon (1929-30)
not only employs the fashionable ukiyo-e
umbrella motif but it also exudes the artist’s
expressiveness in the overlapping rhythms
and vibrant flat colour (Cat. 39). This typical
umbrella motif, intense patterning and vivid
colours are equally evident in Proctor’s
Summer (1930) (Cat. 37).
In addition to Spowers, Flight taught
printmaking to the Australian-born artist
Dorrit Black and Eveline Syme: both artists
perfected the medium, adopting Flight’s
rhythmic patterning and dramatic colour. For
instance, Black’s Music (1927), inspired by a
jazz performance at the London Dominion
Arts Club, has bold black outlines, stylisation
of natural forms and flat surfaces of colour,
all reminiscent of ukiyo-e compositional
techniques (Cat. 19). Syme’s The Yarra at
Warrandyte (1931) specifically recalls the
ukiyo-e landscape prints of Hiroshige yet
also reflect Andre Lhôte’s formal techniques,
28
るように、プレストンも、木版画は国民の美術
であると述べている。1920年代の末から30年
代の初めにかけては、多色リノカットが、近代
社会、モダンな都市、近代産業、バイタリティの
表現媒体として注目された。この時期にリノカ
ットで最も成功した作家にエセル・スパウアー
スがいる。彼女はロンドンでクロード・フライト
から学び、サドラーの熱心な援助を受けた。彼
女の作品を好んだサドラーは、展覧会のオープ
ニングを引き受けたり、浮世絵コレクションを
見せたりした。46　スパウアースは日本の地を
踏むことはなかったが、日本の手法を取り入れ
つつ近代的な構図・デザイン・色彩・動きのあ
る斬新なリノカットを制作した。
《雨の午後》
(1929–30年)は、当時の浮世絵ファッションで
あった傘を主題としただけでなく、重なった傘
が作り出すリズムと鮮やかな平面的色彩で、作
家の表現力を示している。(cat.39)プロクターの
《夏》(1930年)(cat.37)も、傘のモチーフと輝く
色彩、複雑なパターンを持つ作品である。
フライトは、スパウアースの他にもドリット・ブ
ラックとイヴリン・サイムを指導した。この二人
もリノカットに熟練し、フライトのリズミカルな
画面構成、ドラマチックな色彩、幾何学的パタ
ーンを引き継いだ。ブラックの《ミュージック》
(1927年)は、ロンドンのドミニヨン・アート・ク
ラブのジャズ演奏から着想を得たもので、太い
アウトライン、人物等の様式化、平面的色彩な
ど、浮世絵の要素をうかがわせる。(cat.19) と
りわけサイムの《ヤラ川、ワレンダイト》(1931
年)は、広重の風景画を思わせると同時に、濃
淡による遠近法、幾何学的表現、明るい色彩
は、ロートの様式に通じている。(cat.40)サイム
は日本的表現を非常に好み、装飾的なインパク
トを持ちつつ瞑想的な版画作品を作った。
｢オーストラリアの北斎｣と謳われたエスリーン・
パーマーは、1930年代に人気のあった版画家
Adelaide PERRY, The Bridge, October 1929 (1930) (Cat. 31)
29
Adelaide PERRY, Model in armchair c1930 (Cat. 32)
30
Thea PROCTOR, Frangipanni 1928 (Cat. 36)
31
complete with aerial perspectives, geometric
rendering and vivid colouration (Cat. 40).
Syme greatly admired the Japanese style,
creating prints that were simultaneously
vibrant, decorative, yet contemplative.
Celebrated as the ‘Australian Hokusai’,
Ethleen Palmer was another well-established
Japoniste printmaker during the 1930s.
Inspired by Hiroshige, Hokusai and Ohara
Shōson, Kookaburra (1936) reveals Palmer’s
preoccupation with Australia’s fauna and
affinity with Japanese kachōga (Cat. 30).
Her work is characterised by a delicate
calligraphic style, which combined graphic
linearity with experimentation in colour
graduations and multiple impressions.
Alternatively, Melbourne-based artists,
Mabel Pye and Peggy Crombie were
recognised for their experiments in colour
linocut printing. Regularly exhibiting in
Sydney, these artists sought inspiration from
ukiyo-e compositional devices and themes
from natural and urban environments (Cat.
38 & 21).
From the early 1930s another trend emerged:
several artists employed the linocut as a
principle medium for political engagement,
particularly during the Depression years.47
Black’s Nocturne, Wynyard Square (1932)
and Frank Weitzel’s Deserted street (c1930),
not only use an abstract geometry, they are
socio-political comments on the desolate
working-class streets of Sydney (Cat. 20 &
41). Akin to Weitzel, Roy Dalgarno’s Greeting
card: Seaman (c1933) suggests a sociorealist agenda – produced during Dalgarno’s
stay in Sydney, this linocut print highlights
the economic plight of the industrial working
classes (Cat. 22). Interestingly, as well as
providing subject matter, the Depression
was a contributing factor in the demise in
popularity and exhibition of woodcut and
linocut prints in Australia.
32
である。広重、北斎、小原祥邨らに啓発された
パーマーの《ワライカワセミ》(1936年)は、豪
州の動物と、日本の花鳥画というパーマーの
関心が同時に伺える。(cat.30) 有機的な線と
実験的なぼかし摺りの効果とが彼女の作品を
特徴付ける。一方、メルボルンの作家メーベ
ル・パイとペギー・クロンビーも、多色リノカッ
トで実験を試みていた。シドニーで度々作品を
展示したこれらの作家も、浮世絵から学んだ
構図に自然の事物と都市の生活をテーマとし
た。(cat.38 & 21)
1930年代初期、とりわけ大恐慌の時代には、
政治的メッセージとしてリノカットを用いる作
家が出た。47 ブラックの《ノクターン、ウィンヤ
ード広場》(1932年)やフランク・ウイゼルの《人
気のない通り》(1930年頃)(cat.20 & 41)は、抽
象、幾何学、簡略な線という原則に加えて、労
働階級の視点から都市を描くことで、社会的・
経済的な苦境を訴えた。ウイゼルと同様に、ロ
イ・ダルガーノの《グリーティング･カード:水夫》
(1933年頃)(cat.22)は、社会問題を含んだ作品
である。作家のシドニー滞在中(1932–33年)に
制作されたこの作品は、30年代の産業労働者
の経済的困難を訴える。大恐慌は、このような
題材を与えた一方で、豪州における木版・リノ
カットの人気が薄れ、展覧会の数が減っていっ
た一因ともなった。
Ethleen PALMER, Kookaburra 1936 (Cat. 30)
33
Thea PROCTOR, Summer (1930) (Cat. 37)
34
Dorrit BLACK, Music (1927) (Cat. 19)
35
Eveline SYME, The Yarra at Warrandyte 1931 (Cat. 40)
36
Mabel PYE, The mountain c1930s (Cat. 38)
37
Roy DALGARNO, Greeting card: Seaman c1933 (Cat. 22)
38
Peggy CROMBIE, Washing, St. James roof 1925 (Cat. 21)
39
Dorrit Black, Nocturne, Wynyard Square 1932 (Cat. 20)
40
Frank WEITZEL, Deserted street c1930 (Cat. 41)
41
Paul HAEFLIGER, Bookplate: Ex Libris Paul Haefliger 1931-33 (Cat. 47)
42
Bookplates in Australia and Japan
オーストラリアと日本の蔵書票
The revival of the woodcut print during the
1920s and 1930s encouraged Australian
printmakers like Lionel and Norman Lindsay,
Feint, Proctor, Haefliger, George D. Perrottet,
D. H. Souther and L. Roy Davis, to experiment
with bookplate designs (Cat. 47 & 48).48
Generally, bookplates were commissioned
by patrons, book owners, writers, artists,
printing and publishing firms but in 1923,
their popularity gained momentum with the
founding of the Australian Ex Libris Society and
an exhibition of bookplates at Tyrrell’s Galleries
in Sydney. Essentially, the Society endeavoured
“to promote and extend the use of Ex Libris,
to develop their artistic character ... to hold
exhibitions of Ex Libris, and to promote the
publication of literature on the subject.”49
1920年代–30年代の木版画リバイバルは、ライ
オネルとノーマンのリンジー兄弟、フェイント、
プロクター、ヘイフリガー、Dペロテット、D H
サザー、L ロイ・デヴィスらに蔵書票デザイン
を促した。(cat.47 & 48)48 蔵書票は、一般に
パトロンや愛書家、作家、芸術家、印刷会社、
出版社などからの依頼で作成されたが、豪州
エクスリブリス協会の設立(1923年)と、シドニ
ーのティレルス・ギャラリーで開催された蔵書
票展が、その人気に拍車をかけた。蔵書票協会
は、
「蔵書票の使用を奨励し、その芸術性を高
め...(略)蔵書票の展覧会を開催し、蔵書票に
関する出版を促す」ことに努めた。49
As an associate of Sadler’s, and founding
member and Honorary Secretary of the
Australian Ex Libris Society, Percy Neville
Barnett commissioned, designed and
documented the bookplate movement in
various publications from 1930 until 1951.
Regularly commissioned by Barnett, Adrian
Feint became one of Australia’s most prolific
bookplate artists. His Bookplate for Raoul
Lempriere, (c1930), was awarded first prize
in an international competition organised by
the Los Angeles based Bookplate Association
International. In the same year, Feint exhibited
bookplates in Washington DC at the Division
of Fine Arts, Library of Congress (organised
by the American Society of Bookplate
Collectors and Designers).50
サドラーと親しく、豪州蔵書票協会の創立者
の一人でありその書記を務めたネヴィル・パー
シー・バネットは、1930年から51年にかけて蔵
書票運動を奨励し、蔵書票をデザインし、その
歴史について多くの著書を残した。バネットが
度々蔵書票を依頼したフェイントは、豪州で最
も多作な蔵書票作家となった。
《蔵書票：ラウ
ル・レンプリエール》(1930年頃)は、ロサンジェ
ルスの世界蔵書票協会主催の国際コンクール
で優勝した。同じ年には、ワシントンの米国議
会図書館美術部において、米国蔵書票収集家
作家協会が主催した展覧会に出品した。50
The art of bookplates was also fashionable
in Japan. The first association was founded
in 1922. After its dissolution, the Japan Ex
Libris Society (1933-39) was formed with
Shoji Kotsuka as president.51 Many modernist
print artists produced bookplates, among
them Onchi Kōshirō who was involved in
the editing and designing of Shosō (Book
window) – a magazine for bibliophiles – from
1935 to 1944.52 During this period, Barnett
was influential in establishing links between
Australian and Japanese bookplate artists,
日本においても蔵書票は人気があった。最初
の収集家クラブは1922年に形成され、そのク
ラブが解散した後、小塚省治を会長とする日
本蔵書票協会(1933–39年)が設立された。51　モダニスト作家の多くが蔵書票を制作したが、
中でも恩地孝四郎は、1935年から44年まで、
愛書家の雑誌『書窓』の編集とデザインに携
わった。52　この時期、バネットは豪州と日本
の蔵書票作家、出版社、コレクターらの提携に
尽力し、自書のために日本の作家に蔵書票の
制作を依頼した。たとえば、
『豪州の蔵書票と
43
publishers and collectors. He regularly
commissioned Japanese artists to produce
plates for his publications. For example,
in Australian book-plates and book-plates
of interest to Australia, (1950) Barnett
published 250 colour Ex Libris bookplates
by European, Australian and Japanese
artists including Brangwyn, Feint, Perrottet
and Fujinami Tsutomu. He also re-cut and
reproduced ukiyo-e prints as Ex Libris
bookplates for himself, influenced by artists
such as Harunobu.53 For Barnett, Japanese
colour-print bookplates formed “a striking
group in a distinct class of their own.”54 To
prove his point, he promoted the collection
and publication of ukiyo-e prints by importing
forty thousand prints from celebrated
publisher Watanabe Shōzaburo for a series
of limited edition publications including
Japanese Colour-Prints (1936), Colour Prints
of Hiroshige (1937) and Hiroshige (1938).
The legacy and impact of Sadler’s twenty-six
years at the University of Sydney – as this
exhibition reveals – continues to this day. In
1948 Sadler retired from his professorship
and returned to England. His tenure at The
University was impressive: he expanded the
courses in Japanese language and ‘Oriental’
history, and advocated the importance of
Asian languages in Australian schools and
universities. Likewise, Sadler’s translations of
ancient Japanese and Chinese histories, essays,
novels and poetry, and his own publications on
Japanese cultural and artistic traditions, remain
relevant today. But it was his championing of
Japanese aesthetics and modernism, inspiring
local Sydney modernists, intellectuals and a
generation of Australian artists that transformed
the art of printmaking in Australia.55 Further,
transformations in Australian architecture,
interior decoration and landscape design can
be attributed to Sadler’s passion for the cultural
traditions of ukiyo-e, Cha-no-yu and ikebana –
ancient practices that symbolised ‘the epitome
of Japanese civilisation’ and ‘its national spirit.’56
Undoubtedly, Sadler’s promotion of transcultural
aesthetics is as important today as it was during
his lifetime.
44
豪州に関連する蔵書票』(1950年)には、ヨーロ
ッパ、豪州、日本の作家(ブラングィン、フェイン
ト、ペロテット、フジナミツトムら)による250点
の蔵書票を収録している。また自分でも春信な
どの模刻を手がけて蔵書票を作った。53　彼に
とって、日本の多色木版は｢他の蔵書票とは一
線を画した独自の芸術｣であった。54 バネット
はまた、浮世絵の蒐集と関連書の出版を促す
ため、約4万点の複製浮世絵版画を名高い出
版社の渡辺庄三郎から購入し、
『日本の多色
版画』(1936年)、
『広重の版画』(1937年)、
『広
重』(1938年)等を限定出版したのだった。
終わりに
本展覧会が示すごとく、26年にわたるシドニー
大学在任中のサドラーの貢献は多大であり、今
日まで続いている。1948年、サドラーは26年間
務めたシドニー大学を退職し、母国イギリスへ
向かった。大学における彼の功績は大きい。日
本語・東洋史の教科を拡大し、豪州におけるア
ジア言語教育の必要性を訴えた。サドラーが
翻訳した日本・中国の歴史、随筆、小説、詩歌
と、日本文化・芸術の伝統についての著書は、
現在も使われている。更に重要なのは、サドラ
ーが日本の美意識とモダニズムを同時に主唱
し、シドニーのモダニズム画家、知識層、そし
て一世代の画家たちを啓発したことである。55
実際、豪州の版画、建築、室内装飾、造園が
大きな変革を遂げた背景には、｢日本文明の真
髄｣であり、｢日本的審美の粋｣であるとした、浮
世絵、茶の湯、生け花などの日本伝統文化の
サドラーによる啓蒙活動があった。56　疑いな
く、サドラーが主張した、文化を越えた美意識
は、彼の時代と同様に今日においても重要な
課題である。
Paul Haefliger, (Frontispiece) The Young King and other Stories by Oscar Wilde 1933 (Cat. 48)
45
Notes
Notes
1 Scholars such as Josiah Conder (1852-1920), Edward S.
Morse (1838-1925) and Ernest Fenollosa (1853-1908)
published extensively on Japanese art and culture. Kevin
Nute, Frank Lloyd Wright and Japan: The role of traditional
art and architecture in the work of Frank Lloyd Wright,
Routledge, London and New York, 2000, pp 19-21
2 Colonial exhibitions in Australia included the Victorian
Intercolonial Exhibition in 1872-73, the Sydney
Metropolitan and International Exhibition in 1877, the
Sydney International Exhibition in 1879 and the Centennial
International Exhibition in Melbourne from 1888 until 1889.
Roger Butler, Printed: images by Australian artists 18851955, National Gallery of Australia, Canberra, 2007, pp
117-118
3 Sarah Engledow, ‘The world of Thea Proctor’, in Barry
Humphries, Andrew Sayers, Sarah Engledow, The world
of Thea Proctor, exhibition catalogue, Craftsman House in
association with National Portrait Gallery, Canberra, 2005,
p 48; Thea Waddle, letter to Caroline Clemente, 30 June
1992, National Gallery of Victoria archive, Thea Proctor
curatorial files.
4 Arthur Lindsay Sadler, born in London, England, was a preeminent scholar, translator and author. He was educated at
Alleyn’s College of God’s Gift (Dulwich College), Merchant
Taylors’ School, London and at St. John’s College, Oxford.
He graduated in 1908 (BA) with second class honours
in Oriental Languages (Hebrew and Assyrian) and was
awarded the Pusey-Ellerton Hebrew scholar (1903), Junior
Septuagint prize and Junior Kennicott Hebrew scholar
(1907). Joyce Ackroyd, ‘Sadler, Arthur Lindsay (1882-1970)’,
Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume 11, Melbourne
University Press, 1988, pp 505-506.
5 James Murdoch (1856-1921) was born in Stonehaven,
Scotland. He immigrated to Australia in 1881 and wrote
articles for the nationalist journal, the Boomerang. In 1890
in Japan, he published Don Juan’s Grandson in Japan
and launched the weekly magazine, Japan Echo. In 1892,
he published From Australia and Japan, and a novel
Ayame-san. Murdoch temporarily joined the Socialist ‘New
Australia’ commune in Paraguay in 1893, but returned
to Japan via England, translating the British Museum’s
archives of Portuguese and Dutch voyages to Japan from
1542 until 1639 and letters from the Jesuit and Dominican
missionaries in Japan. He established the Department of
Oriental Studies at the University of Sydney, becoming
its inaugural professor in 1918. Murdoch is renowned for
his three volume comprehensive history of Japan in the
English language: A History of Japan (1903); A History of
Japan: From the Origins to the Arrival of the Portuguese
in 1542 A.D. (1910); and A History of Japan: The Tokugawa
Epoch 1652–1868, published posthumously in 1926. A.
Rand, ‘Murdoch, James (1785-1848)’, Australian Dictionary
of Biography, Volume 2, Melbourne University Press, 1967,
pp 268-269
6 The term, Japonisme was coined by Philippe Burty (183090), a French collector and critic in 1872. The French term
refers to the influence of the art of Japan on Western
art, particularly during the late 19th century. Katherine
Martin, Highlights of Japanese Printmaking: Part 3: The
International Perspective, Scholten Japanese Art, New
York, 2008, p 6; ‘Orientalism’ was the term coined for the
imitation and depiction of Eastern cultures by Western
artists, writers and designers. Nowadays, the term ‘Asian’ is
preferred. See Edward Said, Orientalism, Penguin, London,
1995
註1日本の美術･文化について多くの著作を残した学者には、ジョ
サイア・コンドル(1852–1920)、エドワードSモース(1838–1925
、アーネスト・フェノロサ(1853–1908)らがいる(ケヴィン・
ニュート,『フランク･ロイド･ライトと日本:フランク･ロイド･
ライトの仕事における伝統美術と建築』Kevin Nute, Frank
Lloyd Wright and Japan: The role of traditional art and
architecture in the work of Frank Lloyd Wright, Routledge,
London and New York, 2000年, 19–21頁)
註2 豪州が1901年に連邦国家となる以前、独立した6植民地時代
に開かれた主な博覧会には、ビクトリア植民地合同博覧会
(1872–73)、シドニー市及び国際博覧会(1877年)、シドニー国
際博覧会(1879年)、百年祭国際博覧会(メルボルン、1888–89
年)がある(ロジャー･バトラー、
『プリンテッド:オーストラリア
作家の版画1885–1955年』Roger Butler, Printed: images by
Australian artists 1885–1955, National Gallery of Australia,
Canberra, 2007年, 117-18頁)
註3 セーラ・イングルドウ,「シア･プロクターの世界」バリーハン
フリーズ他『シア･プロクターの世界』Sarah Engledow, ‘The
world of Thea Proctor’, in Barry Humphries, Andrew Sayers,
Sarah Engledow, The world of Thea Proctor, exhibition
catalogue, Craftsman House in association with National
Portrait Gallery, Canberra, 2005年, 48頁 Thea Waddle,
letter to Caroline Clemente, 30 June 1992, National Gallery
of Victoria archive, Thea Proctor curatorial files.
註4 アーサー・リンジー・サドラーはロンドン生まれ、学者、翻
訳者、著者。アレインズ・カレッジ・オブ・ゴッズ・ギフト(ダリ
ッチ･カレッジ)、マーチャント・テイラーズ・カレッジ(ロンド
ン)及びオックスフォードのセント・ジョンズ・カレッジで学ん
だ。1908年にオックスフォードを卒業し、オリエント言語(ヘ
ブライ語･アッシリア語)学士(二等)を取得。また在学中に、ピ
ューゼイ＝エラートン・へブライ語奨学金(1903年)、聖書学ジ
ュニア学者賞及びケニコット・ヘブライ語ジュニア学者奨学金
を取得(1907年)(ジョイス･アクロイド, ｢サドラー、アーサー・
リンジー(1882－1970)｣『オーストラリア人名事典』11巻Joyce
Ackroyd, ‘Sadler, Arthur Lindsay (1882–1970)’, Australian
Dictionary of Biography, Vol. 11, Melbourne University
Press, 1988年, 505-06頁
註5 ジェームズ・マードック(1856–1921)は、スコットランドのスト
ーンヘヴン生まれ。1881年オーストラリアに移民し、全国雑誌
『ブーメラン』に寄稿した。1890年、日本滞在中に「日本にお
けるドン・ジュアンの孫」を出版、また『ジャパン・エコー』と
いう週刊雑誌を刊行、1892年には『オーストラリアと日本か
ら』および小説『あやめさん』を出版した。1893年に一時期
パラグアイの「新オーストラリア」という社会主義コミューン
に参加したが、英国経由で大英博物館所蔵のポルトガル人と
オランダ人による日本航海の1542年から1639年までの記録、
および日本に滞在したイエズス教会とドミニカン教会の宣教
師の手紙を翻訳した後再び日本に戻った。シドニー大学では
東洋学部を創立、1918年その教授となったが、癌のため1921
年に死去した。マードックは三冊の英文日本史『日本史』
(1903年)、
『日本史：その起こりから1542年のポルトガル人
来航まで』(1910年)、
『日本史：徳川時代1652–1868』(死後
1926年に出版)の著者として知られる。Aランド｢マードック、
ジェームズ(1785-1921)｣A. Rand, ‘Murdoch, James (17851848)’『オーストラリア人名事典』2巻, 1967年, 268-69頁
註6 ｢ジャポニズム｣はフランス人コレクター･批評家のフィリップ・
バーティ(1830–90)が最初に使った用語で、主に19世紀後半
に日本美術が西洋美術に及ぼした影響をさす(キャサリン・
マーティン『日本版画のハイライト:3世界的文脈』Katherine
Martin, Highlights of Japanese Printmaking: Part 3: The
International Perspective, Scholten Japanese Art, New
York, 2008年, 6頁; ｢オリエンタリズム｣は東洋文化を模倣
した西洋人画家、作家、デザイナーの作品をさす。現在では
主に｢アジア｣が使われる。エドワード・サイード『オリエンタ
リズム』参照。
46
7 Eva Botan Sadler (1893-1978) was born in Tokyo, Japan.
Her mother was a Japanese national whereas her father
was a British naval medical officer. Eva departed Japan
in 1900 for schooling at the Alexandra School for Young
Ladies in Dublin in Ireland. She arrived back in Japan in
1906 until 1908, later returning to England to complete
her secondary education. She then returned to Tokyo
in 1913 and married Sadler in 1916 at Tokyo’s British
vice-consulate. Eva arrived in Australia in August 1922
for Sadler’s appointment. She actively participated in the
cultural activities of The University of Sydney, entertaining
Sadler’s students, colleagues and associates in the art of
Japanese tea ceremony and ikebana, at their Warrawee
residence Rivenhall. Eva also presented talks on ‘Women
in Japan’ (1933) on National Radio (2FC). Her companions
included Janet Waterhouse, wife of EG Waterhouse, whom
she taught ikebana and Annie Mackie, wife of Professor
Alexander Mackie (1876-1955).
8 Ackroyd, op cit pp. 505-506; Dr Marsden Hordern in
conversation with the author, 17.09.2009
9 Bell, Pamela, ‘A. L. Sadler (1882-1970) Professor of
Oriental Studies at The University of Sydney: His ideas and
influence,’ in E. Benitez (ed.), Proceedings of the Pacific
Rim Conference in Transcultural Aesthetics, The University
of Sydney, Sydney, 1997, p 118
10 Op. cit
11 Ackroyd, op cit, pp 505– 506
12 The Sydney Morning Herald, 15 July 1936, p 21
13 Bell, op cit, p. 120
14 The Sydney Morning Herald, 12 May 1923, p 7
15 ibid
16 Sadler took additional leave from the University of Sydney
in 1935 and again, in 1941 until 1942. A past student,
Margaret E Lake relieved him during these absences. Lake
graduated with a BA (1924) and Diploma of Education
(1927) from The University of Sydney, studying Oriental
History and Japanese under Sadler. On completion of
her degree, Lake resided in Japan for fifteen months,
studying the language, art, literature and ikebana. She
taught Oriental Studies (General) including the Japanese
language, art and literature at the Sydney Teachers’
College of Advanced Education. Lake was a member of the
Pacific Club (formed in 1939) and was employed as Acting
Lecturer teaching literature and ikebana in the Department
of Oriental Studies at The University of Sydney in 1952.
She donated ukiyo-e prints by Utagawa Hiroshige, Kawase
Hasui, Yoshida Hiroshi, Natori Shunsen, Ohara Shōson
and Oda Kazuma to the Teachers’ College in 1959 which
were then transferred to The University of Sydney’s Art
Collection in 1990. Lake translated Tsuji Masanobu’s
Singapore, the Japanese version: Japan’s Greatest Victory,
Britain’s Worst Defeat (1960).
17 Edwin Lowe, ‘Foreword’, The Chinese Martial Code: The
Art of War of Sun Tzu, The Precepts of War By Sima
Rangju, Wu Zi on The Art of War Translated by Arthur
Lindsay Sadler, Tuttle Publishing, Rutland, Vermont, 2008,
p 67
18 Dr Marsden Hordern as quoted by Lowe, pp 66-67
19 Serious accusations of insurrection and ‘5th column’
activities by unidentified sources – based on unconfirmed
reports by various individuals, none of whom were
personally acquainted with the Sadlers – feature in
Australian military intelligence files between 1941 to 1943.
Allegations of disloyalty were cast on Mrs Sadler by virtue
of her being considered ‘Japanese’ even though she was
a British subject and on Sadler by virtue of marriage and
his ‘oriental mindedness’. Lowe, p 67; NAA: Arthur Lindsay
註7 エ
ヴァ・ボタン・サドラー(1893–1970)は東京で生まれた。母
親は日本人、父親はイギリス人海軍医務官。1900年、エヴァ
はアイルランドのダブリンに送られ、アレキサンドラ女子学
校に入学、1906–08年の帰国をはさんで再び英国の高校で
学んだ後1913年東京に戻り、1916年サドラーと東京の英国領
事館で結婚した。1922年、サドラーと共に来豪すると、サドラ
ーの教えるシドニー大学の行事に参加、自宅ライヴェンホー
ルでサドラーの学生・同僚・友人たちを茶の湯や生け花でも
てなした。また国営ラジオ2FCで「日本の女性」について話
し(1933年)、キャンベルタウンの小児科病院で奉仕活動を行
った。彼女と親しかった友人に、彼女が生け花を教えたE G
ウォーターハウス教授の夫人ジャネット、アレキザンダー・マ
ッキー教授の夫人アニーらがいた。
註8 アクロイド, 前掲書, 505-06頁;マースデン・ホーダーン氏
著者インタビュー(2009年9月17日)
註9 パメラ・ベル,「A Lサドラー(1882–1970)シドニー大学東洋学
教授:その思想と影響」Eベニテズ(編)『環太平洋における越
境する美意識会議録』Bell, Pamela, “A L Sadler (1882–1970)
Professor of Oriental Studies at the University of Sydney:
His ideas and influence,” in E. Benitez (ed.), Proceedings of
the Pacific Rim Conference in Transcultural Aesthetics, The
University of Sydney, Sydney, 1997年, 118頁
註10 同上
註11 アクロイド, 前掲書, 505-06頁
註12 『ザ・シドニー・モーニング・ヘラルド』The Sydney Morning
Herald, 1936年7月15日21頁
註13 ベル, 前掲書, 120頁
註14 『ザ・シドニー・モーニング・ヘラルド』1923年5月12日12頁
註15 同上
註16 サドラーはこの後1935年及び1941年から42年にかけて休暇
をとった。サドラーの留守中は、教え子のマーガレット・レ
ークが代理教員となった。レークはシドニー大学でサドラ
ーの東洋史と日本語を学び、学士(1924年)と教育資格免許
状(1927年)を取得、その後15ヶ月日本に滞在し、日本語、美
術、文学のほか生け花を学んだ。シドニーに戻ったレーク
はシドニー高等教育学校で、日本語・日本美術文学を含む
一般東洋学を教えた。パシフィック・クラブ(1939年設立)会
員。1952年には大学東洋学部で教官代行として文学(日本民
謡の翻訳)と生け花を教えた。1959年には、広重、巴水、春
仙、吉田博、小原祥邨、織田一磨の版画を高等教育学校に
寄付した。これらの版画は1990年シドニー大学の美術コレ
クションに移管された。レークはまた、辻政信著『シンガポ
ール』を英訳(1960年)した。
註17 エドウィン・ロウ, ｢前書き｣,『中国の兵法:「孫子」
｢司馬法｣「呉子」A L サドラー(訳･解説) Edwin Lowe,
“Introduction: Arthur Lindsay Sadler”, in The Chinese
Martial Code: The Art of War of Sun Tzu, The Precepts of
War By Sima Rangju, Wu Zi on The Art of War Translated
and with commentary by Arthur Lindsay Sadler, Tuttle
Publishing, Rutland, Vermont, 2008年, 67頁
註18 マースデン･ホーダーン談話、引用はロウ前掲書, 66–67頁
註19 謀反や｢第五列｣(スパイ行為)の告発が、出所不明あるいは
サドラー夫妻と面識のない個人による未確認の情報とし
て、1941年から43年までの豪州軍諜報部の記録に載せられ
ている。英国籍を持つサドラー夫人は｢日本人｣と見られて不
信を招き、その疑惑は、夫であり「東洋的思考」を持つサド
ラーにも及んだ。ロウ前掲書67頁;豪州国立公文書館文書
NAA: Arthur Lindsay Sadler C123, 18573. NAA: Eva Botan
Sadler, British née Seymour, C123 18608
註20 M J モリシー(1908–84)は、サドラーの下で日本語1,2,3を
学んだ。第二次大戦中は日本語通訳と軍の諜報員となり、
戦後、連邦政府復興再訓練制度で、シドニー大学で医学を
学び、1951年学位取得、1955年に眼科医免許を得た。M J
モリシー遺贈基金は1984年に設立され、第二次大戦以前の
日本版画及びシドニー大学東洋文庫のための出版物購入に
当てられている。日本版画コレクションは、教育・研究・展
覧会に使用される。
47
Sadler C123, 18573. NAA: Eva Botan Sadler, British née
Seymour, C123 18608
20 Dr M J Morrissey (1908-84) studied Japanese Language
I, II, and III under Sadler at The University of Sydney.
He later enlisted as a Japanese interpreter and military
intelligence officer during World War II. After the
War, he studied medicine under the Commonwealth
Reconstruction Training Scheme (CRTS) at the University
of Sydney and graduated with MBBS (1951) and Diploma
of Ophthalmology (1955). The Dr M J Morrissey Bequest
Fund, established in 1984, purchases pre-World War
II Japanese prints and acquires publications for the
University of Sydney’s Eastern Asian Collection. The
Japanese print collection is utilised for teaching, research
and exhibition.
21 A L Sadler, Cha-No-Yu: The Japanese Tea Ceremony, J. L.
Thomson & Co., Japan; Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.,
London 1934, p ii
22 Pamela Bell, ‘Identities: A. L. Sadler (1882–1970) Professor
of Oriental Studies at the University of Sydney 1922–1947’,
TAASA Review, vol 7, no 2 June 1998, pp 18–19
23 Sadler’s Japanese art collection included prints by
Kitagawa Utamaro, Hiroshige and Hokusai. Butler, pp 135;
165; Other exhibitions arranged by Sadler included an
‘Eastern curios’ display at the University’s gala fete and a
ukiyo-e print exhibition at the Feminist Club. The Sydney
Morning Herald, 6 May 1924, p 10; The Sydney Morning
Herald, 4 October 1924, p 12
24The Burdekin House Exhibition was an exhibit of furniture
and interior design held on the ‘top floor, where six small
rooms were furnished and decorated in the modern
manner’. Arts patron and publisher Sydney Ure Smith
was instrumental in organising the exhibition, as he was
interested in the venue becoming a ‘Museum of Decorative
and Applied Art’. Regardless of its popularity as a major
venue for exhibitions and functions, the colonial building
was demolished on 17 August 1933. The Home, Sydney,
1 November 1929, p 5; The Burdekin House Exhibition of
Antique and Modern Furniture, exhibition catalogue, 8
Oct–21 Dec 1929, unpaginated
25 A L Sadler, ‘What to avoid in interior decoration’, The
Home, Sydney, 1 June 1928, p 59
26 Daily Telegraph Social Supplement, 20 July 1926, quoted in
Zeny Edwards, The Architectural Gems of Warrawee, the
author, Turramurra, NSW, 2000, p 50
27 Lowe, p 65
28 In 1948, Arthur Sadler sold Rivenhall and auctioned the
contents of the house. A suit of Japanese samurai armour
complete with silk under garments and horse furniture,
three saddles, stirrups and inlaid, as well as a Japanese
lute, large garden bowl of Oribe Ware and a Buddhist shrine
were acquired by The Sydney Museum of Technology and
Applied Museum (now the Powerhouse Museum), Sydney
on 20 April 1948. The West Australian (Perth), 22 April
1948, p 10
29 J oyce Ackroyd, ‘Pioneer Profile – Professor A. L. Sadler’,
unpublished manuscript, date unknown, p 9; Dr Marsden
Hordern in conversation with the author, 17.09.2009
30 A L Sadler, ‘Grumbling about Gardens,’ The Home, Sydney,
2 January 1934, pp 41; 67–68
31 Dr Marsden Hordern’s parents purchased Sadler’s
‘Rivenhall’ in 1948. In the following year, the Sukiya
succumbed to termites and it was demolished. The invasive
bamboo hedge was later removed. Sadler, Cha-No-Yu: The
Japanese Tea Ceremony, p ii
32 Edward S. Morse was Professor of Zoology at the Tokyo
Imperial University (1877-83). His publication focused on
48
註21 サ
ドラー,『茶の湯:日本の茶道』Cha-No-Yu: The
Japanese Tea Ceremony, J. L. Thomson & Co., Japan;
Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., London, 1934年, ii頁
註22 ベル, ｢人物評:A L サドラー(1882–1970):シドニー大学東
洋学部教授1922–47年｣『TAASAレビュー』Pamela Bell,
‘Identities: A. L. Sadler (1882–1970) Professor of Oriental
Studies at the University of Sydney 1922–47’, TAASA
Review,7巻2号, 1998年6月18–19頁
註23 サドラー所蔵の日本版画は、歌麿、広重、北斎等(バトラー,
前掲書, 135頁);サドラーが出品した展覧会はこの他にシド
ニー大学祭の｢東洋骨董｣展示、フレミッシュ･クラブの浮世
絵展がある(『ザ･シドニー･モーニング･ヘラルド』1924年5
月6日10頁; 同1924年10月4日12頁)
註24 バーディカン・ハウスの展覧会は、建物の｢最上階の6部屋
がモダン様式で装飾された｣。美術のパトロン・出版者の
シドニー・ユア・スミスは、バーディカン・ハウスを装飾美
術博物館にしたいと考え、この展覧会に尽力した。この植
民時代様式の建物は展覧会や催し物会場として人気があ
ったが、1933年8月17日に取り壊された。
『ザ･ホーム』The
Home,1929年11月1日5頁; 展覧会カタログThe Burdekin
House Exhibition of Antique and Modern Furniture, 1929
(頁番号なし)
註25 サドラー,「インテリア装飾で避けるべきこと」『ザ･ホー
ム』, 1929年6月1日, 59頁
註26 『デイリー･テレグラフ･社会面付録』Daily Telegraph
Social Supplement 1926年7月20日。引用はジニー・エ
ドワーズ『ワラウィー住宅の至宝』Zeny Edwards, The
Architectural Gems of Warrawee, Privately published,
Turramurra, NSW, 2000年, 50頁
註27 ロウ, 前掲書,65頁
註28 1948年、サドラーはライヴェンホールを売却し、多くの家具
装飾品は競売された。日本の甲冑一式(絹の下着、馬具一
式、鞍三背、琵琶一面、織部鉢一口、仏壇一基がシドニー
博物館(現在のパワーハウス博物館)に購入された(『ザ・ウ
エスト・オーストラリアン』The West Australian, 1948年4
月22日10頁)
註29 ジョイス・アクロイド, ｢パイオニアのプロフィール:A L サ
ドラー教授｣未発表論文Joyce Ackroyd, ‘Pioneer Profile
– Professor A. L. Sadler’, unpublished manuscript日付な
し9頁; マースデン･ホーダーン氏著者インタビュー(2009
年9月17日)
註30 サドラー, ｢庭造りの不満｣‘Grumbling about Gardens,’
『ザ･ホーム』, 1934年1月2日41, 67–68頁
註31 ｢ライヴェンホール｣は、1948年にマースデン･ホーダーンの両
親が購入した。数奇屋は翌年シロアリの被害を受けたため
取り壊され、竹の植え込みも際限なく広がるために撤去され
た。サドラー,『茶の湯』, ii頁
註32 エドワード・モースは東京帝国大学の動物学教授(1877–83
年)。この著書は、寺社でなく日本の中流階級の住宅につい
て描いたもので、19世紀の日本住宅建築に関する定番書と
なった。サドラーの英国チューダー朝・ジョージ朝様式への
趣味は、オックスフォード時代に形成された。サドラー「ま
えがき」『日本建築史概説』A Short History of Japanese
Architecture, Angus and Robertson, Sydney, 1941年133
頁 This publication contains detailed information on the
history of Japanese architecture, complete with diagrams,
elevations, plans, tables and translations.
註33 ハロルド・カズノーによるサドラーの家ライヴェンホールとそ
の庭の写真は1926年の『ザ･ホーム』誌に掲載された。茶室
の写真2点は1932年に採録された。サドラー, ｢茶道｣,‘The
Way of Tea,’『ザ･ホーム』, 1932年4月32–33,68頁
註34 コリーン・モリス｢サドラー教授旧宅ライヴェンホールの
庭｣『オーストラリア園芸史』Colleen Morris, ‘Professor
Sadler’s garden at Rivenhall, Warrawee’, in Australian
Garden History, 20巻2号2008年10–12月14–18頁
註35 サドラー,『茶の湯』, 27頁
註36 サドラー,前掲書, 42–43頁
Japanese middle-class housing rather than temples and
shrines. It became the standard English text on Japanese
domestic architecture during the nineteenth century.
Sadler’s fascination for English Tudor and Georgian
architecture developed during his student years in Oxford.
A L Sadler, A Short History of Japanese Architecture,
Angus and Robertson, Sydney, 1941, p 133; preface. This
publication contains detailed information on the history of
Japanese architecture, complete with diagrams, elevations,
plans, tables and translations.
33 Harold Cazneaux photographed Sadler’s ‘Rivenhall’ and its
garden for The Home magazine in 1926. Two photographs
of the Sukiya were reproduced in 1932. A L Sadler, ‘The
Way of Tea,’ The Home, Sydney, 1 April 1932, pp 32–33; 68
34 Colleen Morris, ‘Professor Sadler’s garden at Rivenhall,
Warrawee’, in Australian Garden History, vol 20, no 2, Oct/
Nov/Dec 2008, pp 14–18
35 Sadler, Cha-No-Yu: The Japanese Tea Ceremony, p 27
36 ibid, pp 42–43
37 ibid, p i
38 E G Waterhouse, ‘What to avoid in interior decoration’, The
Home, Sydney, 1 June 1928, p 59
39 The Home, Sydney, 1 July 1926, p 40
40 Humphries, Sayers, Engledow, op cit, pp 30–31; 48
41 Deborah Edwards and Rose Peel, with Denise Mimmocchi,
Margaret Preston, exhibition catalogue, Art Gallery of New
South Wales, Sydney, 2005, p 278
42 ibid, p 84
43 ibid
44 Margaret Preston, ‘Woodblocking as a craft,’ Art in
Australia, series 3, no 34. Oct–Nov 1930
45 The Sydney Morning Herald, 2 June 1926, p 19
46 ibid
47 Butler, op cit, p 249
48 ibid, p 157
49 National Library of Australia, (May 2007), Ann Nugent, ‘Ex
Libris-Stories to Tell’, National Library of Australia News,
http://www.nla.gov.au/pub/nlanews/2007/may07/story-1.
pdf. Accessed 30 January 2011
50 Adrian Feint produced over 220 bookplates for British
royalty and celebrities including the Duke and Duchess of
York and Dorothea Mackellar. State Library of Queensland,
(June 2009), Bookplate clubs and societies. http://
www.slq.qld.gov.au/whats-on/exhibit/online/ex_libris/
clubs_and_societies. Accessed 5 December 2010. The
impact of World War II led to the national and international
decline in commissioning and interest in bookplate clubs
and collecting.
51 The Sydney Morning Herald, 7 September 1937, p 16
52 Small universe in the book: bookplates and seals, National
Diet Library, Tokyo, 1994, p 12
53 Percy Neville Barnett re-cut and reproduced an ukiyo-e
woodcut print of a beauty by Suzuki Harunobu (c1724-70).
Barnett, Australian book-plates and book-plates of interest
to Australia, Beacon Press, Sydney, 1950, p 217
54 Designed in the Japanese manner, these commissioned
bookplates demonstrated Barnett’s affiliation with the “art
fraternity of Japan that was consequent upon his intense
interest in their art”, ibid, p 223
55 Bell, op cit, pp 18–19
56 Sadler, Cha-No-Yu: The Japanese Tea Ceremony, p i
註37 サドラー, 前掲書, i頁
註38 E G ウォーターハウス｢室内装飾で避けるべきこと｣, G
Waterhouse, ‘What to avoid in interior decoration’『ザ･ホ
ーム』, 1928年6月1日59頁
註39 『ザ･ホーム』, 1926年7月1日40頁
註40 ハンフリーズ他, 前掲書, 30–31,48頁
註41 デボラ・エドワーズ、ローズ・ピール及びデニス・ミモキ,
『マーガレット・プレストン』展図録Deborah Edwards and
Rose Peel, with Denise Mimmocchi, Margaret Preston,
exhibition catalogue, Art Gallery of New South Wales,
Sydney, 2005年, 278頁
註42 前掲書, 84頁
註43 前掲書, 84頁
註44 プレストン｢工芸としての木版｣『アート･イン･オーストラリ
ア』Margaret Preston, ‘Woodblocking as a craft’, Art in
Australia, 第3巻34号1926年19頁
註45『ザ・シドニー・モーニング・ヘラルド』, 1926年6月2日
19 頁
註46 前掲書, 19頁
註47 バトラー, 前掲書, 249頁
註48 バトラー, 前掲書, 157頁
註49 アン・ヌジェント｢エキスリブリスは語る｣『豪州国立図書
館ニュース』ウエブサイト2007年 Ann Nugent, ‘Ex Libris
– Stories to Tell’, in National Library of Australia News
(2011年1月30日アクセス) http://www.nla.gov.au/pub/
nlanews/2007/may07/story-1.pdf.
註50 エイドリアン・フェイントは、ヨーク公爵夫妻、オーストラリ
アの詩人･作家ドロシア・マッケラーなどの英国王族や多く
の有名人のために220点を越える蔵書票を制作した
(｢蔵書票クラブ・蔵書票協会｣クイーンズランド州立図書
館ウエブサイト2009年6月State Library of Queensland,
(June 2009), Bookplate clubs and societies. (2010年12
月5日アクセス) http://www.slq.qld.gov.au/whats-on/
exhibit/online/ex_libris/clubs_and_societies. しかし、第
二次世界大戦が勃発すると、蔵書票クラブや蒐集への興味
は世界的に薄れていった。
註51 『ザ・シドニー・モーニング・ヘラルド』, 1937年9月7日16頁
註52 ｢本のなかの小さな宇宙:蔵書票と蔵書印｣　第50回常設展
示、国立国会図書館、東京, 1994年
註53 バネットは春信の木版美人画を再刻している(バネット
『オーストラリアの蔵書票とオーストラリアに関連した蔵
書票』Barnett, Australian book-plates and book-plates of
interest to Australia, Beacon Press, Sydney, New South
Wales, 1950年, 217頁
註54 日本木版の技法を用いたこれらの蔵書票注文制作は、｢バ
ネットの日本美術への情熱が生んだ、芸術を通じた日本と
の友情｣の証であった(前掲書, 223頁)
註55　ベル,『TAASAレビュー』, 18–19頁
註56　サドラー,『茶の湯』, i頁
49
50
When language is not a barrier:
PROFESSOR Sadler and modern Japan
言葉の壁を越えて：A.L.サドラー教授と近代日本
AJIOKA Chiaki
From 1909 to 1922, Professor Arthur
Lindsay Sadler lived in Japan, where he
taught at two prestigious schools. He then
moved to Australia where he encouraged
Australians to adopt Japanese aesthetics as
part of modern living, as outlined in Maria
(Connie) Tornatore-Loong’s essay. While he
published books and articles on aspects of
Japanese culture, few documents exist that
reveal his activities in Japan. One of these is
his article ‘The Japanese outlook on Western
art’, published in Art in Australia (June 1924).
Understandably, at the time of its publication,
a Japanese perspective on Western art would
not have found many Australian readers, and
perhaps for this reason, this text is not usually
mentioned when Sadler’s life and work are
discussed. It is, however, a rare document:
written by an informed Western observer, it
focuses on perhaps the most innovative and
exciting time in modern Japanese art. The
aim of my essay is to provide a brief sketch of
the environment in which Sadler lived, with
particular focus on the magazine Shirakaba
and the Matsukata collection of Western art.
Shirakaba, the Shirakaba group and
Bernard Leach
The magazine Shirakaba (White Birch), which
ran from 1910 to 1923, was published by a
coterie of young intellectuals from privileged
modern Japanese families. All were alumni
アーサー・リンジー・サドラー(1882–1970)
は、1909年から1922年まで日本で教えた後、夏
目漱石を教えたことで知られるジェームス・マ
ードック教授の後任としてシドニー大学の東洋
学主任に就任した。オーストラリアにおいては
『平家物語』など古典の翻訳と日本美術・建
築についての著作で知られる。サドラーのオー
ストラリアにおける日本文化の啓蒙活動につい
ては、本図録のトーナトーレ・ロングのエッセイ
に詳しい。
サドラーの日本滞在中の交友関係や言動に関
する資料はわずかである。しかし、彼が1924年
に美術雑誌『アート・イン・オーストラリア』6月
号に寄稿した｢日本人の西洋美術観｣は、明治末
から大正にかけて日本近代美術の誕生・成長
期を観察したサドラーの視点とその情報源を
垣間見ることのできる貴重な資料である。この
記事は当時のオーストラリアではさほど注目さ
れなかったようで、サドラーについてのこれま
での考察にも取り上げられることはなかった。
本稿では、今日の我々の視点からこの小論を
考察し、その意味するところを探ってみたい。
雑誌『白樺』、白樺派、バーナード・リーチ
｢日本人の西洋美術観｣で、サドラーは、かなり
の部分を雑誌『白樺』の紹介に割いている。
FUKUI Ichirō, Poster for ‘Exposition en plein-air par Itzirō
Foukoui 1924’ 1924 (Cat. 79)
51
of the Peer’s School, where Sadler taught
English between 1919 and 1922. Most of the
members read, wrote and spoke European
languages and were eager to absorb Western
literature, poetry and philosophy. They
published translations of their favourite texts
and discussed them in the magazine, informing
young Japanese artists and intellectuals across
the country, who were hungry for new ideas
from the West. Their activities extended
beyond the publication of the magazine: they
organised exhibitions, concerts and plays, and
gathered close ‘associates’ around them. One
of those associated with the group was the
young British artist and potter Bernard Leach
(1887-1979). Although Sadler does not mention
Leach in his essay, he was well acquainted
with him – the young potter’s time in Japan,
from 1909 to 1920, largely overlapping with
Sadler’s sojourn. The connection between
Leach and Sadler is crucial to the present
discussion.
Leach was no stranger to Asia: he was born
in Hong Kong where his father worked as
a colonial judge, and, after his mother’s
death, he was raised by his grandparents in
Japan, where his grandfather was teaching
English.1 At the age of four, he was sent
back to Hong Kong and thereafter lived in
other parts of Asia following his father’s
appointments till 1897 when he was sent
to Britain for schooling. In 1907, he met
the Japanese artist/poet Takamura Kōtarō
(1883-1956) at the London School of Art.
Leach’s friendship with Takamura became
a catalyst for his decision to revisit Japan.
Takamura’s father was teaching woodcarving
at the government-run Tokyo School of Fine
Arts where Kōtarō also studied, so he was
able to introduce Leach to some of the most
influential Japanese artistic circles. Back in
Japan, Leach would also have made contact
with the British expatriate community to
which his grandparents belonged.2 Leach
quickly befriended the Shirakaba group,
who were of the same generation. Like
the members of the group, Leach had
independent means and a respectable family
52
よく知られているように、
『白樺』は、武者小
路実篤、志賀直哉、柳宗悦ら学習院で教育を
受けた近代日本の裕福な若い知識人によっ
て1910年から1923年まで発行された雑誌であ
る。同人の多くはヨーロッパの言語に堪能で、
西洋の近代文学や哲学、芸術論を原書で読
み、翻訳紹介したり誌上で論じたりし、それら
の記事は全国の読者に熱心に読まれていた。
白樺派の中心人物であった武者小路実篤より
3歳年上のサドラーが、岡山の第六高等学校で
教鞭をとった後、白樺同人の母校学習院で教
え始めたのは1919年であった。
サドラーは英国人バーナード・リーチ(1887–
1979)には触れていないが、サドラーとは同国
人であり、日本滞在期間(1909–1920)もほぼ重
なるリーチの存在は、本稿の考察に重要なの
で、簡単に触れておきたい。1　リーチは英国
植民地の判事であった父親が仕事をしていた
香港で生まれたが、母親がすぐに亡くなったた
め、日本で英語を教えていた祖父母に育てら
れた。4歳のとき、再婚した父のもとに引き取ら
れ、父の仕事に従ってシンガポール等に住ん
だが、10歳になった1897年に、本国で教育を
受けるために英国に送られた。一時は父の希
望で銀行員となったが、父の死後21歳で遺産
を継ぐと銀行を辞職、ロンドン美術学校で勉
強中に、同校で学んでいた高村光太郎と出会
ったことがリーチを日本へ行く決心をさせた。2
高村の父光雲は当時東京美術学校の木彫の
教授であり、高村の紹介はリーチを直ちに日
本美術界の有力な人々と結び付けたし、むろ
ん祖父が属していた在日英国人社会の一員と
もなった。日本に落ち着いたリーチは、婚約者
のミュリエルを呼び寄せて結婚した。
まもなくリーチは白樺同人と親しくなった。彼
らはほぼ同世代であり、共有するものが多かっ
た。また父の遺産で経済的余裕があり、知識
background. More importantly, the absence
of racial superiority on Leach’s part was
noted and appreciated:
When [Leach] arrived in Japan, armed with
an etching press, he intended to teach
Western art to this Eastern nation. But a
chance visit to an exhibition of Western
art organized by Shirakaba surprised him,
because he realised that young Japan was
knowledgeable in many things of which he had not expected us to be. Being open-minded, Leach dropped his routine plan
and began learning with us … We had never
met a Westerner who was capable of such
candour. This was the very reason that we
came to respect him.3
That Leach ‘dropped his plan and began
learning with us’ implies that he made a
significant change from an expatriate mindset
and tuned in to that of his new friends.4 For
these young intellectuals, Leach was their
‘equal’ from the West, a like-minded individual
who provided them access to the Englishspeaking culture. For Leach, on the other
hand, they were his ‘equals’ whom he could
communicate with in English and with whom
he was able to grow. This was particularly
true with Yanagi Sōetsu (1889-1961), the
youngest member of the group who forged a
lifelong friendship with Leach.5
Leach’s time in Tokyo coincided with the
publication of Shirakaba: he contributed a
number of articles to the magazine and his
own works as well as his collection to its
exhibitions. But his contacts were wider:
Takamura’s introductions took Leach to the
epicentre of Japan’s dynamic modern art
movements led by the staff and students of
the Tokyo School of Fine Arts. Leach was
engaged in various creative ways – exhibiting
paintings, prints, and later, ceramics and
furniture, as well as designing exhibition
displays.6 In 1918, he wrote an article titled
‘Japan’s response to Post-Impressionism’ for
the Tokyo Advertiser, in which he provides
first-hand knowledge on the extent of
Japanese artists’ absorption of latest Western
artistic trends:
階級の家系に生まれ育ったリーチは、3 社会的
にも彼らと対等であったし、何よりも人種的・
文化的優越感とは無縁なリーチの人柄が、同
人たちには大きな魅力であった。
｢エッチングの一臺の器具を持って日本に渡っ
たリーチは、最初西洋の美術を此の東洋の國
に教へこむ考へであつた。だが偶々見た｢白樺｣
主催の西洋美術の展観は彼に驚きも與へた。
なぜなら豫期しなかつた多くの事を若い日本
が既に味いつつあるのを見出したからである。
率直なリーチは今迄の目當をすぐ棄てゝ吾々と
一緒に勉強し出した。教へるよりも受け容れる
心に活きようとしたのである。率直にこんな事
のできる誠實な西洋人に吾々は廻り逢ったこと
がない。此の事こそ吾々がリーチを尊敬するに
至った原因である。」4
｢今迄の目當をすぐ棄てゝ吾々と一緒に勉強し
出した｣とは、リーチが在日英国人社会から大
胆に踏み出して、同人たちと行動を共にしてい
ったということであろう。白樺同人にとってリー
チは思想を分かち合える｢対等な｣西洋人である
と同時に、英語圏の美術・文化の伝達者でも
あった。一方リーチにとっても、白樺同人は、
英語で対等な議論のできる若者たちであり、共
に学び成長することのできる仲間であった。と
りわけ柳宗悦とは、生涯を通じた友情を培うこ
ととなる。
1918年に英語の雑誌『東京アドバタイザー』に
｢後期印象派への日本の反応｣と題する文を寄
せた頃には、リーチは日本美術の動向について
直接的な知識を持っていた。
｢[西洋の]あらゆる近代美術運動の影響は、瞬
く間に東京の展覧会に見ることができる...(略)
[ある展覧会は]西洋の表面的な模倣も多かっ
たが、中には本物の洞察力を持つものが見られ
た。特筆すべきは岸田[劉生]の作品である。
53
The influence of every movement in modern
art is to be quickly seen in the exhibitions in
Tokyo … some showed true insight, notably
the pictures by Mr Kishida [Ryūsei].
The exhibitions and those organized by the
Shirakaba Society… have had the effect of
converting at least sixty percent of young
Japanese artists to Post-Impressionism.
During the few months after publication
in England of Lewis Hind’s book PostImpressionists, three hundred copies were
scattered in Tokyo, and it was even adopted
in a certain school as a textbook.7
Leach often worked with the potter
Tomimoto Kenkichi (1886-1963), who had
visited London and travelled to Europe and
the Middle East.8 Their innovative designs
and activities inspired many young artists
including Hamada Shōji (1894-1978), the
potter who, later, in 1920, was to accompany
Leach to St Ives to help him establish his kiln.
Leach and Tomimoto began making ceramics
in 1911 and 1912 respectively. When Leach lost
his kiln at Yanagi’s property outside Tokyo to
a fire in 1919, he was offered a new location,
on the property of Kuroda Seiki (1866-1924),
an aristocrat and one of the most prominent
Western-style painters in Japan. Kuroda’s
property was located in inner Tokyo, a short
walking distance from Sadler’s residence, and
Sadler often visited him there.9
It is not certain as to when Sadler became
acquainted with Leach, but it would not
have taken long to find each other in Japan’s
small British expatriates’ community. Sadler
moved from Okayama in western Japan
to Tokyo in 1919, and a letter to Leach
from Yanagi dated 6 August of that year
indicates that Leach knew Sadler well by
then.10 Their relationship would have been
mutually beneficial: Leach was well placed to
inform Sadler of the modernist movements
in Japanese art, while Sadler had a good
knowledge of Japanese history and
literature, and a proficiency in the Japanese
language which Leach lacked.
54
白樺社が企画した展覧会は...(略)日本の若い
作家たちの60パーセントを後期印象派に改宗
させた。ルイス・ハインドが英国で『後期印象
派』を出版して数ヶ月のうちに、東京には300冊
が出回っており、ある美術学校では教材として
使われてすらいる。」5
リーチが日本に滞在した時期が雑誌『白樺』
とほぼ重なっていることは興味深いが、彼の交
友範囲はむろん白樺同人とその仲間たちに限
られたわけではなかった。彼は日本のモダニズ
ム美術運動の核をなす作家や評論家と交流し
つつ、絵画や版画、後には陶器や家具を制作
し、1912–13年の反官展運動フューザン会をは
じめ、グループ展、個展で作品を展示したり、
展覧会自体に斬新なアイデアを加味するなど
の創造活動を率先していた。これらの活動に
おける同志には、イギリスに留学し、リーチと
の知己を機に陶芸を始め、後に近代工芸の先
駆者となる富本憲吉がいた。彼らの活動に刺
激された若い作家の中には、1920年にリーチ
と共にセント・アイヴスに渡った浜田庄司もい
た。1919年に我孫子の柳邸にあったリーチの
窯が火事で全焼すると、リーチは美術界の重鎮
であった黒田清輝から彼が所有する麻布の土
地を提供され、窯を作って、日本を出発するま
での間ここで作陶した。この窯は当時のサドラ
ー宅から歩いて数分の距離にあり、サドラーは
頻繁にリーチを訪れたようだ。6
サドラーがいつリーチと知り合ったかは定かで
はない。英国人の二人は、共に1909年に日本に
渡ったが、リーチが東京をベースにしたのに対
し、サドラーは1919年に学習院で教えるため東
京に移り住むまでの10年間岡山で教鞭をとっ
た。しかし、狭い在日英国人社会で、知り合う
機会には事欠かなかったであろう。1919年8月
に柳からリーチに宛てた手紙では、武者小路
の文章の英訳にサドラーが取り掛かったかどう
Sadler’s relationship with the Shirakaba
members was different from that of Leach’s:
Sadler was not an artist and his primary
interest was their intellectual inquiry, some
of which he translated into English. He took
special interest in Mushanokōji Saneatsu
(1885-1976), a novelist – whom he refers to
as ‘one of the most distinguished novelists
of Japan’ – whose liberal optimism typically
represented the character and attraction
of Shirakaba. In his letter to Leach, Sadler
mentions Mushanokōji’s ‘short critical
study of the teaching of Christ, which is of
a distinctly fresh and independent nature’,
and calls him a prophet.11 He also praises
Mushanokōji’s New Village, a Tolstoy-inspired
idealistic commune project which he started
in 1918 and which continues today.
The Matsukata collection and Frank
Brangwyn
In his Art in Australia essay, Sadler refers
to the Matsukata collection of Western art
as an example of the extent of Japanese
interest and appreciation of Western art.
Matsukata Kōjirō (1866-1950), the owner of
the Kawasaki shipbuilding company, began
collecting artworks around 1916 when he
met the British artist Frank Brangwyn (18671956) in London. Brangwyn, who was a
well-established artist by that time, not only
sold his works to Matsukata but also provided
advice on purchases. As well, Brangwyn
drew plans for a museum in Tokyo to house
Matsukata’s vast collection. In just over ten
years, Matsukata had built a huge collection,
said to be of thousands of works, which were
stored in London and Paris. His purchases
were well timed: in Europe immediately after
WWI, many modern masterpieces had left
their collectors’ hands and went on to the art
market.
In 1919, Matsukata brought part of the
collection to Japan and showed it to selected
people at his residence. Judging from his
writing, Sadler did not see the works, but
Leach saw them twice.12 On his first visit
かを聞いており、リーチが既にサドラーと親し
かったことがわかる。そして、二人の付合いが
互いに有益であったことは想像に難くない。サ
ドラーにとってリーチは、日本美術界の現状に
関してまたとない情報源であったし、日本語を
マスターすることのなかったリーチにとって、サ
ドラーは日本の歴史・古典・現代文学に関する
知識を有し、これを英語で語ることのできる存
在であった。
一方、サドラーと白樺同人との関係は、リーチ
ほど近いものではなかった。サドラーは実作者
ではなかったし、彼の興味は同人たちの文学
的・思想的な分野が主であった。サドラーは白
樺同人の文学を評価して後にシドニーで日本
語教育の教材にも使っていた。とりわけ白樺
同人の思想的中心であった武者小路実篤に関
しては、｢日本の最も優れた文学者の一人｣と評
し、リーチへの手紙では彼を｢預言者｣と呼んで
いる。また、｢日本人の西洋美術観｣では、武者
小路が単なる机上の理想家ではないとし、1918
年に発足させた｢新しき村｣のプロジェクトに触
れている。
松方コレクションとブラングウィン
サドラーは｢日本人の西洋美術観｣で、日本人の
西洋美術鑑賞が、
「先進文化の皮相な接木」で
なく、真の美術理解に基づいたものであること
を主張しているが、その一例として松方コレク
ションについて述べ、裕福な東洋のコレクター
が｢豪華なもの(The splendid)｣でなく｢美しいも
の(The beautiful)｣に惹かれる点を強調してい
る。川崎造船所の社長松方幸次郎は、1916年
にロンドンでフランク・ブラングウィンに出会っ
た頃から美術の蒐集を始めた。この時期は第
一次大戦直後でヨーロッパ各国が疲弊し、多く
の近代絵画の名品が市場に出回った時期であ
ったため、松方は多くの優れた作品を購入する
55
Leach accompanied Kuroda, on whose
property he built his new kiln. Also, it was
Matsukata’s advisor Frank Brangwyn – who
had been Leach’s etching teacher in London
– who had famously told Leach to leave the
school and ‘go to nature’. Leach clearly had
an advantage over Sadler being invited to
view the collection, and would have given
Sadler a good account of the collection he saw.
Due to the financial downturn towards the
end of the 1920s, the Matsukata collection
was dispersed, including some (such as van
Gogh’s Room at Arles) that are now part of
Musée d’Orsay collection. The museum which
Brangwyn designed was never built.13 But the
demise of the collection would not negate
Sadler’s claim of wealthy Japanese collecting
Western art; although the Matsukata collection
was exceptional in its scale, it was not unique.
From the outset, the group that had started
Shirakaba magazine aspired to establish a
museum of Western art and began fundraising
in 1917.14 They held the first exhibition of its
collection in 1921 which included three small
sculptures given by August Rodin in 1911, and
three oil paintings – van Gogh’s Sunflowers
(1888), Cézanne’s Landscape (1885-87) and
Self-portrait with a hat (c1890-94).15 Sadler
would have seen this exhibition, which also
included works by Dürer, Delacroix, Rodin and
Chavannes.16 Unfortunately, this museum too,
was never realised due to lack of funds; and
the Great Kantō Earthquake of 1923 put an
end to Shirakaba magazine. The first museum
of Western art in Japan was not established
until a decade later in 1931. It was built by
ōhara Magosaburō (1880-1943), a textile
giant, in his hometown Kurashiki in western
Japan. At the time many artists travelled the
long distance from Tokyo to see the collection.
Japanese modernist prints
The introduction of Western graphic arts and
its impact on early modernism in Japanese
prints, particularly on the ‘creative prints’
or sōsaku hanga, are the focus of essays
56
ことができた。すでに画家として成功していた
ブラングウィンは、松方に自分の作品を売却し
ただけでなく、その蒐集活動に携わり、更には
松方が計画していた美術館を設計した。
松方のコレクションはロンドンとパリに保管さ
れていたが、1919年にその一部を日本に送り、
自宅で知人に披露した。サドラーの文章から察
するところ、サドラーはこれを見ていないよう
だが、リーチは二度松方宅を訪れており、最初
の訪問は、麻布の土地をリーチ窯に提供した
黒田清輝と同行したという。7　また、松方の友
人・アドバイザーのブラングウィンは、リーチに
｢自然に帰れ｣とアドバイスしたエッチングの師
であったから、松方邸への招待という特権に関
しては、リーチは明らかにサドラーを凌いでい
た。そして自分が見た松方コレクションについ
て詳しくサドラーに語ったに違いない。
松方コレクションは1920年代末の不況のあお
りで売却されて散逸し、ブラングウィンが設
計した美術館が建てられることはなかった。8
しかしながら、それで日本人の西洋美術観につ
いてのサドラーの評価が根拠をなくしたわけ
ではない。白樺の同人たちは、主に西洋美術
のコレクションからなる白樺美術館を設立す
べく、早くから基金の募集と作品の入手に力を
入れていた。結局この美術館も日の目を見るこ
とはなかったが、ゴッホの《向日葵》(1888年)
やセザンヌの《風景》(1885–87年)《帽子をか
ぶった自画像》(1890–94年頃)をはじめ、デュ
ーラー、ドラクロワ、ロダン、シャヴァンヌなど
を含むそのコレクションは、1921年に展覧会
で公開された。9　サドラーは恐らくこの展覧
会を見たであろうから、松方とそのコレクショ
ンについて述べたのは、その規模が群を抜い
ていたためであり、彼が唯一の西洋美術蒐集
家であったからではない。日本で最初の西洋
美術コレクションを展示する美術館は、10年
FUJIMORI Shizuo, Haneda Airport in autumn, from the series Twelve scenes of greater Tokyo: November 1934 (Cat. 78)
57
by Nishiyama Junko and Kuwahara Noriko
also included in this catalogue. From the
1920s, particularly after the Great Kantō
Earthquake, the accelerating urbanisation
urged artists to reconcile with their new
environment. Taninaka Yasunori found his
solution by inventing his own trans-cultural
urban mythology. On the other hand, Japan’s
rising proletarian art movement produced
some notable printmakers including Fujimaki
Yoshio (Cat.76) and Ono Tadashige. Ono’s
monumental work in this exhibition Three
generations of deaths: a novel without
words (Cat. 104), a series of 51 prints,
follows European examples, notably those
of Frans Masereel, Lynd Ward (Cat.74), Otto
Nückel and Käthe Kollwitz:17 Ono quotes
Kollwitz’s Memorial for Karl Liebknech in
the composition of one image, and also
made a larger, colour woodcut in the same
composition. Despite the visible ‘influences’
of European works however, these dark,
yet powerful images are unmistakably Ono’s
personal response to the reality of Japanese
workers’ lives.
Japanese modernist printmakers sought
recognition of their work as creative art (not
reproduction prints) both within Japan and
abroad.18 In 1934 the Japan Print Association
sent its first exhibition to the West.19 The
exhibition, held at the Museum of Decorative
Arts in Paris, was a great success, the result,
particularly, of an effort by the expatriate
printmaker Hasegawa Kiyoshi.20 In 1936-37,
other exhibitions were organised and travelled
to Europe, Britain and the US, but they never
reached Australia.
While the Japanese artists were acquiring
new ways of seeing from the West, Western
artists were learning traditional woodblock
techniques from Japanese artists. Two
seminal figures were Urushibara Yoshijirō/
Mokuchō and Yamagishi Kazue (Cat. 109),
both of whom spent years in Britain, Europe
and North America sharing their knowledge
and skills with local artists. Urushibara
made a name for himself collaborating with
Brangwyn, to such an extent that his own
58
後の1931年にオープンした倉敷の大原美術館
で、多くの作家たちがはるばる倉敷を訪れたの
だった。
モダニズム版画
西洋からもたらされる美術雑誌などが日本の
近代版画、とりわけ初期の｢創作版画｣運動に
与えた影響については、西山純子氏と桑原規
子氏が詳しく論じている。1920年代、特に関東
大震災後に東京の近代化が進む中で出現した
｢都市風景｣は、モダニスト版画家にとって重要
な主題であり、小野忠重が｢西洋人の喜ぶ赤鳥
居｣と苦々しげに呼ぶ新版画に対抗する近代精
神の表現でもあった。10 谷中安規は、この都市
風景に、西洋文化の情報を重ねて幻想的な独
自の神話を作り出した。一方、1930年代初頭に
は、プロレタリア美術の小野忠重がフランス・
マゼリールやリンド・ワード(cat.74)にヒントを
得、またコルヴィツの表現を取り入れて『三代
の死』(cat.104)などの｢字のない小説｣を制作、
近代化社会の底辺であえぐ人々を描いた。
日本の作家が西洋から新しいものの見方を受
け容れている一方で、多くの西洋の作家が、
西洋を訪れた日本人から日本の木版画を直接
学んでいたことを忘れてはならない。中でも
重要な版画家は漆原由次郎(木虫) と山岸主
計(cat.109)である。漆原は1910年頃から英国
に滞在、特にブラングウィンとの共同制作は、
ウルシバラの名を英国の版画史に刻み付けた
し、米国人アーサー・ドゥを通して、その｢影響｣
は、アメリカ全土に及んだといっても過言では
ない。一方、漆原よりやや若く、
『白樺』や創
作版画作家の版も刻んだ山岸は、米国・ヨーロ
ッパの作家にとって、モダニズムの感覚を理解
する木版技術者として歓迎されたであろう。
日本人版画家が戦前オーストラリアに渡った記
INAGAKI Tomoo, Evening sky 1924 (Cat. 81)
59
YAMAGUCHI Susumu, Still life 1926 (Cat. 110)
60
FUJIMAKI Yoshio, Cemetery (night) 1932 (Cat. 76)
61
KURITA Yū, Slope c1922 (Cat. 88)
62
AZECHI Umetarō Landscape 1929 (Cat.75) UA1998.53
63
KITAZAWA Shūji Landscape with hills c1930 (Cat.87) UA1996.11
64
YAMAGISHI Kazue, Woman viewing a woodblock print 1927 (Cat. 109)
65
work was reproduced in the ‘Great Britain’
section of The Studio publication in 1927.21
Yamagishi had worked with both the ‘New
Prints’ (see below) and modernist artists
including Takehisa Yumeji (Cat.106). His
modern sensitivity would have struck a
chord with the Western artists. While neither
of these two artists came to Australia,
some Australian artists sought to study the
woodblock printmaking first hand. It is well
known that Margaret Preston visited Japan
in 1934 and studied the techniques; and a
little earlier, the German-born artist Paul
Haefliger who had settled in Australia, also
went to study in Japan. It would not have
been difficult to find teachers in major cities
like Tokyo and Kyoto as there were publishers
and individual technicians who had been
working with foreign artists since the early
20th century.
The most notable of them all was Watanabe
Shōzaburō, known as the founder of the New
Prints (shin-hanga). He began producing
woodblock prints of conventional ukiyo-e
genres (beautiful women, famous places,
actors and bird-and-flower subjects) in the
traditional process of artist/blockcutter/printer
collaboration but with foreign markets in mind.22
As well as works by contemporary artists, his
Tokyo shop ‘reproduced’ ukiyo-e, pre-modern
woodblock prints, by recutting new blocks and
printing off them. Percy Neville Barnett, an
Australian collector of bookplates and ukiyo-e
prints, was one of his foreign clients who
purchased thousands of recut prints for his
books on ukiyo-e. Watanabe had experience
in working with foreign artists among them
Friedrich Capelari, Charles W. Bartlett and
Elizabeth Keith. During the interwar period,
the New Prints dominated the Western and
American markets of Japanese prints.23
There is no evidence that Preston and
Haefliger were aware of Japanese modernist
prints. This is not surprising: both stayed
in Japan only for a short period, and were
likely to have been focused on learning the
traditional technique. And Japanese modernist
prints were little known outside Japan.
66
録はないが、モダニズムの代表的作家マーガレ
ット・プレストン(Cat.33-35)は、1934年に日本
を訪れ、木版画の技法を学んだ。オーストラリ
ア在住のドイツ人作家・美術批評家ポール・ヘ
イフリガー(Cat.24, 47)も、トーナトーレ・ロン
グが書いているように、プレストンに先立って
1932年に家族と日本を旅行し、木版画を学ん
だようだ。彼らが版画技術を学んだ場所は確
定できないが、西洋から日本を訪れ、短期間の
滞在中に木版画を学ぼうとした作家は少なか
らずあったと思われるし、渡辺庄三郎などは、
当初から外国人との共同制作を得意としてい
た。11 中でも100点ほどの作品を渡辺版画店か
ら出版したスコットランド人のエリザベス・キー
スは、ヘイフリガーと同時期に、何度目かの日
本滞在中であったことを考えると、講習をうけ
ることは決して難しいことではなかったろう。
またシドニー在住のネヴィル・バネットは、蔵書
票・浮世絵のコレクターで、日本の木版蔵書票
に興味を持って日本のコレクターと連絡を取っ
ており、1930年代半ば以降には浮世絵研究書
を出版するために渡辺版画店から4万点に及ぶ
複製浮世絵を買い入れ、12 それらを添付した
限定版を何冊も出版しているので、ヘイフリガ
ーとプレストンのために彼かサドラーが仲介し
たことも考えられる。
日本のモダニズム版画の海外進出としては、日
本版画協会が1934年のパリ展を皮切りに、ヨー
ロッパと米国で創作版画展を開催したが、13 こ
の版画展はオーストラリアには来ていない。ま
た、プレストンとヘイフリガーが、日本のモダニ
スト版画を眼にしたという記録もない。彼らの
滞在は短期間であったし、リーチの場合のよう
に美術関係者への紹介があったわけではない
ので、無理のないことであろう。二つの大戦間
のこの時期は、西洋においては新版画の全盛
期であり、当時は日本のモダニズム版画は海外
にほとんど知られていなかった。14
ONCHI Kōshirō, The sea 1937 (Cat. 102)
67
Modernity in Australia and Japan
日本とオーストラリアの近代
In the 1920s and 30s casual Western
observers might have dismissed Japan’s
‘Westernisation in art and culture’ as
derivative, a grafting without roots. But both
Leach and Sadler were in a position to judge
better. Leach, who regularly discussed art,
literature and philosophy with his Japanese
peers, viewed Japan’s interest in Western
art as ‘valuable, creative, and a sign of the
times.’24 More important, in his 1918 essay
he questions the notion of the ‘cultural
authenticity’ or ‘weakening of national
character in art and thought’ and considers
that ‘this expression of expanding creativity
has become part of an evolving world
movement.’25
20世紀前半に日本を訪れた西洋人には、日本
の美術・文化が｢西洋化｣していく様子を、日本
人が自らの伝統を捨てて西洋美術を見境なく
模倣していると映ったかもしれない。しかし、リ
ーチとサドラーはより正確な知識と判断力を持
っていた。リーチは日本の｢西洋化｣を｢貴重な、
創造的な、時代の要求｣とみた。15　さらに大事
な点は、日本が西洋化によってその｢国民の文
化的特性が弱体化する｣という見解に対して、
｢特性｣とは何かを問い返し、他の文化を取り入
れた結果として表現が創造的に多様化するこ
とは、近代の｢世界的な現象の一環に過ぎな
い｣と述べていることである。
There is no doubt that Sadler read Leach’s
essay and discussed the issue with him. With
Leach’s knowledge and experience, informed
by his own knowledge of Japanese classics
and pre-modern culture and art, Sadler was
able to place Japan’s preference for Western
art in its own historical context. He argues
that the search by young Japanese (notably
by the Shirakaba group) for ‘the expression of
great personality’ as illustrated by the works
of European masters such as Millet, Degas,
Cézanne, van Gogh, was no different from
their search for the same in calligraphy, the
nō performance, and the Chinese-inspired
‘literati’ ink painting. Until recent years, most
Western critics viewed works of Westernstyle art by Japanese (and other Asian) artists
as superficial, yet Sadler’s sharp insight into
Japanese culture suggested to him that in
these new art forms, one could observe
links to their own past. His mention of literati
painting is particularly astute. Although artists
around Shirakaba and Leach worked in
Western-style painting, two of Japan’s most
original modern painters – Kishida Ryūsei and
Yorozu Tetsugorō – began working in literati
style in the last years of their short lives.26
The years Sadler spent in Japan were the
most dynamic and optimistic in the history of
modern Japanese art. Victory in the Russo68
サドラーもリーチと同様、日本人の西洋思想の
受容を、感覚的・知的な取組みであるとし、そ
の理解の多様さの例として1920年前後の『白
樺』誌上で取り上げられた西洋の文学・美術・
音楽に関する評論、翻訳や図版を例にあげ、
また千家元麿がゴッホへの感動を綴った詩を
訳して掲載している。更にサドラーは、その西
洋文化受容を日本の歴史的文脈において分析
し、日本の若い芸術家たちが(主に『白樺』同
人とその仲間たちであるが)、ミレー、ドガ、
セザ
ンヌ、ゴッホらの作品に「偉大なる自己表現」
をみるのは、日本の伝統的な書や能や文人画
の中に自己表現を見るのと同様なのだと指摘
する。つまりサドラーは、彼らの作品や文章に、
日本の歴史的文化的遺産との本質的な連続
性を看破しているのだ。サドラーが日本を去っ
た頃から、独創的な日本のモダニストと見なさ
れる岸田劉生と萬鉄五郎の二人が、その短い
生涯の末期に共に文人画を手がけていること
を考えると、サドラーの洞察の鋭さが理解でき
よう。16
サドラーが日本で過ごした明治末から大正中
期にかけては、日露戦争の勝利が国民の自覚
ONO Tadashige, Three generations of deaths: a novel without words 1931 (Cat. 104)
69
ONO Tadashige, Three generations of deaths: a novel without
words, No. 9 (explosion in the mine 1931 (Cat. 104)
ONO Tadashige, Three generations of deaths: a novel without
words, No.12 (to the city to find work) 1931 (Cat. 104)
ONO Tadashige, Three generations of deaths: a novel without
words, No 21, (parting) 1931 (Cat. 104)
ONO Tadashige, Three generations of deaths: a novel without
words, No. 46 (killed in clash with police) 1931 (Cat. 104)
70
ONO Tadashige, Street Battle 1930 (Cat. 103)
71
FUJIMORI Shizuo, Fireworks at Ryōgoku, from the series Twelve scenes of greater Tokyo: July 1933 (Cat. 77)
72
KAWAKAMI Sumio, Casino Follies 1930 (Cat. 84)
73
Japanese war (1904-05) boosted national
pride and confidence. The Japan-British
Exhibition, held in London in 1910, was viewed
both by the British and the Japanese as
being quite different from earlier international
expositions when Japan was considered a
‘junior member’ of the industrialised nations:
The 1910 Japan-British Exhibition in London
came at a special moment in Japan’s
international relations, culminating a
generation of efforts to guarantee national
security and international acceptance. It
was conceived by the Japanese as a tool
to secure Western acceptance as a global
power equal to the West with a sophisticated
traditional culture underpinning the rise of
modern industry.27
To mark this special occasion, the British
art magazine The Studio issued a series
of articles on aspects of contemporary
Japanese arts by Japanese and Western
writers. But in Australia things were seen
quite differently:
Popularly and culturally, Japan was often
depicted as the Yellow Peril. The same
sense of racial community that, at the end
of the 19th century, led Australians to define
themselves as white and British and to
exclude Asian immigrants, helped to magnify
the Japanese danger and to unify the
country.28
Despite this general mistrust and xenophobia,
the shared modernity and artistic curiosity
between Australia and Japan established
a number of links. One notable example is
the story of Ishida Kiichirō (1886-1957), an
employee of a Japanese trading company
who was posted to Sydney in 1919, where
he became acquainted with Kagiyama
Ichirō (1891-1965), a Japanese commercial
photographer, who taught him photography.
Ishida was eventually invited to join the
prestigious Sydney Camera Circle, and
worked with its members, particularly with
Harold Cazneaux, whose photographs of
Sadler and his house for The Home magazine
are featured in this exhibition (Cat. 1).29
74
を高揚させ、日本の近代美術がダイナミック
な展開を遂げた時期であった。大戦に先立つ
1910年に開かれた日英博覧会は、日本にとって
も英国にとっても、前世紀の博覧会とは違った
意義を持っていた。
｢ロンドンで日英博覧会が開催された1910年
は、日本の外交にとって、一世代を通じて改善
に尽くしてきた防衛と国際社会への参入を獲
得したという点で、特殊な時期であった。日本
はこの博覧会で、西洋と肩を並べる国力を持
ち、しかも近代産業を支える独自の伝統文化
を持つ国家としての地位を固めることを狙って
いた。」17
この博覧会を記念して、英国の美術雑誌『ザ・
ステュジオ』は、数回にわたり西洋人と日本人
による現代日本の美術工芸に関する記事を掲
載している。だが、オーストラリアでは事情が
違っていた。
｢一般的にも、文化的にも、日本は｢黄禍｣として
描かれた。19世紀末にアジア人移民を排除して
白人による英国主義という自己認識を培った
人種的社会意識が、対日本の危機意識とオー
ストラリアの国家意識を増幅したのだった。」18
しかしながら、日本とオーストラリアに共通し
た近代性は、日本に対する一般の不信感とは
別なところで、幾つかの重要な美術交流を生
んだ。最も顕著な例は、1919年に貿易会社の
駐在員としてシドニーに渡った石田喜一郎であ
る。石田はシドニーで日本人写真家の鍵山一郎
と出会って鍵山から写真術を習得、その近代
的感覚でピクトリアリズム(絵画主義)の優れた
作品を生み出し、その作品がロンドンで展示さ
れたことを機に、由緒あるシドニー・カメラサー
クルの会員に招待された。石田が交友したシド
ニーの写真家には、
『ホーム』誌の専任カメラ
マンであり、同誌のために、サドラー夫妻やサ
Lynd WARD, Gods’ man 1929 (Cat. 74)
Language can be a barrier between cultures,
but when this barrier is overcome, ideas
can fly and mutual respect develops. Unlike
‘Japonisme’ of the previous generation –
which was a more formal interpretation of
Japanese material culture by Western artists
– Sadler observed that the appreciation of
Western modernism by Japanese artists and
writers was underpinned by their knowledge
of European ideas and philosophy. With
this understanding Sadler saw himself
as a bridge between the two cultures,
and his essay, ‘The Japanese outlook on
Western art’, encapsulates this belief in
transcultural exchange. Undoubtedly, Sadler’s
understanding of contemporary Japan was
greatly enhanced by his friendship with
Bernard Leach, to whom he dedicated
his book The Art of Flower Arrangement
in Japan. If Sadler’s 1924 essay on the
contemporary Japanese art scene did not
have relevance in Australia at the time, it
certainly has relevance today. The story
of their engagements with modern Japan
ドラー宅の写真を撮ったハロルド・カズノーが
いた。19 (Cat.1)
異文化を理解するためには、常に言語の壁を
越える必要がある。ジャポニズムが西洋による
日本美術の形態的、一方的な解釈であったの
に対し、日本の西洋近代美術受容はその単な
る受け返しでなく、その基礎となる文学・思想
の共有を伴っていたことを、言葉の壁を越える
ことのできたサドラーは熟知しており、それを
豪州知識人に伝えようとしたのが｢日本人の西
洋美術観｣であった。そしてサドラーが近代日
本の美術文化を理解する過程で、バーナード・
リーチとの交友が大いに役立ったであろうこ
とは疑いの余地がなく、サドラーがシドニーで
著した『フラワーアレンジメント・オブ・ジャパ
ン』をリーチに献呈していることからも明らか
である。｢日本人の西洋美術観｣は、1924年当時
の読者にとっては興味の対象とならなかったと
しても、21世紀に生きる我々には、近代、美術
75
Käthe KOLLWITZ, Maria and Elisabeth 1928 (Cat. 67)
76
MAEKAWA Senpan, Evening view of Shinjuku, from the series One hundred views of new Tokyo 1931 (Cat. 91)
77
enables us, in the 21st century, to reconsider
issues of modernity and modernism in art
with the advantage of a much broader crosscultural perspective.
のモダニズム、そして文化関係の考察に重要な
示唆を与えてくれる。
（著者註：本稿は、英文とは内容が若干違っています。
また執筆に当たり、桑原規子氏に多くの示唆をいただき
ました）
Notes
1 Leach’s grandfather Hamilton Sharp was an English
teacher in and near Kyoto. Suzuki Sadahiro, Baanaado
reechi no shō gai to geijutsu: higashi to nishi no kekkon no
vijon, Minerva Shobō, Kyoto, 2007, pp 3-4.
2 Edmund de Waal, Bernard Leach, Tate Gallery Publishing,
London, 1998, p 9. De Waal is an accomplished potter and
ceramic historian. His account of Leach’s life and work
cleared many popular myths about Leach in the Englishspeaking world.
3 Yanagi Sōetsu’s introduction to Shikiba Ryōzaburō (ed.),
Baanaado reechi (1934), in Yanagi Sō etsu Zenshō (The
complete writings of Yanagi Sōetsu), vol 14, Chikuma
Shobō, Tokyo, 1982, p 124
4 The transition would not have been radical in terms of the
level of comfort. As de Waal more aptly describes, Leach
came to live in two worlds: of the prosperous expatriate
community and of ‘the world of the Shirakaba’ (See de
Waal, Bernard Leach, 1998, p 9); ‘Chronology’ in Bernard
Leach: potter and artist, 1997, pp 158-59
5 Yanagi’s given name is Muneyoshi, but he is widely
known as Sōetsu, Leach’s adaptation of his ideas was
posthumously published as The Unknown Craftsman.
6 For the significance of Leach’s activities in the
development of modern Japanese craft, see Ajioka
‘Aspects of twentieth-century crafts: the New Craft and
Mingei Movements’ in Thomas Rimer (ed.), Since Meiji:
perspectives of Japanese visual arts from 1869 to 2000,
University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu, 2011.
7 Bernard Leach, Beyond East and West, Faber and Faber,
London & Boston, 1978, pp 122-23
8 Tomimoto studied design at the Tokyo School of Fine Arts,
then went to London in 1908. On his return in 1910, he
actively experimented in various arts as well as writing on
art/craft and on William Morris. He met Leach through a
mutual friend, and when Leach began learning ceramics he
acted as interpreter. While interpreting he began making
ceramics himself, working closely with Leach. See also:
Tsuchida Maki, ‘Tenrankai no dezain (Designing exhibitions)’
in 20 seiki Nihon bijutsu saiken 1: 1910-nendai (Revisiting
the 20th century Japanese art 1: the 1910s), Mie Prefectural
Museum of Art, 1995, p 203. Also see chronology, pp 224-51
9 Sadler’s letter to Leach, 2 Jan 1921, Bernard Leach Archive,
Crafts Study Centre, Bath.
10 Yanagi Sōetsu, Yanagi Sō etsu Zenshō, vol 21-1, 1989, p 51
11 Sadler’s letter to Leach 2 Jan 1921, op cit
12 Suzuki, 2007, p 83
13 The works held in London were lost by fire in 1939. Those
in Paris were confiscated by the French government.
After WWII, 371 works from the collection were returned
to Japan as goodwill, and became the core of the National
Museum of Western Art. See Frank Brangwyn, The
National Museum of Western Art, Tokyo, 2010.
14 Nagafune Yōji et al, Shirakaba tanjō 100nen: Shirakaba
no aishita bijutsu ten (“Shirakaba”– Pilots of art in modern
Japan), Yomiuri Shimbun, Osaka, p 131
15 The van Gogh was destroyed during the air-raids in 1945;
Cézanne’s Landscape is now on permanent loan to Ohara
78
Notes
註1リーチはこの11年の間に、二度中国に滞在した。また1920
年の帰国後も、戦前戦後を通じて幾度も来日している。(『
バーナード・リーチ展』図録, 栃木県立美術館編　1997年
｢年譜｣参照)
註2リーチの生涯については、鈴木禎宏『バーナード・リーチの
生涯と芸術：｢東と西の結婚｣のヴィジョン』(東京　ミネル
ヴァ書房　2006)が詳しい。
註3 鈴木禎宏,『バーナード・リーチの生涯と芸術』26頁
註4柳宗悦,『柳宗悦全集』第14巻, 東京, 筑摩書房1982年, 124
頁
註5
バーナード・リーチ『東と西を越えて』Bernard Leach,
Beyond East and West, Faber and Faber, London &
Boston, 1978年, 122-23頁
註6
1921年1月2日付サドラーからリーチへの手紙(バーナード・
リーチ　アーカイヴ、Craft Study Centre, Bath)
註7 鈴木禎宏, 前掲書, 83頁
註8松方がロンドンに保管していたコレクションは1939年に火
災で焼失し、パリに保管された作品は第二次大戦中にフラ
ンス政府に没収されたが、戦後371点がフランス政府から返
還され、国立西洋美術館の蒐集品の核となった。ブラングウ
ィンと松方コレクションについては、国立西洋美術館『フラ
ンク・ブラングウィン展』図録(2010年)参照。
註9永舟洋司編, ｢『白樺』主催展覧会目録｣神奈川県立近代
美術館葉山館『白樺派の愛した美術展』2009年参照。同
図録は白樺美術館計画と作品についても詳しい。
註10小野忠重,『近代日本の版画』, 東京, 三彩社, 1971年,
79頁
註11 猿渡紀代子編,『アジアへの眼：外国人の浮世絵師たち展』
横浜美術館・読売新聞1996年, 211-22頁
註12 オーストラリア人名事典オンラインhttp://www.adb.online.
anu.edu.au/biogs/A070189b.htm?hilite=barnett%3Bperc
y%3Bneville;　及びダイアン・クラール『チャッツウッドか
ら江戸へ:Pネヴィル・バネットの生涯と出版』Diane Kraal,
From Chatswood to Edo: the life and books of P. Neville
Barnett, Melbourne, 2007年
註13 桑原規子, ｢創作版画の海外進出：1930年代の日本現代版
画展覧会｣西山純子編『日本の版画1931–1940』千葉市美術
館 2004, 23-30頁
註14 エイミー・リーグル・ニューランド, ｢『新版画』の欧米で
の評価－両大戦間(1915–40)｣『おんなえ 近代美人版. 画
全集』阿部出版　2000年；(英語版)The Female Image:
20th century prints of Japanese beauties, Abe publishing,
Tokyo & Hotei Publishing, Leiden, 2000年
註15 リーチ, 前掲書, 124頁
註16 萬鉄五郎は1922年頃から南画の研究を深め、7月に野島康
三邸で展覧会を開いている。(佐々木一成｢年譜｣『萬鉄五郎
展』東京国立近代美術館1997, 211
註17 ウイリアム・コールドレーク,「はじめに」『1910年日英博
覧会と英国紙の報道』William Caldrake,‘Introduction’,
The British Press and Japan-British Exhibition of 1910,
Melbourne Institute of Asian Languages and Societies,
2001年, x頁
註18 ネヴィル・ミーニィ,『新たな展望へ:豪日関係の歴史』
Neville Meany, Towards a new vision: Australia and Japan
Museum of Art, and the Self-portrait with a hat is in
the collection of Bridgestone Museum of Art, Ishibashi
Foundation (Nagafune et al, op cit, pp 34-131).
16 Shirakaba exhibitions list compiled by Nagafune Yōji,
Nagafune et al, op cit, p 223
17 Takizawa Kyōji (ed.), Seitan 100-nen Ono Tadashige ten
(Ono Tadashige exhibition: commemorating the centenary
of his birth), Machida City Museum of Graphic Arts, Tokyo,
2009, p 26
18 The Japan Creative Prints Association lobbied for inclusion
of creative prints to the government-sponsored annual art
exhibition. This was granted in 1927.
19 Kuwahara Noriko, ‘Sōsaku hanga no kaigai shinshutsu:
1930 nendai no Nihon gendai hanga tenrankai (Creative
Prints overseas: exhibitions of the Creative Prints abroad
in the 1930s)’, Hihon no hanga 1931-1940 (Japanese prints
1931-1940), Chiba City Museum of Art, 2004, pp 23-30
20 Haegawa went to Paris in 1919 and remained there till
his death. In 1936 he received Legion of Honour from
the French Government for his work in manière noire
(mezzotint).
21 The wood cut of today at home and abroad, 1927, p 43. It
also features a work ‘by Y. Urushibara after a drawing by
Frank Brangwyn, R.A.’
22 Watanabe was originally an ukiyo-e woodblock print
collector/dealer. According to Sawatari Kiyoko, he realised
the depleting stock of pre-modern prints and began
considering production of contemporary prints using
the ukiyo-e production method of artist-carver-printer
collaboration with the Western market in mind, when he
met Fritz Capelari in 1915. It is important to note that this
New Print (Shin Hanga) movement had cross-cultural
origin. See Eyes toward Asia: Ukiyoe artists from abroad,
Sawatari Kiyoko (ed.), Yokohama Museum of Art/ Yomiuri
Shimbun, Tokyo, 1996, pp 211-22
23 Amy Reigle Newland, ‘The appreciation of Shin hanga in
the West: the interwar years, 1915-40’, The Female Image:
20th century prints of Japanese beauties Abe publishing,
Tokyo & Hotei Publishing, Leiden, 2000
24 Bernard Leach, Beyond East and West, p 124
25 Leach, p 124
26 Yorozu deepened his study of nanga around 1922 and held
an exhibition in July (Sasaki Kazunari ‘nenpu’ in Yorozu
Tetsugorō, The National Museum of Modern Art, 1997. p 211).
27 William Coaldrake, ‘Introduction’, The British Press and
Japan-British Exhibition of 1910, Melbourne Institute of
Asian Languages and Societies, Melbourne, 2001, p x
28 Neville Meaney, Towards a new vision: Australia and Japan
across time, second edition, UNSW Press, Sydney, 2007, p 28
29 Mitsuda Yuri (ed.), Kiichiro Ishida and the Sydney Camera
Circle 1920s-1940s, Museum of Sydney, Sydney, 2003.
across time, Second edition, UNSW Press, Sydney, 2007
年, 28頁
註19 光田由里, 『石田喜一郎とシドニー・カメラサークル展』渋
谷区松涛美術館2002年参照。
79
80
MODERN IDEAS ON THE MOVE
モダニズムの伝播
Catriona MOORE
Artists usually have a highly developed
historical consciousness. Those maturing in
the early decades of the twentieth century in
Europe and Japan were keenly aware of the
social and cultural contradictions surrounding
them. They tried to make sense of chaotic
industrialisation, rapid economic growth, the
rise of revolutionary mass movements and
reactionary militarism, and the European
scramble for colonies that precipitated WWI.
Italy and Germany had lurched from regional
Princedoms to political unification, and artists
were inventing a new role for themselves as
part of a progressive, national intelligentsia.
Russian artists similarly rode the political
and social tumult that followed the RussoJapanese war and the failed 1905 revolution.
Artists on both sides of the new century
believed the world was entering into a general
state of decay and disintegration. They
explored the dark underbelly of new urban
spaces and our crisis-ridden relationship
to technological change. Artists felt that
modernity was breaking up the social
fabric. Many young radicals were critical of
Impressionism’s surrender to naturalism, as
paralleling without question the materialism
of modern science. The Symbolists had
responded to modernity by transcending
or ‘musicalising’ the world, to create an
aesthetic distance from the violent banalities
of industrial life. The younger artists preferred
to intervene and immerse themselves in
these modern realities.
Max PECHSTEIN, Conversation 1910 (Cat. 72)
芸術家は通常、鋭い時代感覚を持っている。
ヨーロッパや日本で20世紀の初めに成熟して
いった作家たちは、周囲の社会的、文化的矛
盾を鋭敏に感じ取っていた。身辺で無秩序に
進む工業化、急激な経済成長、革命を目指す
大衆運動と反動的な軍国主義の台頭、そして
ヨーロッパの強国の植民地獲得競争が第一次
大戦になだれこむ様子を、自分なりに解釈しよ
うと試みた。君主国が割拠する状態から統一
国家への道を進み出し始めたイタリアとドイツ
では、アーティストたちはその新国家における
進歩的なインテリゲンチャーの一角を担うと
いう新しい役割を自らに課した。ロシアのアー
ティストたちも同様に、日露戦争や鎮圧された
1905年革命に続く政治的、社会的動乱の波に
乗じた。
19世紀末－20世紀初頭の芸術家は、世界が腐
敗と崩壊の状況に入りつつあると信じたので、
新しく出現した都市の暗部や、技術革新への
依存が生み出す危い関係に注目した。彼らは
｢近代｣が社会構造を解体していると感じた。
若い急進派の多くは、印象派を排し、印象派と
は自然主義が擁護する｢自然｣を容認し、資本
主義における近代科学の実利主義を鵜吞みに
するものであると批判した。象徴派の作家たち
は、現世界を超越、つまり｢音楽化｣し、工業化
によって平均化・凡庸化が急激に蔓延していく
現実から隔離した美意識を生み出すことで近
81
Cosmopolitan artistic development was
pollinated along the intercontinental
telegram, train and steamship routes.
Those with cash and entrepreneurial flair,
such as the Italian Futurist FT Marinetti,
barnstormed the continent and helped to
spread the provocative promise of the new
age. The art university was the atelier and
street café, and for the young northern
Europeans, the backpacker camaraderie of
summer retreats in picturesque villages away
from city smoke and expensive rents. Max
Pechstein’s 1910 woodcut, Conversation
(Cat. 72) snatches a glimpse of the new
café culture. This was the time of small
magazines, the “mayflies of the literary
world”, and between 1909-20 a hundred or
so imprints briefly flourished.1 In the pages
of Jugend, The Studio, Die Aktion and Der
Sturm, writers and artists told each other
about art’s important new role in creating
the ideas that would guide modern life.
Fauves, Cubists, Futurists and Expressionists
experimented with non-naturalistic distortion
as a radical examination of life itself. Their
initial findings remain unresolved: how
to reconcile individual freedom with the
requirements of the community in a new
world? According to many prints, poems and
café-talk, social change must start with the
individual. The new society could not simply
emerge from a ‘bottom up’ change in the
material base, as the Marxists proposed. How
would the revolutionary masses know what
to think and act, without someone or some
ideal to show the way? Most avant-gardists
proposed a creative, ‘top down’ politics,
guided by the ethical ideal, to bring about
social change.
Artists sculpted, printed and painted
connections between a subjective ethics
and the material world of politics, science
and economics, though not in an illustrative
way. It was the viewer’s job to make
creative links between art and life. The artist
started the conversation through opening
up aesthetic possibilities, through formal
distortions of form, expressive intensity
82
代化に対応していたが、若いアーティストたち
はむしろ、近代の現実に介入し、没頭すること
を選んだ。
芸術の動きは国を越え、大陸間を結ぶ電報、
鉄道、汽船網に乗って伝播していった。財力
があり目先が効くイタリア未来派のF. T. マリ
ネッティなどは、ヨーロッパ各地を巡業して、
新しい時代が意味するものとその魅力とを説
いて回った。アトリエや街のカフェが芸術を学
ぶ場となった。一方、北ヨーロッパの若いアー
ティストたちは、夏の都市の喧騒と高い家賃を
逃れ、景色のよい田舎の安宿で仲間たちと芸
術論を戦わした。マックス・ペヒシュタインの
1910年の木版『会話』にはこの新しいカフェ
文化が垣間見える。(cat.72) 寿命の短いこと
から｢文学界の蜻蛉｣と呼ばれた小雑誌が盛ん
で、1909年から1920年にかけて百種ほどの出
版物が百花繚乱を極めた。1 作家や画家たち
は、
『ユーゲント』、
『ザ・スチュヂオ』、
『ディ
エ・アクション』、
『デア・シュトォルム』等の誌
上で、芸術の新しい役割－近代生活を導く思
想の形成に芸術がどのように貢献できるか－
について意見を交換した。
フォーヴ、キュビスト、未来派、表現派は、｢生｣
の急進的な考察として、非自然的なデフォルメ
で表現する実験を始めた。しかし彼らが当初
知覚した、個人の自由と新しい社会の要求との
調和という問題への解答にはならない。多くの
絵画や詩、カフェでの会話は、社会変革は個人
から始まるべきであると唱えたが、｢下部構造
の変化が上部構造を変えていく｣とマルクス主
義者が提唱したほど単純には、新しい社会は
生まれ得なかった。具体的な指導者か手本な
くして、革命の主導者である大衆は、何を考え
行動すべきかをどうして知ることができよう。ほ
とんどの前衛作家たちは、倫理的な理想に導
かれた創造的な｢上意下達の｣社会変革を提唱
していた。
and non-naturalistic colour. To make sense
of these works, the viewer had to take
time in looking. Perceptual and intellectual
effort was needed to meet these artworks
halfway, so to speak, and the viewer became
conscious of the fact that they were seeing
things differently. These were more than just
pretty pictures – they were made as visual
propositions for a subjective openness to
change in consciousness – a prerequisite
for social change itself. This was part of a
utopian quest for a heightened, transcendent
consciousness, described in the 1930s
by the Marxist critic Ernst Bloch as the
novum or the New, “which breaks forth
throughout human history in cultural and
political attempts to visualize an unalienated
relation between human beings.”2 As ‘pretty
propositions’, this pictorial quest for the New
became an easily transportable philosophy, an
art of cultural dislocation and a practical form
of protest.3
Expressionist artists sought the ‘New’
by looking both forward and backward,
evoking unalienated connections with the
social totality through appeals to life and
labour or to earlier folk traditions, whilst
simultaneously engaging with the modern
situation. The German expressionists sought
to revive ‘Northern’ folk traditions like wood
carving and woodcut prints, along with
a mystic, Gothic heritage (as against the
Classical, Roman tradition), while drawing
heavily on the latest Fauve colour theories,
Cubist compositional challenges and
Futurist forward-thinking. Russian artists
associated with Futurist groups like the Jack
of Diamonds, Donkey’s Tail, Zveno (‘the
link’) and the anarchist Green Cat (including
those associated with Japanese modernism,
such as David Burliuk, Victor Palmov and
the Vladivostock-based print-maker Pavel
Liubarsky) also incorporated their regional
heritage (including the icon tradition and
Russian folk arts) into their work, after seeing
what Matisse and Picasso had done with
African, Pacific & Iberian art. Artists extended
this broad-ranging cultural reach by working
アーティストたちは政治、科学、経済の現実世
界と主観的倫理の関わりを、彫刻に、版画に、
絵画に表現した。ただし具体的に表現したので
はない。芸術と現実のつながりを見出すのは作
品を観る者の役割となった。アーティストは、フ
ォルムの歪曲、表現の激しさ、非自然的な色彩
を用いて新たな美的可能性を切り開くことで観
客との対話を開始したのであって、そうした作
品を理解するためには、受け手は時間をかけて
鑑賞する必要があった。つまり鑑賞者は作品を
捉えるところまで辿り着くには感覚と知力を働
かせなければならず、その過程で自らの物の見
方が違ってきていることに気づくのだった。作
品は単にきれいな絵ではなく、意識の変革を受
け入れる主観的態度を持てという提案を視覚化
したものであり、その意識変革は社会変革の前
提でもあったのだ。これは現実世界を調節する
意識を求めるユートピア思想の一端であった。
マルクス主義批評家のエルンスト・ブロッホは
1930年代にそれを｢ノヴム(新事象)｣と呼び、｢人
類史の全時代にわたって文化的、政治的に試
みられてきた、現実には実現していない人間同
士の疎外なき関係を視覚化する試み｣と述べて
いる。2 この｢魅力的な表現形式｣は、｢新事象｣
の視覚的探求の様式として移植可能な思想で
あり、文化的不安を表現する芸術であり、実際
的なプロテストの形態ともなった。3
表現主義の作家たちは、｢新事象｣を過去と未
来に模索した。一方では、旧世界の｢生活と労
働｣あるいは民族的伝統から、社会全体との疎
外なき絆という要素を抽出しつつも、同時に近
代の現実に関与することを忘れなかった。ドイ
ツ表現派は、木彫や木版など北方民族の芸術
や、神秘的なゴシックの伝統の復活を目指す
(ギリシャ・ローマの伝統に対して)一方、最新
のフォーヴの色彩理論、キュビストによる構成
の冒険、未来派の先進思想に強く基づいた作
品を生み出した。ロシアでは、｢ダイヤのジャッ
83
in a variety of media and collaborating on
cross-artform projects to promote the
idea of the ‘total work of art’. Der Blaue
Reiter Almanac of 1912, produced by Franz
Marc and Wassily Kandinsky, exemplifies
this ambitious programme. It reproduced
contemporary European art alongside work
from the South Pacific and Africa, Chinese
paintings and Japanese drawings, medieval
German woodcuts and sculpture, Egyptian
puppets, Russian folk art, Bavarian religious
art painted on glass and examples of
children’s art.
Artists turned their backs on their academic
training to appropriate these more ‘primitive’
or fundamental art forms, searching for a
world of essences. They drew inspiration
from the energising force of children and socalled ‘primitive’ peoples, the working class
and the peasantry, and in an assumed closer
connection that women enjoyed with nature
through childbirth, emotional intelligence and
the unconscious. This highly intellectualised
and politically radical form of ‘savage mind’
sought to tap a broad-flowing, Dionysian lifeforce (Cat. 59).
Ernst Kirchner’s brilliant portrait of the
German art dealer Ludwig Schames (Cat. 64)
seeks to reveal such fundamental, emotional
truths. It was prepared from memory and
hand-printed at the close of the Great War,
when Kirchner was living in a small hut in the
Swiss Alps and attempting to recover from
his wartime physical and mental collapse.
Kirchner strips extraneous detail from this
studio memory, and distorts Schames’ severe,
elongated features into a characteristic,
dynamic x-shape to fit an irregularly-shaped
block of wood. Compositionally it echoes
other Kirchner portraits, such as his 1915
Self-Portrait as a Soldier, where the artist
pitches into the claustrophobic foreground,
brandishing an (imaginary) amputated arm,
his nude model awkwardly posed behind.
In this instance, the nude woman in the
background is thought to be one of Kirchner’s
own carved wood sculptures. Unlike the
Symbolist belief in emotions being primarily
84
ク｣｢ロバの尻尾｣｢ゼノ(絆)｣などの未来派集団
や無政府主義の｢緑猫｣のアーティストたち(日
本のモダニズムに関係の深いダヴィッド・ブル
リュークとヴィクター・パリモフやウラジオスト
ック在住の版画家パヴェル・リュバルスキーを
含む)も、ロシアの地方の伝統(イコンや民族芸
術など)を作品に取り入れた。アフリカ、太平
洋、イベリアの芸術を取り入れたマティスやピカ
ソの作品に刺激を受けたのである。アーティス
トたちは多様な媒体で作品を発表したり、異分
野にまたがる協同プロジェクトを試みて、文化
の領域を越える｢総合芸術｣という考え方を推
進していった。この野心的な取り組みを端的に
示しているのが、フランツ・マルクとワシリー・
カンディンスキーが1912年に刊行した年刊誌
『青騎士』だ。同誌は、同時代のヨーロッパの
作品に並べて、南太平洋やアフリカの工芸品、
中国の絵画、日本の墨絵、中世ドイツの木版や
木彫、エジプトの人形、ロシアの民芸品、バイエ
ルンの宗教ガラス絵や子供の描いた絵を掲載
している。
アーティストたちは自分たちが習得したアカデ
ミズムに背を向け、ものの本質からなる世界を
探究するなかで、よりプリミティブあるいはフ
ァンダメンタルな芸術の形態を取り入れていっ
た。子供やいわゆる｢原始的｣と言われる人々、
労働階級や農民が持つエネルギーから、また
女性の出産、感情的知性、意識下などの｢自然
により近い特性｣から着想を得た。この高度に
知的で政治的に過激な｢未開の心｣は、広範に
存在するディオニソス的な生命力を抽出しよう
としたのだ。
エルンスト・キルヒナーによるドイツの画商ル
ドヴィグ・シャームスの印象的な肖像(cat.64)
は、そうした根源的な感情的真実を探求する
作品である。この版画は、第一次大戦の終わり
頃に、作者の記憶をもとに手摺りで制作され
Lovis CORINTH, The Kiss 1921 (Cat. 59)
85
Ernst Ludwig KIRCHNER, Portrait of Ludwig Schames 1918 (Cat. 64)
86
a thing of the mind (reflecting a traditional
philosophical split between mind and body),
the younger generation rendered emotional
feelings as unruly, experiential truths that are
directly felt and marked on the body.
The search for pure or primitive forms
was a counter-cultural action against
urban corruption. Unlike 18th century
Enlightenment thinking or 19th century
Romanticism, modern western primitivism
sought a harmony with nature that was
not seen as ultimately Divine, but as a
more ambivalent, flawed ‘refuge’ from the
modern predicament. Die Brücke artist Erich
Heckel’s 1923 woodcut, On the shore (Cat.
61) shows two women resting on an Edenic
shore, far from the urban corruptions of
postwar Europe. Yet these modern hippies
do not embody Nature as uncivilised,
prelogical and pre-modern. Their smart,
‘bobbed’ hairstyles suggest that they are
sophisticated, urban Eves on holiday, in a
state of healthy, liberated nakedness.
For this generation, relations between men
and women were of particular concern. The
Norwegian artist Edvard Munch’s insights
into the unsettling nature of familial and
romantic relationships had reflected common
anxieties. Across Europe the suffragettes
had pushed for the vote. With women’s
emancipation and economic independence,
and with arranged marriages now a distant
memory, artists investigated the nature of
love and female psychology. Sigmund Freud
and Carl Jung’s theories of the unconscious
drives, the nature of sexuality, repression
and guilt were revelatory. Freud’s startling
research on female sexuality raised the
hitherto unthinkable question: ‘What does a
woman want?’4
Käthe Kollwitz often used the image of
woman as a general social index and a site
for conflicting economic forces. Her figures
extend the emotional force of personal loss or
anguish to form broader humanist statements
on the human predicament (Cat.67). Herself
a mother losing her son in WWI and her
た。当時キルヒナーは、スイス・アルプスの小さ
な山荘に滞在し、戦争による肉体的・精神的
衰弱から立ち直ろうとしていた。作者はその記
憶から本質的でない部分をすべて取り去り、シ
ャームスの面長で険しい表情を特有のダイナミ
ックなX形にデフォルメして不定形の版木に収
めた。この作品の構図は、キルヒナーの他の肖
像画にも見られる。例えば1915年の《兵士とし
ての自画像》は、画面からずり落ちんばかりの
最前面に自分を置き、(空想で)切断された腕を
誇示し、背後にヌードモデルをぎこちないポー
ズで配している。この作品の場合、背景のヌー
ドの女性はキルヒナー自身が制作した木彫の
ひとつだと見られている。象徴主義が感情を主
として心の事象とする(つまり心と身体を別のも
のとする従来の考え方を反映する)のに反し、
若い世代は、感情を、身体に直接感じて刻み
付けられる、抑制し難い、体験的な真実として
表現した。
純粋な、あるいはプリミティヴなフォルムの追
求は、都会の退廃に反発する反体制運動であ
った。それは自然との調和を求めたが、18世
紀の啓蒙思想や19世紀のロマン主義が自然
に究極の神性を見たのに対し、近代西洋の原
始主義にとって自然とは、それ自体に矛盾を
擁した、近代の窮状からの危うい避難場所で
あった。ディア・ブリュッケ(橋派)の画家、エー
リッヒ・ヘッケルの木版画《岸辺で》(1923年)
(cat.61)には、二人の女が第一次大戦戦後の都
会の退廃を遠く離れて、エデンの園のような岸
辺に遊ぶ姿が描かれている。しかし彼女たち、
いわば近代のヒッピーは、未開で理性を欠いた
前近代的な｢自然｣を具現しているのではない。
洒落たボブカットの髪型の彼女たちは、休暇中
の都会の洗練されたイブたちであり、その裸体
は健康と解放を象徴しているのだ。
この世代には男女関係が特別な関心事となっ
87
Erich HECKEL, On the shore 1923 (Cat. 61)
88
grandson in WWII, her self-portraits and
generalised figures of mothers, sisters and
wives mourn an entire generation and express
Germany’s physical and moral collapse at the
war’s end. They are clarion-calls against social
injustice, poverty, war and incipient fascism.
Many European modernists had at first
welcomed the war as way to hasten a new
social order. For some, a militarist (and later,
proto-fascist) search for purity under-pinned
shared ideas about creation itself: as a
dialectical tension between opposing forces
– creation by catastrophe. For the new man
to emerge, degenerate society must be
swept away. The power of social and poetic
contradiction was valorised in Expressionist
art. Wassily Kandinsky’s influential 1910
writings, Concerning the Spiritual in Art,
asserted, “Harmony today rests chiefly on the
principle of antithesis (and contradictions).”
Thus pictorial distortion, musical discord or
ugly dance movements could be considered
“beautiful”.5 Kandinsky, Heckel, Kirchner,
Masereel, Pechstein, Ward and many others
were drawn to Nietzchian views on ‘Dionysian
destruction’. Kandinsky was also not alone in
finding Rudolf Steiner’s ideas on the Christian
Apocalypse utterly compelling. Steiner’s
beliefs on the progressively transcendent
ordering of the universe had a major impact
on the synthesised, Christian and Eastern
spiritual teachings of the Theosophical
Society, which influenced artists around the
world in the inter-war period.
The realities of the Great War proved to be
a false apocalypse, however, as so many
Expressionists artists were killed, maimed
or suffered some form of war trauma. Most
survivors were later persecuted under the
Nazis. The impetus of the Italian Futurists as
a movement also died with the war, in which
two members (Boccioni and Sant-Elia) were
killed. Futurism as an organised movement
got its second wind when Marinetti aligned
with the rising Fascist Party of his friend
Benito Mussolini from 1919, although it was
spent as a radical social and artistic force.
The Russian modernists fared little better as
た。ノルウェー人のエドワルド・ムンクは、家族
関係や恋愛関係に潜む精神的動揺を深い洞
察力で表現したが、これはこの世代に共通す
る不安感を反映している。ヨーロッパ各地で婦
人参政権運動が進んでいたが、女性の解放と
経済的自立が進むにつれ、そして親の取り決め
による結婚が過去のものとなった今、アーティス
トたちは愛の本質と女性心理を探求した。ジー
クムント・フロイトとカール・ユングによる無意
識の働き、性欲の性質、抑圧された感情、罪悪
感などの理論が彼らに啓示となった。フロイト
が1915年に発表した女性の性欲についての論
文は、それまで考えも及ばなかった問いを提議
した－｢女は何を望んでいるのか｣と。4
ケーテ・コルヴィツは、女性像によって、社会的
指標や経済の力の衝突の現場を表現した。彼
女の描く女性像は、亡失や苦悩といった個人
レベルでの感情を、幅広く人間性の苦境として
訴える。(cat.67) コルヴィツ自身、第一次大戦
で息子を亡くし、第二次大戦では孫を亡くすこ
とになる。彼女の自画像や一般的に母、姉妹、
妻を描いた絵の数々はひとつの世代全体を悼
み、戦争の終末と共にもたらされたドイツの物
理的、倫理的崩壊を表現している。コルヴィツ
の描く女性たちは、社会的不正義、貧困、戦
争、そして台頭し始めたファシズムへの高らか
な抗議声明である。
多くのヨーロッパのモダニストたちは当初、戦
争を新しい社会秩序の出現を促進させるもの
として歓迎した。一部の者にとっては、純粋性
を追求する軍国主義(そして後には原ファシズ
ムの)は、｢創造｣の本質について共有される概
念と重なっていた。｢創造は対抗する力の間の
弁証法的な緊張である｣｢破滅が創造を生む｣
という概念である。新しい人類が生まれるた
めには、退廃した世界は一掃されねばならな
かった。表現主義の芸術は、社会的、詩的｢矛
89
a relatively small and politically unsupported
section of post-revolutionary prolekult
(‘proletarian culture’). They were increasingly
seen as ‘decadent bourgeois’ and their art
not able to be understood or of any use to
the revolutionary proletariat. The artistic
examination of the New was finally squashed
in Russia when the doctrine of Socialist
Realism became state policy in 1932.
The complex surge of regional modernisms
through the twentieth century makes us
realise how unevenly radical art ideas arise
in diverse centres, mutate, travel and die
off. Expressionism, for instance, could
simultaneously appear intensely radical in
one context, and reactionary in another.
For instance, as Expressionism snaked
like a subversive virus across the world, in
Germany it experienced a rapid decline,
as left-leaning artists became increasingly
disillusioned with the Weimar republic. By
1920, artists associated with dada and the
Novembergruppe declared Expressionism
to be bankrupt, overworked and indulgent;
and by 1924, the movement was effectively
over. In Germany, as elsewhere, the ‘Neue
Saclichkeit’ (New Objectivity) and more
Classical styles, jazz and sport projected a
more stable ‘twenties zeitgeist’.
Regional modernisms often appear to be
politically and socially contradictory. Japanese
avant-gardists radically reinvented the utopian
exploration of ‘the New’. On the other hand,
early Australian modernism was formally
innovative but politically conservative.
Margaret Preston was an idiosyncratic
nationalist, Grace Cossington Smith a
stalwart, Anglican conservative, and Ethel
Spowers and Grace Crowley never dreamt of
becoming ‘traitors to their class’. European
modernism travelled light, but carried some
heavy ideological and philosophical baggage.
The historical consciousness of the locallyattuned artist often leads to the quiet
dumping of excess load.
盾｣の力を奉じた。ワシリー・カンディンスキー
は、1910年の著作『芸術における精神的なも
の』で｢今日、調和は主として対立(と矛盾)のな
かに存在する｣と主張した。それゆえデフォル
メや不協和音、不器用な舞踊が｢美しい｣と捉え
られた。5 カンディンスキー、ヘッケル、キルヒ
ナー、フランス・マゼリール、ペヒシュタイン、
リンド・ワードほか多くがニーチェのいわゆる
｢ディオニュソス的破壊｣に惹き付けられた。ま
たキリスト教の黙示録についてのルドルフ・シ
ュタイナーの説に完全に心を奪われたのはカ
ンディンスキーだけではなかった。宇宙が漸次
的に進化するというシュタイナーの理論は、キ
リスト教と東洋の精神思想を合わせた神智学
協会の教えにインパクトを与え、それがふたつ
の大戦間の世界各地の芸術家たちに影響を及
ぼした。
しかし第一次大戦の現実は黙示録ではなく、
多くの表現主義者たちが死亡あるいは負傷す
るなど、何らかの戦争の傷を受け、生き残った
者は大半がナチによる迫害を受けた。イタリア
未来派はウンベルト・ボッチョーニとアントニ
オ・サンテリアを戦争で失い、その運動は戦争
とともに衰えた。組織立った運動としての未来
主義は、1919年からマリネッティが友人ベニー
ト・ムッソリーニのファシスト党の台頭に協調
することで息を吹き返したが、それはもはや社
会的・芸術的な過激勢力とはなりえなかった。
ロシアのモダニストたちも同様で、革命後の
｢プロレタリア文化｣の中で、比較的弱小で政治
的基盤のない存在となり、次第に革命的プロレ
タリアの目には理解できない、つまり無用の
｢デカダントなブルジュワ｣と見なされるようにな
った。1932年に社会主義的リアリズムが国策と
なると、ロシアにおける｢新事象｣の芸術的考察
は、遂に押しつぶされた。
20世紀に各地で起こったモダニズムの様相を
追っていくと、散在する中心地から発生した過
90
Notes
1Frederick Crews, ‘The Partisan’, New York Review of
Books, vol XXV, no 118, (1978) p3, cited Barbara Drygulski
Wright, ‘Sublime Ambition: Art, Politics And Ethical Idealism
in the Cultural Journals of German Expressionism’, in
Stephen Eric Bronner & Douglas Kellner (eds.), Passion and
Rebellion: The Expressionist Heritage, Columbia University
Press, NY, 1988, p 82
2Cited Stephen Bronner and D. Emily Hicks, ‘Expressionist
Painting and the Aesthetic Dimension’, in Bronner and
Kellner, op cit, 1988, p 239
3See Anne-Marie Willis on the influence of Expressionism in
Australia in the 1930s and 1940s. Illusions of Identity: The
Art of Nation, Hale & Iremonger, Sydney, 1993, p 48
4Sigmund Freud, Letter to Marie Bonaparte, as quoted in
Sigmund Freud: Life and Work (1955) by Ernest Jones, vol
2, pt 3, ch 16
5 Wassily Kandinsky, Concerning the Spiritual in Art, New
York, 1947, pp 66, 71-72, cited Donald E. Gordon, ‘Content
by Contradiction’, Art in America, December 1982, p 84
Notes
註1 フ
レデリック・クルーズ｢パルチザン｣ ‘The Partisan’, New
York Review of Books, Vol XXV, No 118, (1978) 3頁　引用
はバーバラ・ドリガルスキー= ライト｢崇高な野心：ドイツ表現
主義文芸雑誌の芸術、政治と倫理的理想主義｣　‘Sublime
Ambition: Art, Politics And Ethical Idealism in the Cultural
Journals of German Expressionism’, スティーヴン・エリッ
ク･ブロナー＆ダグラス・ケルナー(編)『情熱と反抗:表現
主義の遺産』 Stephen Eric Bronner & Douglas Kellner
(eds), Passion and Rebellion: The Expressionist Heritage,
Columbia Univerisity Press, NY, 1988年, 82頁
註2 ス
ティーブン・ブロナー、D.エミリー・ヒックス(共著)｢表現
主義の絵画と美的特徴｣ ‘Expressionist Painting and the
Aesthetic Dimension’, in Bronner and Kellner, 前掲書, 239
頁
註3 表
現主義の1930-1940年代のオーストラリアへの影響につい
ては、アン= マリー・ウィリス, 『アイデンティティの幻想：
国の芸術』Illusions of Identity: The Art of Nation, Hale &
Iremonger, 1993年, 48頁
註4 シ
グモンド・フロイドからマリーボナパルトへの書簡引用は
アーネスト・ジョンズ『シグモンド・フロイド：生涯と業績』
Sigmund Freud: Life and Work (1955), Vol. 2, Pt. 3, Ch.16
から。
激な芸術思想が、様々な経過で変容し、伝播
し、消滅していったことが分かる。たとえば表
現主義は、ある状況では非常に急進的だが、
同時に別の環境では反動的であり得た。表現
主義が破壊的なウィルスのように世界中に蔓延
していったとき、ドイツでは左翼系の作家たち
がワイマール共和国に幻滅を深めて急激に衰
退した。1920年にはすでにダダやノヴェルバー
グルッペの芸術家たちが表現主義は破産、過
労、耽溺に陥ったと宣言し、1924年までに運動
は事実上終息した。ドイツでもほかの国と同じ
く、新即物主義や古典的な表現形式、ジャズ、
スポーツのほうがより確実に｢1920年代のツァイ
トガイスト(時代の精神)｣を反映したのだった。
各地に起こったモダニズムはときに、政治的、
社会的に相矛盾しているように見える。日本の
前衛作家たちは、｢新事象｣のユートピア思想
的探求を、自分たちの要求に合うように作り変
えた。一方、オーストラリアの初期モダニズム
は、造形的には革新的であったが、政治的に
は保守的であった。マーガレット・プレストンは
個性的な国粋主義者であったし、グレース・コ
シントン＝スミスは保守的な英国国教会の敬
虔な信徒、エセル・スパウアースやグレース・ク
ロウリーは彼女たちの｢所属階級を裏切る｣など
思いもよらなかった。ヨーロッパのモダニズム
は身軽な旅人だったが、イデオロギーや哲学
の面では重い荷物を担っていた。しかし自分た
ちの地域環境に敏感な各地の作家たちは、そ
の歴史認識に従って余分な荷を何気なく捨て
去りつつ｢新事象｣に彼らなりの問題意識を重
ねたのだった。
註5
ワシリー・カンディンスキー,『芸術における精神的なも
の』Concerning the Spiritual in Art, New York, 1947年,
66, 71-72頁。引用はドナルド・E.ゴードン｢矛盾による内
容｣‘Content by Contradiction’, Art in America, December
1982年, 84頁
91
92
JAPANESE MODERNIST PRINTS AND EUROPEAN INSPIRATION
初期創作版画と西欧—『白樺』を介した受容を中心に
NISHIYAMA Junko
It was towards the end of the
Meiji period (1868-1912) that saw modern
consciousness and expression emerging in
printmaking in Japan. Yamamoto Kanae’s
woodcut titled Fisherman (Gyofu) was
first published in the Myōjō magazine in
1904, accompanied by an article by Ishii
Hakutei: ‘My friend Yamamoto has produced
a painterly woodcut employing his skill in
woodcarving and his talent in painting. His
chisel became his brush in this work, which
adorns a page of this issue’.1 This essay
will consider the roles of Western art at
the time of the birth and dissemination of
‘Creative Prints’ or sōsaku hanga with its
motto ‘drawn, carved and printed by the
artist’. In Japan, the traditional printmaking
method was a collaboration of the artist,
the woodblock carver and the printer. So, to
recognise the same authority in the chisel
as that of the paintbrush, and to value the
artist’s intention above anything else in the
work, was clearly an imported concept.
Yamamoto was a professional carver of the
wood engraving that originated in Britain, in
which the block was cut across the grain of
wood. In Japan this technique was called the
‘Western woodblock print’ to differentiate
it from the traditional Japanese technique
in which the block was cut along the grain.
Furthermore, when he began promoting the
Creative Print, Yamamoto suggested that
beginners study the black-and-white style of
日本の版画界に近代芸術としての意識と作品
とが現れるのは明治期末のことである。それは
具体的には、1904年に山本鼎が『明星』誌上
で発表した木版画《漁夫》および石井柏亭が
寄せた文章—「友人山本鼎君木口彫刻と絵画の
素養とを以て画家的木版を作る。刀は乃ち筆
なり。本号に挿したるもの是れ。」1 に求められ
る。本稿は、いわゆる創作版画が自画自刻自摺
を旗印として生まれ、広がり始める時期に、西
欧の芸術がどのような役割を果たしたのかを考
えるものであるが、絵師・彫師・摺師の分業を
常とした日本にあって、彫刻刀に絵筆と同じ権
威を認め、作者の意図を何よりも尊ぶ思想は
まぎれもなく舶来品といえる。
そもそも山本鼎はイギリス発祥の木口木版—そ
れは当時、板目と区別するために「西洋」木版
と呼ばれていた—の彫版師であり、また彼が創
作版画の普及活動を始めた時、初心者に向け
てまず提唱したのはイギリス人作家ウィリアム・
ニコルソン(cat.71)の黒白スタイルであった。さ
らには1907年に山本や石井らが創刊し、版画
を満載した文芸雑誌『方寸』も、ドイツの『ユ
ーゲント』(cat.62)やフランスの『ココリコ』を
モデルにしたというのだから2、創作版画の出
発は、まるごと西欧の影響下にあったといって
よい。
HENMI Takashi, Landscape 1925 (Cat. 80)
93
William NICHOLSON, J for Jockey 1897 (Cat. 71)
the British artist William Nicholson (Cat. 71), and when Yamamoto, Ishii and
others launched the literary and art magazine
Hōsun (Square inch) in 1907, they modelled it
on European journals – the German Jugend
(Cat. 62) and the French Cocorico.2 One can
therefore say that, at its start, the Creative
Print movement was completely under the
influence of the West.
Although any direct relationship is not
confirmed, in January 1904, about six months
before Yamamoto’s Fisherman appeared,
Myōjō published two prints – A Japanese
woman and An Indian – by the Prague-born
artist Emile Orlik with an accompanying
article stressing the fact that the block was
cut by the artist.3 Looking beyond prints and
considering graphic design in general, it is well
known that the magazine, since its launch
in 1900, embraced the Alfonse Muchainfluenced Art Nouveau style. From its fifth
annual exhibition in 1900, Hakuba-kai (White
Horse Society, a private painting school and
exhibition society) was showing prints and
94
影響関係は定かでないが、
《漁夫》の掲載より
半年ほど前、1904年1月発行の『明星』にはす
でに、プラハ生まれの画家エミール・オルリク
による木版画《日本婦人と印度人》が自刻をこ
とさらに強調する一文とともに紹介されてい
る。3 創作版画から一歩引いて印刷界を見渡
してみても、1900年に創刊された『明星』が早
くから一條成美や藤島武二らによるアルフォン
ス・ミュシャ調のアール・ヌーヴォースタイルを
打ち出した事実はよく知られているし、白馬会
展でも1900年の第5回展以降、今ふれたオルリ
クやミュシャ、あるいはウジェーヌ・グラッセや
アンリ・リヴィエール、ピュヴィス・ド・シャヴァン
ヌによる版画やポスターの展観が続いていた。
このうちミュシャ、グラッセ、リヴィエールの作
品は黒田清輝が1901年にパリから持ち帰った
ものだが、西欧のグラフィック・イメージの流
入は私的な領域にも及んでいて、たとえば竹
久夢二(cat.106)がデビューの頃を回想した文
J R Witzel, Abend (Evening) from Jugend No. 7, 1897 (Cat. 62)
posters by Orlik, Mucha, Eugène Grasset,
Henri Rivière and Puvis de Chavannes. Of
these, the works by Mucha, Grasset and
Rivière had been brought to Japan from Paris
in 1901 by Kuroda Seiki, one of the Hakubakai founders.
The influx of Western graphic images was not
limited to publications and institutions. Takehisa
Yumeji (Cat. 106) an independent artist/
designer recalled his career-launching days:
It was four or five years since the RussoJapanese War ended… by then, new art
books were more freely arriving from
overseas so that it was never difficult to
find my teachers... and I had more and more
teachers to learn from.4 ‘Four or five years after the Russo-Japanese
War [1904-05] ended’ would be around 1910,
when Takehisa took the whole country by
storm with his Yumeji gashō (Collection of
images by Yumeji) series. Takehisa’s testimony
is even more significant considering the fact
that some of the young people who admired
章に次のようなものがある。
｢日露戦争がすんで四五年した頃だったから、
外国からも新しい画本がどしどし舶来するよ
うになって、先生の不自由はなかった。
（略）
そうして僕の画の先生は、ますます殖えていっ
た。」4
「日露戦争がすんで四五年した頃」とは1910
年前後、一世を風靡した『夢二画集』シリーズ
が着手された頃だ。夢二を慕い、深交した若者
たちの幾人かが版画を手がけ、のちにかの『月
映』が世に出る事実を考えるとなおさら意味
深長に響く言葉なのだが、実際夢二は『ユー
ゲント』や『ジンプリツィシムス』などから好き
なカットを集めて切り抜き帖を作り、
「画の先
生」として参照、時には模倣していた。こうした
事態はひとり夢二だけのものではなかっただ
ろう。創作版画が生まれ、広がり始めた頃、西
欧のグラフィック・イメージは、いかなるスタイ
ルで描くべきかという作家の問いに数々の選
95
and formed a close friendship with him
began printmaking and later launched the
magazine Tsukuhae (Reflection of the moon).
Takehisa made scrapbooks of his favourite
cuts from Jugend and the Simplicissmus,
which he consulted and sometimes copied
as his ‘art teachers’. He would not have
been alone in doing this. At the time of the
emergence and propagation of the Creative
Prints, Western graphic images arrived in a
haphazard fashion. Japanese artists searching
for personal expression could choose from
a range of sources. They chose so randomly
that to identify specific ‘influences’ is almost
meaningless.
The influx of Western graphic arts at the end
of the Meiji era undoubtedly made Japanese
artists aware of the attraction of the applied
arts, such as posters, magazines and book
design. This, however, did not immediately
bring about new expressions. Most of the
artists around the Hōsun magazine and
Yamamoto were trained in the printing
industry, and were more interested in the
unique texture of particular techniques
than in exploring possibilities of images that
were pulled from the plate (Cat. 97). As a
result, while they employed diverse printing
techniques, their designs were not radical.
However, the second generation of print
artists who commenced printmaking in the
1910s – among them Onchi Kōshirō, Tanaka
Kyōkichi, Hasegawa Kiyoshi and Nagase
Yoshirō – achieved new designs. Their images
show the struggle between the artist and the
plate. The magazine Shirakaba (White Birch)
was crucial to this leap across the generations.
It is widely known that Shirakaba, launched
in April 1910, introduced a large number of
prints to Japan. The artists featured over its
first five years included Max Klinger (Cat.
49), Félix Vallotton, Aubrey Beardsley, Anders
Zorn, James A M Whistler, Orlik, Heinrich
Vogeler, Edvard Munch, Frank Brangwyn,
Odilon Redon, Rembrandt van Rijn and William
Blake. With no attempt to follow the history
of Western printmaking, the members of the
Shirakaba group seemingly picked favourite
96
択肢を提供するほどに、つまりは個々の影響
源の特定に意味がないほどに、雑然と到来し
ていたのである。
明治期の末に相次いで流入した西欧のグラフィ
ック・アートがポスターや雑誌、装幀本といっ
た応用美術の魅力を伝え、さらには版表現の
可能性をも示唆したのはまちがいないが、とは
いえそれが、ただちに日本の創作版画界に豊
かな実りをもたらしたわけではない。山本鼎と
ともに『方寸』に集った作家たちは、その多く
が製版のプロであり、版ならではの表現を開拓
するよりもむしろ版種固有の表情を大切にした
(cat.97)から、版種は実に多彩でも、造形はお
おむね穏健であった。けれども1910年代に入っ
て版画に着手した第二世代ともいうべき人たち
ー恩地孝四郎や田中恭吉、長谷川潔、永瀬義
郎らは、作意と版との格闘の末にイメージを抉
りだすような、第一世代のそれとは全く相貌の
異なる新たな造形に到達している。両者の間
に存在する明らかな段差、この段差を飛び超え
るための踏切板の役割を果たしたひとつが雑
誌『白樺』であった。
1910年4月に創刊された『白樺』が版画を数多
く紹介したことは広く知られている。創刊時か
らの5年間に登場した作家を試みにあげてみ
ると、クリンガー(cat.49)、ヴァロットン、ビアズ
レー、ツォルン、ホイスラー、オルリク、フォーゲ
ラー、ムンク、ブラングィン、ルドン、レンブラン
ト、ブレイクといったところ。版画史を追う意識
はなく、同人が入手した書籍から気ままに転載
するふうで版式の明記されない例も多いが、そ
れでも後年創作版画家たちが影響源として語
ることになる作家の多くを含んでいる。たとえ
ば恩地孝四郎は、版画を始めた頃は『方寸』を
よく知らず、
『白樺』が刺激となったと記してい
5
るし 、永瀬義郎にも「つまり僕は『白樺』を読
みふけるうちにムンクの版画に魅せられて、版
ODA Kazuma, Sumidagawa from Macchiyama from Views of Tokyo 1916 (Cat. 97)
97
NAGARE Shirō (Takaji/Kōji), On the way home 1928 (Cat. 94)
98
prints from publications they acquired and
reproduced them in the magazine. As a result
not all works are accompanied by technical
description, but they do include a number
of artists who were to be cited by Creative
Prints artists as sources of their inspiration.
For example, Onchi Kōshirō wrote that, when
he first started printmaking, he had not known
Hōsun well while Shirakaba had directly
inspired him5 Nagase Yoshirō also reminisced:
‘as I poured over the Shirakaba magazines,
I became fascinated by Munch’s prints, and
this inspired me to create prints. This was the
direct motivation for me.’6
In its inaugural issue, Shirakaba made
reproduction quality a priority.7 The methods
available at the time, however, were at
best half-tone processing of monochrome
photographs, which made it difficult to even
imagine the original colours of a work. It
is worth noting that Shirakaba often used
woodcut printing for reproduction.8 In the
early issues of the magazine, in particular,
they considered that some pen drawings,
sketches and other images would be
more effectively reproduced as woodcuts
rather than photo-engraving, and these
were transferred onto woodblocks. The
first volume, for example, carried woodcut
reproductions of works by Vallotton,
Beardsley, Thomas Theodor Heine, Orlik and
Auguste Rodin. Shirakaba also announced
the sale of picture postcards printed off
those blocks, mostly cut by a professional
carver Nakajima Masahisa9 while some
magazine members, including Arishima
Mibuma, Satomi Ton and Yanagi Sōetsu,
tried their hand at carving. This mode of
reception of foreign culture was probably
unique to Japan; the idea that woodcut
prints could represent the flavour of the
original better than the primitive mode of
photography was very much alive at the
time, and the environment provided the
necessary expertise. From today’s viewpoint,
those prints would be deemed ‘copies’, but
should we simply dismiss them as mere
copies?
画をやりたいと思うようになったんだ。これが
版画を始める直接の動機だったね」6との回想
がある。
創刊号で宣言したごとく、
『白樺』は図版の画
7
とはいえ当時は
質を重視する雑誌であった。
モノクロ写真を未熟な網目版で転載するよう
な状況で、原画の色形を想像すらできないも
のも少なくない。そうしたなかで注目すべきは
8
木版が使われている事実である。
特に初期『
白樺』において、木版画やペン画、素描など、
写真版より木版にふさわしいと判断された素
材は版に起こされて誌上を飾った。たとえば
1巻でいえば、ヴァロットン、ビアズレー、ハイ
ネ、オルリク、ロダンといった人たちの作品が
復刻され、版木を再利用した絵葉書の発行な
ども告知されている。彫版には中島正久なる彫
9
師があたったほか、
同人の有島壬生馬や里見
弴、柳宗悦らも手がけている。外来文化のこう
した受容の仕方は日本ならではのものだろう。
未熟な写真よりも木版の方がはるかに原画の
趣きを伝えることができる、そう考える習慣と
環境が未だ存在したということだ。むろん現時
点からすれば模刻にすぎないのだが、単なる
模刻と切り捨ててよいものだろうか。
数ある模刻のなかで最も影響力のあったの
は、3巻4号（1912年4月発行）の口絵となったム
ンクの《心臓》(cat.93)だろう。三色版、つまり
カラー図版は2巻8号に初登場するが、年に1、
2点というペースであり、しかもぼんやりしたイ
メージでしかなかったこの時期に、黒・赤・緑
の広がりが画面をすっぱりと分ける本図は今見
ても鮮烈である。永瀬義郎が木版画を始めた
動機として『白樺』のムンクをあげたことはす
でにふれたが、
《心臓》にはほかにもいくつか
のエピソードがある。田中恭吉は恩地孝四郎
に宛てた1915年の書簡のなかで、木版画は技
法上の制約が多く、表現領域が狭いとする当
99
Among those reproduction woodcuts,
perhaps the most influential was Das Herz
(The heart) by Edvard Munch (Cat. 93)
which appeared as a colour frontispiece
of Shirakaba (vol 3, no 4 April 1912). The
magazine first introduced three-colour print
in the August 1911 issue, but colour plates
only appeared once or twice per year, and the
image was obscure. In contrast, this work –
with its large patches of black, red and green
– is striking even today. In a letter to Onchi
Kōshirō in 1915, Tanaka Kyōkichi disputes a
contemporary claim that the woodcut print
was technically limited and not capable of
providing scope for expression, and he gives
The heart as decisive evidence to counter
such a claim. He goes on to say that Onchi’s
print Remaining heart, with its strong
contrast of black and yellow, is an equivalent
to Munch, adding that seeing it is a pleasure
that ‘brings a smile to my lips’.10
Perhaps a more direct reference is Hasegawa
Kiyoshi, who would mention William Blake
and Odilon Redon – both introduced by
Shirakaba – as his early inspiration.11 In
1912 Hasegawa, together with his friend
and printmaker Nagase Yoshirō, became a
member of the literary magazine Seihai (Holy
Grail). The magazine changed its name to
Kamen (Mask) the following year, when he
began showing prints he blockcut himself.
A year later, Hasegawa created Woman and
the sun for its back cover – clearly alluding to
The heart but with a round sun replacing the
heart: like a variation, as in music, this version
of The heart shows the impact in Japan of
the magazine Shirakaba.
By today’s standard, such appropriation of
artwork may seem rather immature and
perhaps even insincere. But one may wonder
if The heart would have had such strong
impact had it been reproduced via
photo-engraving. And, when artists did the
blockcutting for reproduction, the practice
also served as technical training. For example,
Arishima Mibuma was inspired by a recut
reproduction of Vallotton in the second issue
of Shirakaba (May 1910) and produced a
100
時のある批評を「痛快に裏切」るものとして《
心臓》を例示する。さらに、
《心臓》に匹敵す
る作として黒と黄土の色面が強烈な恩地の作
品《のこるこころ》をあげ、この作を見ると喜び
のあまり「私の唇に微笑がのぼる」と讃えるの
10
である。
より直接的なのは長谷川潔のケースだろう。長
谷川は青年期の影響源としてブレイクとムンク
(cat.70)とルドン－いずれも『白樺』が紹介し
た作家－をあげる人だが、11 1912年に永瀬義郎
とともに『聖盃』同人となり、翌年『仮面』と改
題された同誌上で自刻木版の発表を始めてい
る。その翌年、長谷川が『仮面』3巻5号の裏絵
として制作した《女と太陽》は、明らかに《心
臓》を左右反転させ（版木の上では同じであ
る）、心臓を球形の太陽に置き換えたものだ。
『白樺』が日本にもたらした、
《心臓》の一変
奏曲といえるだろう。
現時点から見れば未熟で、不誠実とさえいえる
受容の形だが、
《心臓》がもしも写真版であっ
たなら、果たしてこれほどの影響力を持ち得
たであろうか。模刻という行為にしても、作家
が手がける場合は彫りの技術を知り、磨く場と
もなったようだ。たとえば有島壬生馬は、
『白
樺』1巻2号に模刻掲載されたヴァロットン作品
からヒントを得て同4号に木版カットを発表、
翌5号では今度は彫師としてシンプソンのカッ
トを起こしている。またすでに何度もふれた永
瀬義郎の版業は、
『聖盃』2巻5号（1913年6月
発行）の裏絵に、ヴァロットンによるリラダン肖
像の模刻を寄せることから始まっているので
ある。
模刻と創作の間は今日考えるほど隔たっては
いない。写真印刷が未だ発展途上にあったこ
の時期、すぐれた印刷術としての伝統的な「他
刻」木版は、新たな表現手段としての「自刻」
木版と確かに重なっている。束の間であったに
UNKNOWN JAPANESE ARTIST, after Edvard MUNCH, The heart c1912 (Cat. 93)
101
Max KLINGER, Bookplate of Walter Giesecke 1880 (Cat. 49)
small cut for the fourth issue, and for the fifth
issue he undertook the blockcutting by
Joseph Simpson. The abovementioned
Nagase Yoshirō’s career as printmaker began
with recutting of Vallotton’s Villiers de
L’Isle-Adam for the back cover of Seihai (vol
2, no 5 June 1913).
The gap between recutting a work and
creating an original image was not as great
as it is now. With the photographic technique
still developing, there was definitely an
overlap between the traditional woodblock
print (carved by professionals) which was
an excellent printing method, and the newly
emerging Creative Prints that were blockcut
by the artist. The reproductive print and the
avant-garde crossed paths, if only briefly. The
circumstance of Hasegawa Kiyoshi’s entry
to creative printmaking, however, shows
another direction. Hasegawa recalls that,
when he submitted an illustration to Seihai,
he was so disappointed to see the delicate
lines of his pen drawing completely ruined in
the zinc relief print that he began carving his
102
しても、複製と前衛は交差したのだ。そう考え
る時再び思いだされるのが長谷川潔である。
長谷川は版画を始めたきっかけについて、
『聖
盃』に寄稿したペン画の繊細な線が亜鉛凸版
を経て見事につぶれてしまったことに失望し、
機械印刷と油性インクにかなうよう自刻木版を
始めたと回想している。
｢版木に直接墨汁であらまし絵のあたりをつけ
その上に、おもに「駒スキ」
「丸ノミ」
「三角ノ
ミ」などをもちいて、絵をかく気持で大胆かつ
自由に彫りはじめてみた。」12
自画自刻自摺という思想を受け入れたからでは
なく、写真製版よりも木版に利点を認めたから
こそ自刻という発想が生まれ、ごく自然に「刀
は乃ち筆なり」が実践されたということだ。長
谷川の動きは、新しいものと古いものとの交錯
する時代の混沌と、それゆえの可能性とをくっ
きりと照らしてくれるように思う。
TANINAKA Yasunori Ehon Fou 1936 (Cat.107)(4 selected images) UA1995.28
103
ōHASHI Kōkichi The village of Aegina 1929 (Cat.98) UA1996.9
104
own woodblock as an alternative to machine
printing and oil-based ink:
[I] drew a rough design on the woodblock
and began carving as decisively and freely as
I paint, using the u-gouge, round chisel and
the v-chisel.12
Hasegawa began carving his own block
not because he agreed with the idea of
drawing, carving and printing his own work:
rather, he chose to do them himself because
he recognised the expressive advantages
of woodcut print over photo-engraving.
Thus the swapping of his brush for a chisel
was natural –while illuminating a state of
confusion, it reveals the possibilities that can
emerge when the old meets the new.
An activity of great significance by the
Shirakaba group was hosting a series of
exhibitions. Here, too, a special place was
reserved for prints: in fact, the exhibition
was another means of showing the works
introduced in the magazine. Among their
shows, the second one held in October 1911,
Exhibition of European Prints, was notable
for its scale – consisting of 183 (some say
189) prints by thirty-six artists. It was also
the first exhibition of Western prints and as
such, it would have had a significant impact
on Japanese printmaking. Onchi Kōshirō
(Cat. 100), for example, wrote that he saw
the etchings by Vogeler and Klinger and
woodcuts by Munch, and that the Munchs
were ‘particularly inspiring’ (Cat. 70).13
According to the catalogue, five works by
Munch were included in the exhibition.14 Of
those, The heart and Meeting in outer space
(1899) were indicated as ‘reproductions or
photographs’. After the exhibition ended, the
magazine indicated that the two Munchs
were woodcuts and were ‘taken from Edvard
Munch by Linde’.15 Prior to the exhibition, the
magazine said, ‘some recut prints will also be
shown if we consider them interesting and
good representations of the original’,16 so the
‘Munch woodcuts’ which Onchi referred to
might well have been The heart, which had
appeared earlier in the magazine. In other
『白樺』同人が雑誌発行のかたわら成した重
要な仕事が同誌主催展覧会である。ここでも
版画は手厚く扱われたーというよりむしろ、誌
上で紹介した作品を集めて再構成したとする
のが正しい。なかでも1911年10月に開かれた第
2回展、通称「泰西版画展覧会」は36作家によ
る183点（一説には189点）という大規模なもの
で、日本初の西欧版画展として版画界に少なか
らぬ衝撃を与えたと想像される。たとえば恩地
孝四郎(cat.100)は、この展覧会でフォーゲラー
とクリンガーのエッチング、ムンクの木版を見た
と、とりわけムンクの木版画が「大きな刺激で
13
あった」と書き残している。
恩地を刺激したというムンクは、目録によれば
5点が出品されている14。そのうち《心臓》と
《宇宙に於ての邂逅》は「複製(レプロダクショ
ン)若しくは写真」であった。閉幕からまもない
『白樺』には、ムンクの木版は「Lindeと云う人
のかいた“Edvard Munch”からとった。」との一
文があり15、今あげた2点が木版であること、さ
らにはすでにふれた《心臓》の出典が判明す
る。展覧会に先立つ『白樺』2巻8号には「模刻
でも本物をしのばせるもので面白いものは出そ
16
うと思ってい」るとあるから、
恩地のいう
「ムンクの木版画」とは白樺に掲載されたと同
じ《心臓》だったのかもしれない。いずれにし
ても、恩地はあえて、オリジナルではない展示
品に反応したことになる。
泰西版画展覧会には、おそらくは誌上で紹介
した模刻を含む「複製若しくは写真」と「原作
(オリジナル)」が、ともに額縁に収まって並ん
でいた。それでも新たな表現を模索していた若
者を興奮させるに十分であった。たとえば岸田
劉生は、清宮彬・岡本帰一と会場を何度も訪
れ、
「はじめて見る版のいい西洋の新しい美術
の複製に肝をうばわれた」と書いている。17 同
じ文中で、ヴァロットンの「ブラックアンドホワ
105
ONCHI Kōshirō, A face 1914 (Cat. 100)
106
words, whichever work he was referring to,
Onchi was reacting to an image that was not
an original work.
At the Exhibition of European Prints, the
‘original’ prints were shown alongside
those marked as ‘recut/photograph’
(possibly including those published in the
magazine). Young artists seeking new
expressions found the reproductions just as
stimulating. Kishida Ryūsei, having visited
the exhibition over and over with friends
Seimiya Hitoshi and Okamoto Kiichi, wrote
that he was ‘gobsmacked by the high-quality
reproductions of new Western art I’d seen
for the first time’.17 In the same passage, he
fondly recollected his youthful excitement
in seeing Vallotton’s black-and-white print.18
Around the time of this exhibition, for a short
period, Kishida tried his hand at black-andwhite woodcut. This coincidence is further
evidence of the arbitrary and wide-ranging
reception of Western art á la Shirakaba, and
its unexpected outcomes.
The dissemination of Creative Prints from
around 1912, when the Emperor Taishō
succeeded Emperor Meiji, cannot be solely
attributed to Shirakaba. The Der Sturm
Woodcut Exhibition of 1914 would have been
particularly impressive and inspirational to
visitors. However, the writings and actions
of the artists do indicate the enormity of
Shirakaba’s contribution. As is known, the
coterie of the magazine obtained Western
books mainly through Maruzen Bookshop in
Nihonbashi, Tokyo, and ordered original prints
from catalogues to include in the magazine
and exhibitions. From today’s viewpoint, their
‘introduction’ was indirect, biased and often
misunderstood. Yet these randomly presented
images – small and intimate – allowed the
readers to take in Western culture and
expand their imagination. Immaturity may
not always be a good thing, but the sense
of freedom associated with immaturity
certainly struck a sympathetic chord in the
heart of the young artists who had begun to
contemplate individual expression rather than
the teachings of the art school.
イトの版画に全く感心していた」のを若気の至
りのように語っているのがおもしろい。岸田は
この展覧会の頃、束の間ではあったが黒白の
木版画を手がけている。これもまた、
『白樺』
流の西欧文化受容の間口の広さとよい意味で
の雑然、それゆえの思いがけない収穫とを象
徴するエピソードといえるだろう。
以上、初期『白樺』の版画紹介とその反響の一
端を観察してみた。明治が大正に変わる頃—す
なわち1912年前後—に始まる創作版画の広が
りは、むろん『白樺』だけが招いたものではな
い。とりわけ1914年に開催された「デア・シュト
ゥルム木版画展覧会」は、訪れた人に強烈な印
象と感化とを与えたに違いない。だが作家たち
の言動を見るにつけ、
『白樺』の残した仕事は
やはり大きい。よく知られるとおり、
『白樺』同
人は主に丸善を通じて書籍を入手し、あるい
はカタログから版画を注文して誌上や展覧会
で披露していた。現時点からいえば間接的で
偏りも誤解もある紹介だったが、それでも読者
は、誌上にランダムに現れる何ら権威的でない
小さな図版から西欧を呼吸し、画想を大きくふ
くらませていた。未熟だからよいというわけで
はないが、未熟ゆえの自由が、大切なのは美校
のカリキュラムではなく己の感情表現だと気づ
きはじめた若者たちの胸に、強く響いたのは確
かだろう。
本稿のおわりに『月映』について少しふれよ
う。同人のひとり田中恭吉はムンクとともにビ
アズレーを愛し、仲間からビアズレーにたとえ
られていた。ビアズレーは『白樺』が熱心に紹
介した作家のひとりだが、はじめそのペン画は
版木に起こされ、
「木版」として掲載されてい
る。これはささいな誤解にすぎないが、稿者に
は、やはり同人である藤森静雄が制作中の田
中の姿を回想した次のような文章が思い出さ
れる。
107
Max KLINGER, Psyche on the rock from the set Cupid and Psyche 1880 (Cat. 65)
Lastly, I would like to tell of an episode
regarding the abovementioned Tsukuhae
magazine. Tanaka Kyōkichi, one of the three
founding members of the magazine, was
fond of Beardsley as well as Munch, so
much so that the others likened him to the
British artist keenly promoted by Shirakaba.
Beardsley’s pen drawings were initially recut
into woodblock and captioned as ‘woodcut’.
While this mistake may be trivial, it reminds
me of a passage by Fujimori Shizuo, another
Tsukuhae artist, recalling Tanaka at work:
It was great to watch [Tanaka] cut into
the woodblock, deftly moving his delicate
fingers like Beardsley’s. And, quietly smiling,
he would mutter ‘art of the mouse [likening
his carving to a mouse’s gnawing]...’18
｢ビアズレの様な細長い指を実に器用に動かして
刻って行くのは見て居ても気持がよかった「鼠の
芸術！」と彼はニヤニヤと静かに笑った。」18
田中の指を「ビアズレの様」と思った時、藤森は
版木に向かうビアズレーのイメージを想像して
重ねていたのではないだろうか。だとすれば、こ
れは誤解ではなく僥倖だろう。
『月映』を刊行し
ていた頃、彼らは彫師や摺師のもとを訪れて教
えを請うている。ビアズレーと錦絵に由来する伝
統木版とは交差し、人間という存在の深部をえぐ
る先鋭的な造形に結実した。初期創作版画のみ
ならず、大正期の美術をも代表することになる作
品群が、無意識であったにせよモダニズムと伝
When he saw Tanaka’s fingers ‘like Beardsley’s’, 統の、新しいものと古いものの交差する混沌の
Fujimori was perhaps imagining Beardsley
なかから生まれたことを、忘れないでおきたい。
carving the woodblock. If so, it was more an
accidental blessing than a misconception.
When they were producing Tsukuhae, they
would visit professional block carvers and
printers to learn the techniques. The traditional
108
ukiyo-e woodblock merged with Beardsley in
the work of these young artists, resulting in
radical expressions that probed the depths of
human existence. One needs to keep in mind
that their works – which are considered to
represent not only the early Creative Prints
but also the art of the entire Taishō period –
sprang out of this state of confusion when
modernism merged with tradition. The old and
the new soon became interlaced.
Notes
1 Ishii Hakutei, ‘Paretto nikki’, Myōjō, July 1904, p 92
2 Ishii Hakutei, Hakutei jiden, Chōōkōron Bijutsu Shuppan,
Tokyo, 1971, p 197
3 ‘The illustration A Japanese woman and an Indian was
created by the Austrian artist Mr Orlik, who came to
Japan two years ago. He employed the Japanese woodcut
technique, carving the blocks himself.’ (‘Shakoku’, Myōjō
January 1904, p 120)
4 Takehisa Yumeji, ‘Watashi ga aruinte kia michi – oyobi
sonokoro no nakama’ in Sunagaki, Jidaisha, Tokyo, 1940,
p 96
5 Onchi Kōshirō, ‘Kako kensaku’ in Ecchingu, no 86,
December 1939, p 8
6 Nagase Yoshirō, Hōrō kizoku, Kokusai PHP Kenkyōjo,
Tokyo, 1977, p 18
7 ‘We intend to put as much effort as we can into
frontispiece’ (‘Sōga ni tsuite’, Shirakaba, vol 1, no 1, April
1910, p 52)
8 Yamada Toshiyuki first wrote on the recutting of images
in Shirakaba (‘Sōsaku hanga no yōranki’, Nihon no hanga
1911-1920: kizamareta ‘ko’ no kyōen, Chiba City Museum of
Art, 1999, pp 23-29
9 ‘Henshō kiji’, Shirakaba, vol 1, no 3, May 1910, p 51
10 Quoted in Sakai Tetsurō, ‘Tanaka Kyōkichi no geijutsu –
Tsukuhae, Shingen yōshu o chōshin to shite’, Miyagi-ken
bijutsukan kenkyō kiyō, no 4, 1989.
11 Hasegawa Kiyoshi, ‘Madame Odilon Redon’, Shunyōchō, no
33, April 1956.
12 Hasegawa Kiyoshi, ‘Kaisōroku’, Shōsaku bijutsu, no 26, July
1969.
13 Onchi Kōshirō, ‘Sōsaku hanga kaisō’, Atorie, vol 5, no 1,
January 1928.
14 See ‘Shirakaba shusai tenrankai mokuroku’, Shirakaba-ha
to kindai bijutsu, Chiba Prefectural Museum of Art, 1989.
15 ‘Hanga tenrankai’, Shirakaba, vol 2, no 11, November 1911, p 144
16 ‘Henshōshitsu nite’, Shirakaba, vol 2, no 3, August 1911, p
172
17 Kishida Ryōsei, ‘Omoide oyobi kondo no tenrankai ni
saishite’, Shirakaba, vol 10, no 4, April 1919, p 362
18 Fujimori Shizuo, ‘Hanga o hajimeta koro no omoide’, Shi to
hanga, no 11, May 1925, p 36
Notes
註1石井柏亭,｢パレット日記｣,『明星』辰歳7号,1904年7月92頁
註2
石井柏亭,『柏亭自伝』, 中央公論美術出版, 1971年197頁
註3本号の挿画中、
『日本婦人と印度人』は、一昨年我国に来
遊さる濠州の画家オールリック氏の作にして、版も亦氏自ら
日本木版術を用いて刻せる所なり。」
（「社告」,『明星』辰
歳1号, 1904年1月, 120頁）
註4竹久夢二, ｢私が歩いて来た道—及び、その頃の仲間—｣,『中
学生』, 1923年1月,引用は竹久夢二『砂がき』, 時代社,
1940年, 96頁
註5恩地孝四郎, ｢過去捜索｣,『エッチング』, 86号, 1939年
12月, 8頁
註6 永瀬義郎,『放浪貴族』, 国際PHP研究所, 1977年18頁
註7
自分達は出来るだけ口絵に苦心する心算でいる」
（｢挿画に
就て｣,『白樺』, 1巻1号, 1910年4月, 52頁）
註8『白樺』誌における木版起こしについては、山田俊幸によ
る先行研究がある（「創作版画の揺籃期」『日本の版画㈼
・1911-1920・刻まれた「個」の饗宴, 千葉市美術館, 1999
年,23－29頁
註9 ｢編輯記事｣,『白樺』, 1巻3号, 1910年6月, 51頁
註10
1915年2月3日の田中恭吉から恩地孝四郎宛書簡。引用は酒
井哲朗,「田中恭吉の芸術—『月映』『心原幽趣』を中心とし
てー」,『宮城県美術館研究紀要』4号, 1989年46頁
註11長谷川潔, ｢マダム オディロン・ルドン｣,『春陽帖』33号,
1956年4月, 4頁
註12長谷川潔, ｢回想録竹本忠雄編「長谷川潔回想録（一）」,
『秀作美術』26号, 1969年7月,22頁
註13恩地孝四郎,｢創作版画回顧｣,『アトリエ』5巻1号, 1928年1
月, 6頁
註14目録は｢白樺主催展覧会目録｣,『白樺派と近代美術』, 千
葉県立美術館, 1989年を参照した。
註15｢版画展覧会｣,『白樺』2巻11号, 1911年11月, 144頁
註16 ｢編輯室にて｣,『白樺』2巻8号, 1911年8月 172頁
註17岸田劉生, ｢思い出及今度の展覧会に際して｣,『白樺』10巻
4号, 1919年4月, 362頁
註18藤森静雄, ｢版画を始めた頃の思出｣,『詩と版画』11,
1925年5月,36頁
109
110
CASE STUDY ONE: Onchi Kōshirō and Western art
ケース・スタディー１：恩地孝四郎と西洋美術
KUWAHARA Noriko
Onchi Kōshirō was a prominent leader of
Japan’s modernist print movement. He is also
a seminal artist in the relationship between
modern Japanese art and the West: during
the forty years of his creative life from 1914
to his death in 1955, his artistic sensibility was
closely attuned to contemporary Western
art as he strove to establish his art in
printmaking. How was it then, that this artist
who, in his life, never set foot on Western
soil sustained his strong curiosity for its art
throughout his creative career?
The most significant factor was that the
decade from 1910, when Onchi started his
printmaking, was the time of ‘Sturm und
Drang’ in Japanese art, when the local artists
responded to the flood of European art
from the late 19th and early 20th century.
So, at the home of Takehisa Yumeji, whom
he first met in 1909, Onchi saw the German
art magazine Jugend. He came to know the
work of fin-de-siècle artists such as Edvard
Munch, Odilon Redon, Aubrey Beardsley
and the Post-Impressionists including
Paul Cézanne and Paul Gauguin from the
magazine Shirakaba (1910-23) and its
exhibitions. He encountered woodcut prints
by the Expressionists, Cubists and Futurists
at the Der Sturm Woodcut Exhibition, which
was brought from Germany in 1914.
As the surge of modern Western art into
Japan coincided with the rise of the modernist
print movement, it inevitably affected Onchi’s
ONCHI Kōshirō, Lyric I 1914 (Cat. 99)
恩地孝四郎は、日本の近代版画運動を牽引
した主導者であると同時に、近代日本版画と
西洋美術との関係を考える上で最も重要な位
置を占める美術家でもある。というのも、彼は
1914年から亡くなる1955年までの約40年間に
わたって、常に同時代の西洋美術の動向に敏
感に反応しながら制作活動を展開し、自己の
版画芸術を確立していった作家だからでる。
では、渡欧経験もない彼が、それほど西洋美
術に強い興味を持ち続け、版画制作を行って
いった理由とはどこにあったのだろうか。
まず、恩地が版画家として出発した1910年代
が、19世紀末から20世紀初頭の西欧の新興美
術が次々と流入し、日本の美術界に“新しい嵐
の渦巻いた時代”だったことが挙げられる。た
とえば、彼は1909年に知り合った竹久夢二の
自宅でドイツの美術雑誌『ユーゲント』を目に
し、1910年に創刊された文学雑誌『白樺』や白
樺主催展覧会を通してムンク、ルドン、ビアズ
レーなどの世紀末美術、
セザンヌやゴーガンな
ど後期印象派の絵画を知り、1914年にドイツか
らもたらされた「デア・シュトゥルム木版画展覧
会」で表現主義、キュビスム、未来派の木版画
に出会った。
創作版画の勃興と時を同じくして怒涛のように
流れ込んできた近代西欧美術、それは明らか
に恩地の作品に造形的、思想的影響を与えて
111
work both stylistically and philosophically.
An example of this is Lyric I (subtitled Tears
Cat. 99), created for the magazine Tsukuhae,
which he began publishing in 1914 with Tanaka
Kyōkichi and Fujimori Shizuo. This work, with
an eye embedded in a bold black-and-white
composition, is indicative of the impact Munch
and Redon had on Onchi. But the impact
was not limited to stylistic concerns: in their
work he discovered, above all, a compelling
expression of the ‘inner life’ of a human being.
Onchi’s choice of unconventional descriptive
titles such as ‘lyric’ for his series, in which
he attempted to visualise personal emotions
such as joy and sorrow, can also be seen
as his empathic response to the artistic
philosophy of Kandinsky’s Concerning the
Spiritual in Art which was introduced to
Japan at the time. He called his prints of
the Tsukuhae period ‘expressionistic’1: the
change from figurative elements in his prints
after 1914 as he explored abstract forms,
undoubtedly points to the influence of
Western Expressionism.
After the Great Kantō Earthquake of 1923,
Tokyo transformed itself into a modern city
with high-rise buildings, streetcars and motor
vehicles, and Onchi’s art changed with it.
He considered that, in tandem with the
modernisation of people’s lives and changing
cityscape, art must also create ‘new forms of
beauty’.2 This conviction drew him towards
Cubism and Russian Constructivism and he
began his ‘Study of the human body’ series
– dissecting the human body into joints and
muscles then recomposing its components.
Bathroom in the morning (Cat. 101) is one of
these attempts: using the shallow-woodcut
technique to make an abstract image of
a bathroom filled with morning light and
steam, the female body shimmering within it
expressed as repeated circular forms in bright
orange colour.
In the 1930s when the rebuilding of Tokyo
was complete and cultural activities were
thriving at cinemas, stage theatres and
concert halls, Onchi began producing the
112
いる。たとえば、1914年に田中恭吉、藤森静雄
とともに刊行した版画同人誌『月映』に収めら
れた《抒情I》(副題「泪」cat.99)。白と黒の大
胆な画面構成の中に眼のモチーフを配したこ
の作品には、恩地が当時、ムンクやルドンの作
品に強い衝撃を受けたことが窺えるが、それは
単に様式上の問題に留まらない。彼はムンクら
の版画に何よりも人間の内部生命を表出する
力強い表現を見出したのである。
また、
「抒情」という従来の日本の絵画には存
在しないタイトルを版画連作に選択し、歓喜
や悲哀など自らの内部にある感情の視覚化を
試みたのは、当時、カンディンスキーの「芸術
における精神的なもの」が日本で紹介され、そ
の絵画理念に共感を覚えたことも一因であっ
たと考えられる。恩地が『月映』時代の版画を
自ら“表現画風”と称したように、1 彼の作品が
1914年以降、具象的形態を排除した抽象美術
の探求へと向かっていった背景に、西欧の表
現主義的絵画の影響があったことはまず間違
いない事実である。
1923年の関東大震災を契機として、東京が高
層ビルの林立し、電車や自動車の行き交う近
代都市へと生まれ変わると、それにともなって
恩地の作風も変化した。彼は、一般人の生活
様式が近代化し、都市風景が変容する中で、
芸術も「新しき美の形象」を創出する必要が
あると考えていた。2 その結果、当時日本で紹
介されていたキュビスムやロシア構成主義へ
と接近し、人体のフォルムを関節・筋肉に分解
して構成的に捉えようとする＜人体考察＞シリ
ーズの制作を開始する。
《午前浴室》(cat.101)
はそのうちの一点で、タイトルが示す通り、午
前の浴室に差し込む爽やかな光と立ち上る湯
気の中で輝く女体を、木版の浅彫りによる円
形の構成で抽象的に表現したものである。
ONCHI Kōshirō Bathroom in the morning 1928 (Cat. 101)
113
‘Lyric on musical composition’ series – an
expression of his emotional response to
contemporary music. Around this time Onchi
was reading Thought-Forms by Annie Besant
and Charles Webster Leadbeater – which he
borrowed from Moroi Saburō, a musician and
a member of the (Japanese) Theosophical
Society – and saw paintings by Charles
Blanc-Gatti and other Paris Musicalists who
sought to create ‘visual music’. With these
new experiences, built on the impact of
Kandinsky’s concept of ‘total work of art’
from the 1910s, Onchi was further exploring,
through various series, the possibilities of
merging art and music.
Throughout his career, Onchi was quick
to perceive the changes in his immediate
environment and turned to Western art
that offered ideas and solutions to his
investigations, thus creating new stylistic
expressions of his own. For this, he was
sometimes criticised as constantly chasing
new forms that were not rooted in a firm
theoretical base. However, Onchi did not
consider that adapting Western artistic
expressions would affect the originality of
his work. In 1933 he wrote an essay titled
‘Like a chameleon’, in which he discussed his
figurative drawings of 1910 and his abstract
drawings of the 1930s.3 With a hint of selfmockery he likened himself to a chameleon
that changes its colour according to time
and place – confirming publically his creative
approach.
For Onchi, the initial attraction of designing
and carving his own prints was because in
the 1910s it was an exciting new art form.
He chose printmaking because, unlike oil
painting, the basic characteristic of the print
is composition. Onchi was convinced that it
would be the artform for the new age – a
belief that came not from the traditional
ukiyo-e print but from Western art of the
20th century.
But his conviction did not come simply
from the study of new forms: through his
response to Western art Onchi discovered a
114
さらに、1930年代になって帝都東京が完全に
復興し、映画や演劇、音楽会など都市文化が
活況を呈するようになると、同時代の音楽から
得た感動を形象化した＜楽曲による抒情＞シ
リーズを制作するようになる。この頃恩地は、
神智学会会員であった音楽家諸井三郎から
ベサンドとリードビーターの共著『ThoughtForms（思念＝形態）』を借りて読んだり、ある
いはブラン・ガッチらパリの音楽派絵画を目に
する機会を得ており、そうした体験と1910年代
から影響を受けていたカンディンスキーの綜
合芸術論が相まって、美術と音楽の交流を目
指した連作を生み出す方向へと進んだ。
このように、恩地の作品はどの時期を取り上げ
てみても、常に自分を取り巻く環境の変化をい
ち早く感知し、それに対応する最新の西洋美
術を学習することによって新しい様式を生み出
すものだった。こうした制作態度が、確固たる
造形理論なしに新しい形式を追い求めるもの
であると批判の対象となることもあったが、し
かし、彼は西洋美術の表現を取り込むことが自
らの芸術のオリジナリティを減じるとは考えて
いなかった。1933年に執筆した「カメレオンの
如く」と題する一文で、1910年代の写実的デッ
サンと1930年代の抽象的デッサンを呈示しつ
つ、自らをカメレオンのように時と場所によって
豹変する人種であると自嘲気味に語っているも
のの、この文章はむしろ自らの制作態度を世間
にむけて明確に示したものといえる。3
もともと恩地が自画自刻自摺による版画を手が
けたのは、それが1910年代初めに台頭した新
興美術だったからだが、最終的に油絵の制作
を止め版画家への道を選択したのは、木版画
が写実的表現に適した油絵とは異なり、構成
的性質を備えた美術であり、それこそ新しい時
代を切り拓く美術になりうると確信したからで
ある。そのことを彼は過去の浮世絵版画からで
‘modernity’ that was inherent in the print. His
determined pursuit of abstraction through
to the postwar period was driven by the
same motivation that led him to choose the
woodcut as the most appropriate medium to
explore art making in the new era.
Notes
1 Onchi Kōshirō, Nihon no gendai hanga, Sōgensha, Tokyo,
1953, p 81
2 Onchi Kōshirō, ‘Jintai shō’, Jinbun May 1926 (Reprinted in
Onchi, Kōbō zakki, Kōfōkan, Tokyo, 1942, pp 281-291
3 Onchi Kōshirō, ‘Like a chameleon’ Atorie, January 1933, pp
36-38
はなく、西欧の20世紀美術から学んだ。
したがって恩地にとって西洋美術は単に新し
い様式を学ぶ対象だったわけではない。彼は
西洋美術の受容を通して、版画が近代的特質
を内包していることを発見したのである。恩地
の抽象への志向が戦後まで途絶えることなく
一貫して続いたのも、彼が木版画というジャン
ルを選択し、さらには新時代の芸術を開拓し
ようとする強固な意志を持っていたからに他な
らない。
Notes
註1恩地孝四郎,『日本の現代版画』, 東京, 創元社, 1953年,
81頁
註2恩地孝四郎,｢人体頌｣,『人文』1926年5月。引用は『工房雑
記』, 東京, 興風館, 1942年, 281-291頁
註3恩地孝四郎,｢カメレオンの如く｣,『アトリエ』1933年1月,
36-38頁
115
116
CASE STUDY TWO: Paul Haefliger and the art of Japan
ケース・スタディー２：ポール・ヘイフリガーと日本美術
Maria (Connie) TORNATORE-LOONG
The Japanese is a decorator of the first
order, yet with few exceptions, decoration
with him is an end in itself. He is unlike the
Italian, who is also a decorator yet one filled
with humanity, to whom the drama of living
suggests the image in its starkness and in its
great simple rhythm.1
｢日本人は第一流の装飾家であるが、わずかな
例外を除いて装飾自体が目的になっている。
イタリア人は装飾家でありながら非常に人間
的であるが、日本人の手になると、人生のドラ
マは鮮明で簡略化されたリズムをもつ図像と
なる。」1
One of the chief exponents of Japanese
woodblock printing in Sydney during the
1930s was Paul Haefliger (1914-82). In
Haefliger’s view, Japanese ukiyo-e prints
embodied the soul of Japan prior to the influx
of Western modernist ideals.2 Eighteenth and
nineteenth century ukiyo-e masters including
Tōshōsai Sharaku, Kitagawa Utamaro,
Katsushika Hokusai and Utagawa Hiroshige
provided Haefliger with unique insight into
the inner rhythm and everyday life of Japan.
These artists depicted genre themes in
abstracted graphic forms, using dramatic,
undulating lines and vibrant flat colour. For
Haefliger, the traditional craft of Japanese
woodblock printing heralded a well-formed
and precise artistic language that was
comparable to any Western art.3
1930年代のシドニーにおける日本版画の信奉
者の一人に、ポール・ヘイフリガー(1914–1982)
がいた。ヘイフリガーは浮世絵版画を、西洋モ
ダニズムが流入する以前の日本の精神の具現
とみた。2　そして18－19世紀の浮世絵師東洲
斎写楽、喜多川歌麿、葛飾北斎、歌川広重など
から、日本の日常生活における内なるリズムと
その表象を感知した。これらの作家は、日常の
風俗をその現実から抽出して大胆な曲線と鮮
やかな色面で描いたのであり、ヘイフリガーに
とって、日本の伝統的な版画表現は、西洋美術
と同様に高度な視覚言語であった。3
German-born Haefliger immigrated to
Sydney with his mother, Annie BangerterHaefliger and sister, Ruth, in 1929. His
mother, a member of the famed Nestlé
family, was an intellectual and amateur artist.
Haefliger’s early education was spent in
Frankfurt and Berne, Switzerland, where
ドイツに生まれたヘイフリガーは、1929年、母
親のアニー・バンゲルター＝ヘイフリガーと妹
のルースと共に、移民としてシドニーに到着し
た。有名なネッスル社の一族である母親は、教
養があり、アマチュア画家でもあった。少年期
のヘイフリガーは、フランクフルトと母方の祖
父母の住むスイスのベルンで教育を受けた。4
母親の実家はヨーロッパ近代や東洋美術のコ
Paul HAEFLIGER, Not titled (self-portrait) 1932 (Cat. 24)
117
his maternal grandparents resided.4 Annie’s
family also held an extensive art collection,
featuring works by European modernists
and Asian artefacts.5 Paul’s paternal grandparents immersed themselves in artistic and
musical pursuits. Importantly, spiritualism
was central to Haefliger’s upbringing as
both families practised Anthroposophy and
received private instruction from its founder,
Rudolf Steiner.6
In 1931, Haefliger enrolled at Julian Ashton’s
Sydney Art School. Under the tutelage of
modernist printmakers, Thea Proctor and
later Adelaide Perry, he was introduced to
the technique of woodblock printing. He
experimented with the medium, composing
woodcuts such as Not titled (self-portrait)
1932 (Cat. 24). Haefliger associated with
Proctor’s circle of friends, including Lionel
Lindsay, Margaret Preston, professors Arthur
Lindsay Sadler and E G Waterhouse, architect
Hardy Wilson and Percy Neville Barnett. All
were enthusiastic admirers and collectors
of Japanese prints and oriental postcards,
Asian ceramics, textiles and artefacts.7
As Professor of Oriental Studies at the
University of Sydney (1922-47), Sadler was
influential in promoting Japanese art including
woodcut prints.8 Indeed, Proctor was wellacquainted with Sadler’s Japanese print
collection.9 His role in stimulating exchange
between Australian modernists and Japanese
aesthetics greatly impressed Haefliger. In 1941
Haefliger wrote an article for Art in Australia
on the ukiyo-e master Tōshōsai Sharaku
(active 1749-95) with an accompanying
re-cut woodcut of Sharaku’s Ebizō Ichikawa
as Takemura Jōnoshin in Koi-nyōbō
Somewake Tazuna (1794) (Cat. 2).10 In
the same issue, he re-cut a woodcut by
Toyonobu (1711-85), titled Bather, for Sadler’s
essay on “The Japanese Print.”11
Haefliger sought to advance his skills in full
colour woodblock printing in Japan, and
travelled to Yokohama in 1932.12 In Tokyo,
Haefliger presumably trained under the
ukiyo-e dealer and shin-hanga (‘new prints’)
publisher Watanabe Shōzaburō (1885–
118
レクションをもち、父方の祖父母も芸術・音楽
に囲まれた生活をしていた。5　両親とも実家
は人智学を信奉し、その創始者ルドルフ・シュ
タイナーに個人教授を受けており、精神主義
はヘイフリガーにとって重要な教育の一環で
あった。6
1931年、ヘイフリガーはシドニーのジュリアン・
アシュトン美術学校に入学し、モダニスト版画
家シア・プロクター、次いでアデレード・ペリー
に木版画を学んだ。この頃の木版画研究の成
果の一つが1932年の自画像(cat.24)である。ヘ
イフリガーが知己を得たシア・プロクターの友
人には、画家のライオネル・リンジーやマーガ
レット・プレストン、サドラー教授、E Gウォー
ターハウス教授、建築家のウイリアム・ハーディ
ー・ウイルソン、蔵書票と浮世絵収集家のネヴ
ィル・バネットらがおり、彼らは浮世絵や東洋
の絵葉書・陶磁器・テキスタイル・美術品に傾
倒あるいはこれを蒐集していた。7　なかでも
シドニー大学の東洋学教授であったサドラー
は、1920～1930年代に日本美術とりわけ浮世
絵を広めることに力を入れており、プロクター
は彼のコレクションをよく知っていた。8　そし
て日本の美意識をオーストラリアのモダニズム
に取り入れることを奨励するサドラーは、ヘイ
フリガーを刺激した。ヘイフリガーは1941年の
『アート・イン・オーストラリア』誌に東洲斎写
楽についての記事を寄稿し、彼自身が復刻した
写楽の《市川蝦蔵「竹村定之進」》(cat.2)を掲
載している。10　同じ号には、サドラーが「日本
の版画」と題する浮世絵についての記事を寄
稿しており、ここにもヘイフリガー復刻の石川
豊信作《海女図》が掲載された。11
ヘイフリガーは多色木版の技術を磨くために
シドニーを発ち、1932年横浜に降り立った。12そ
して東京で、復刻浮世絵と新版画の出版者とし
て知られる渡辺庄三郎のもとで学んだと思わ
NATORI Shunsen, The actor Ichimura Uzaemon XV as Iriya Naozamurai 1925 (Cat. 7)
1962), gradually acquiring the technique of
full colour woodblock printing. More than
any other Australian artist working in the
Japanese manner in the 1930s, Haefliger’s
prints evoke the ukiyo-e conventions of
intense colour application, graphic linearity,
dramatic portraiture and an understanding
of the natural world, reinforced by his
anthroposophist beliefs.13 First and foremost,
his woodcut prints were instilled with a
transcultural, modernist quality. Woodcuts
such as Buddhist temple of Kyoto, Japan,
1932 (which was exhibited at the 1934
Summer Exhibition of the Royal Academy of
Arts, in London) and Kusatsu hot springs,
Japan, 1932 are reminiscent of landscape
compositions by the 19th century artists
Hiroshige, Hokusai and Kawase and confirm
the popularity of nineteenth century travel
and its pilgrimage prints of ‘illustrated famous
places’ and guidebooks or meisho-ki.14 In
particular, Haefliger’s Kusatsu hot springs,
Japan, 1932 imitates Hokusai’s employment
of Berlin blue in the rendering of the skyline
れる。1930年代に日本式の多色木版を制作し
た豪州作家は多いが、滞在中に本格的な技法
を身につけたヘイフリガーの作品は、色彩の密
度、効果的な曲線の使用、大胆な肖像画など最
も浮世絵的な要素を持ち、また彼の描く風景
には、人智学的自然観がうかがえる。13　何より
も彼の木版は文化的ハイブリッド性と近代性
を合わせ持つ。1934年にロンドンのロイヤルア
カデミー展に展示された《京都の寺院》(1932
年)や《草津温泉》(1932年)は、広重や北斎、ま
た巴水(cat.3)の構図を思わせるし、主題も、19
世紀の日本人が好んだ巡礼地や旅の名所を盛
り込んだ「名所記」を髣髴とさせる。14《草津温
泉》では北斎を真似て、空と、湯から湧き上が
る湯気に「ベロ藍」を用いている。草津を訪れ
たヘイフリガーは、次のように書いた。
｢軽井沢の高地の先に、草津温泉がある。小さ
な宿や湯屋が湯畑を囲み、裸の人々が大っぴら
に涼んでいるのは珍しい光景ではない。湯を
119
Paul HAEFLIGER, after Tōshushai Sharaku (active 1749–95),
Ebizō Ichikawa (Danjurō Ichikawa V) as Takemura Jōnoshin in Koi-nyōbō Somewake Tazuna 1794 (Cat. 2)
120
KAWASE Hasui, Ishinomaki in the snow: Collection of scenic views of Japan, eastern Japan edition 1935 (Cat. 4)
and undulating rhythmic motion of the hot
spring vapours. Haefliger recalled his visit to
Kusatsu:
In the hills beyond Karuizawa lies the hot
spring resort of Kusatsu. The square was
ringed by small hotels and bathing huts and it
was not unusual to see nude bathers cooling
themselves in public. In the centre of the
square was a catchment area of sulphur which
steamed and smelt incessantly.15
On returning to Sydney in December 1932,
Haefliger continued producing full colour
woodcuts that not only embraced the
compositional techniques of ukiyo-e, but
reflected modern Australian life.16 Sublime
Point above Bulli, 1936, portrays an Arcadian
vision of Australia, as a nation of athletic men
and women, basking in their natural environs.
As an anthroposophist, Haefliger was guided
by his desire to seek spiritualism in the beauty
of nature.17 Similarly, portraiture underwent
a dramatic transformation in Haefliger’s
printmaking. In contrast to his monochromatic
self portrait of 1932 (Cat. 24), Haefliger’s self
集める湯畑の中央は硫黄に覆われ、湯気と硫
黄の匂いが絶え間なく鼻をつく。」15　1932年12月にシドニーに戻ったヘイフリガー
は、引き続き多色木版を制作、浮世絵の構図
を取り入れつつ、オーストラリアのモダンな生
活を描いた。16《ブライを見下ろすサブライム
岬》(1936年)は、当時のモダニズムの傾向で
ある、力強く英雄的で健康な男女が自然と共
に暮らす、アルカディア的国家観を反映してい
る。人智主義者のヘイフリガーにとって、天然
の事物に精神的なものを見ることはごく自然
であった。17 同様に、彼の自画像も大きく変化
した。1932年の自画像とは対照的に、1935年
の多色木版では、自分をくつろいだ様子で戸
外の画架に向かう、思慮深い画家として描い
ている。鮮やかな空の色彩は、広重が確立し
巴水が引き継いだ浮世絵の伝統に倣ってい
る。(cat.4)　二点の自画像は共に構図を写楽
の大首絵に拠っているが、1935年の自画像は、
121
portrait of 1935 depicts a relaxed, virtuous
and contemplative artist, painting ‘en plein air’.
The vivid sky imitates the ukiyo-e conventions
established by Hiroshige and Kawase (Cat.
4). Even though both woodcuts channel
Sharaku’s distinctive trait for dramatic poses,
the 1935 portrait represents Haefliger’s
transcultural artistic traditions.
One of the more interesting aspects of
Haefliger’s woodcuts is that they highlight
similarities shared between Australian artists
who experimented with Japanese woodblock
printing techniques during the interwar years.
Like Haefliger, Preston, Palmer and Spowers
developed their unique style of colour
woodcut printing, interpreting the essence
of traditional Japanese ukiyo-e prints from a
Euro-modernist perspective. Unfortunately,
Haefliger’s dedication to printmaking
eventually waned as he focussed solely on
painting and art criticism throughout the
1940s and 1950s.18
Notes
1Paul Haefliger, “Tōshōshai Sharaku”, Art in Australia, series 4,
no 2, June-August, Sydney Ure Smith, 1941, p 39
2 Ukiyo-e, defined as ‘art of the floating world’, is a general
term for Japanese woodcut prints of the 17th, 18th and
19th centuries.
3 Haefliger, op cit, p 39
4 Barry Pearce, Swiss Artists in Australia 1777-1991, exhibition
catalogue, Lou Klepac and The Beagle Press in association
with the Art Gallery of New South Wales, 1991, p 85
5 In 1982, Haefliger donated a 16th century Japanese single
folding screen from the Muromachi (Ashikaga) period 13921573) to the Art Gallery of New South Wales. The following
year, the Paul Haefliger Estate bequeathed a pair of sixfolding screens by Japanese 18th century artist, Motoaki
Kanō (Edo –Tokugawa period (1615-1868), and a Chinese
hanging scroll from the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644).
6 Christine France, Jean Bellette: Retrospective, exhibition
catalogue, National Trust of Australia (NSW) in association
with S H Ervin Gallery, Sydney, 2004, p 12
7 Roger Butler, Printed Images by Australian artists 1885-1955,
The National Gallery of Australia, Canberra, 2007, p 135
8 See Pamela Bell, ‘A. L. Sadler, Professor of Oriental Studies
at the University of Sydney: His ideas and influence,’ in E.
Benitez (ed.), Proceedings of the Pacific Rim Conference in
Transcultural Aesthetics, The University of Sydney, Sydney,
1997, p 124
9 The Home, Sydney, 1 July 1926, Sydney, p 40
10 Haefliger, op cit, p 39
11 Arthur Lindsay Sadler, ‘The Japanese Print’, Art in
Australia, series 4, no 2, June-August, Sydney, p 36
12 Haefliger departed Sydney on 12 April 1932 aboard the
122
ヘイフリガーが両文化の絵画伝統を統一させ
た結果であるといえよう。
ヘイフリガーの木版画は、20世紀前半に日本
の木版手法で制作した西洋画家の作品との類
似点がみられる。プレストン、エスリーン・パー
マー、エセル・スパウアースらも、彼と同様、日
本の伝統版画を西洋モダニズムの視点から解
釈して独自の多色木版を確立した。18しかしヘ
イフリガーの木版画熱は次第に冷め、1940年
代から50年代には、絵画と美術批評にその活
動を移していったのだった。
Notes
註1
ポール・ヘイフリガー, ｢東洲斎写楽｣Paul Haefliger,
‘Tōshōshai Sharaku’『アート･イン･オーストラリア』4巻2号
1941年6月, 39頁
註2 本稿では｢浮世絵｣は17–19世紀の浮世絵版画をさす。
註3ヘイフリガー, 前掲書, 39頁
註4
バリー・ピアース,『オーストラリアのスイス人画家1777–1991
年』展図録Barry Pearce, Swiss Artists in Australia 1777 –
1991 exhibition catalogue, Lou Klepac and The Beagle Press
in association with the Art Gallery of New South Wales,
Sydney, 1991年, 85頁
註51982年にヘイフリガーは室町時代の屏風一隻をNSW美術館
に寄付した。翌年彼の遺産管理人は狩野元昭筆六曲一双の
山水画と中国明代の肖像画を遺贈した。
註6クリスティーン・フランス, 『ジーン･バレット回顧』展図録
Christine France, Jean Bellette: Retrospective, exhibition
catalogue, National Trust of Australia (NSW) in association
with S. H. Ervin Gallery, Sydney, 2004年12頁
註7ロジャー･バトラー,『プリンテッド:オーストラリア作家の版
画1885–1955』Roger Butler, Printed: images by Australian
artists 1885–1955, National Gallery of Australia, Canberra,
2007年’ 135頁
註8パメラ・ベル,「A Lサドラー(1882–1970)シドニー大学東洋
学教授:その思想と影響」, Eベニテズ(編)『環太平洋に
おける越境する美意識会議録』Bell, Pamela, “A. L. Sadler
(1882–1970) Professor of Oriental Studies at the University
of Sydney: His ideas and influence,” in E. Benitez (ed.),
Proceedings of the Pacific Rim Conference in Transcultural
Aesthetics, The University of Sydney, Sydney,1997年124頁
註9『ザ･ホーム』The Home, 1926年7月1日, 40頁
註10ヘイフリガー, 前掲書, 39頁
註11アーサー･リンジー･サドラー, ｢日本の版画｣Arthur Lindsay
Sadler, ‘The Japanese Print’, 『アート･アンド･オーストラリ
ア』4巻2号, 1932年4月12日, 13頁
註12ヘイフリガーは、母と妹と共に1932年4月12日に｢タンダ号｣
でシドニーを出航した(『ザ･シドニー･モーニング･ヘラル
ド』1932年4月12日13頁
註13ヘイフリガーは後に禅と鈴木大拙の著書に傾倒した。彼と
親しかった画家ジョン･オルセンによると、ヘイフリガーは彼
に｢D T 鈴木の『禅と日本文化』という素晴らしい本」を借り
た。オルセンは更に｢禅の魅力の一つは、人生の予測できな
い部分を受け容れ、理屈だけでは理解できない心の領域に
入っていくことー直感を強調することである｣と書いた。(ジ
Tanda, accompanied by his mother Annie and sister, Ruth.
The Sydney Morning Herald, 12 April 1932, p 13
13 Haefliger later developed an affinity with Japanese Zen
Buddhism and the writings of D T Suzuki. According to
John Olsen (b. 1928), Paul Haefliger had loaned him “a
remarkable book called Zen and Japanese Culture (1959)
by D T Suzuki.” Olsen wrote that he “appreciated many of
the refinements of ‘Oriental’ thought which was a relief
after Occidental determinism. One aspect that is very
appealing in Zen is its attempt to follow the unpredictability
of all life and by doing so penetrates into areas which the
logical mind cannot penetrate – it emphasises intuition.”
Manuscripts of John Olsen, 1971-81. NLA MS8015
14 Kusatsu hot springs, Japan, 1932 illustrates the most
popular natural hot springs in the Gunma prefecture,
150 kilometres from Tokyo. In 1933, Haefliger exhibited a
series of 1932 colour woodcuts in the Japanese manner
at the Society of Artists Annual Exhibition held in the
Education Department’s Art Gallery (Bridge and Loftus
Streets, Sydney). These prints were produced in Japan and
included: The Junk off Canton, The Blue Feather, Buddhist
Temple, Kyoto, Japan and Kusatsu hot springs, Japan,
1932.
15 Haefliger as quoted in Butler, ‘Paul Haefliger: Australia and
the Orient’, Australian Antique Collector, December 1998June 1999, Sydney, p 113
16 Haefliger and his family returned to Sydney on 16
December 1932, travelling aboard the Kitano Maru. The
Sydney Morning Herald, Saturday 17 December 1932, p 17
17 See Deborah Edwards, Stampede of the Lower Gods:
Classical Mythology in Australian Art 1890-1930s,
exhibition catalogue, Art Gallery of New South Wales,
Sydney, 1989.
18 Haefliger was the art critic for The Sydney Morning Herald
from 1942 to 1956.
ョン･オルセン手稿Manuscripts of John Olsen, 1971–1981.
NLA MS8015)
註14«《草津温泉、日本》は東京から150kmほど離れた、群馬県
で最も人気のある温泉を描いたもの。ヘイフリガーは、1932
年に制作した日本風木版を、翌年シドニーで開かれた州教
育委員会主催の作家協会念じ展覧会に出品した。他の作品
は、
《広東のジャンク船》《青い羽》《京都の寺》。
註15 引用はバトラー, ｢ポール･ヘイフリガー:オーストラリアとオ
リエント｣,『オーストラリア･アンティック･コレクター』Butler,
“Paul Haefliger: Australia and the Orient”, in Australian
Antique Collector, 1998年12－1999年6月号113頁
註16 ヘイフリガーとその家族は、1932年12月16日北野丸でシドニ
ーに到着した(『シドニー･モーニング･ヘラルド』1932年12月
17日, b17頁 )
註17 デボラ･エドワーズ,『神々の暴走:オーストラリア美術に見
る神話1890–1930年代』展覧会図録Deborah Edwards,
Stampede of the Lower Gods: Classical Mythology in
Australian Art 1890s – 1930s, Art Gallery of New South
Wales, Sydney, 1989年
註18 ヘイフリガーの木版画熱は次第に冷め、1940年代から50年
代には、絵画と美術批評にその活動を移していった。1942
年から56年まで彼は『シドニー･モーニング･ヘラルド』紙の
専属美術批評家であった。
123
124
Professor Sadler: A Personal Reminiscence
アーサー・リンジー・サドラー教授の思い出
Dr Marsden HORDERN OAM VRD
My association with Professor Sadler
began at The University of Sydney in 1940.
A seventeen-year-old ‘fresher’, I joined his
class in Oriental History. Over the next few
months I sat reverently at his feet as he led
us through the subtleties of Japanese art,
history and culture. But the association did
not end there, and by the time Sadler died
thirty years later it had deepened into mutual
friendship which greatly enriched my life.
サドラー教授との知己は、1940年に17歳の新
入生として、シドニー大学で教授が開講してお
られた東洋史を選択した時に始まりました。数
ヶ月にわたる講義では、教授が日本の芸術、歴
史、文化を詳細に解説して下さるのを、私は傾
聴しました。教科の終了後も教授との交際は続
き、30年後に教授が亡くなった頃には深い友情
に発展し、私の人生を豊かにしてくれました。
I remember his first lecture as though it
was yesterday. Fifteen of us congregated in
his lecture room, about ten minutes before
commencement time and gazed curiously
around its appointments including suits of
samurai armour, statues of Buddha, Japanese
swords, leg-cutters, screens, masks,
braziers and other treasures from the time
of Hideyoshi and the Tokugawa shogunates.
On the stroke of the hour in strode Sadler, a
dapper figure in a Harris Tweed suit, woollen
tie and sporting a pince-nez. After shuffling
some papers on his desk he looked up and
said, “Good afternoon ladies and gentlemen”.
I gazed about for subjects deserving of these
titles and, on realising that he was addressing
us, felt a surge of pride. His greeting
exemplified his attitude to his pupils; a man of
simple dignity, he spoke to us as equals, with
no posturing.
教授の初講義は昨日のことのように覚えていま
す。講義の始まる10分くらい前に教室に集まっ
た私達15人の学生は、そこに並べてあった甲冑
や仏像、日本刀、薙刀、屏風、面、火おけなど、
秀吉や徳川将軍時代からの宝物をを好奇心か
ら眺めていました。講義開始時間ぴったりに
教授が教室に現れました。ハリスツィードのス
ーツを着こなし、ウールのネクタイ、鼻眼鏡とい
う、りゅうとしたいでたちでした。教授は、しば
らく教壇の書類をめくったりした後、顔を上げて
「こんにちは、紳士淑女の皆さん」と挨拶した
のです。紳士淑女というのは誰のことかと思わ
ず周囲を見渡しましたが、やがて自分たち学生
のことだと気がついたときには、誇らしさが胸
に溢れました。この挨拶が教授の学生に対す
る姿勢を物語っています。すっきりとした威厳
を備えながら、学生とは対等に接して気取りの
ない人でした。
Sadler introduced us to the history of the
Japanese Empire by comparing it with that
of Britain. About two thousand years ago,
Harold CAZNEAUX, Professor Sadler and Mrs Sadler, ‘Rivenhall’, Warrawee, Sydney, 1926 (Cat.1.14)
125
he told us, when the inhabitants of Britain
were painting themselves with woad and
conducting cruel human sacrifices, the
Japanese were producing beautiful ceramics.
Sadler then commented on the Japanese
national character to the effect that, while
respecting their art and other aspects of their
culture, he feared their ruthlessness.
His efforts to refine our uncultivated minds
extended beyond the campus and I was
shortly nonplussed to receive an invitation
to take tea with the Sadlers. I nervously
presented myself at ‘Rivenhall’, their
Warrawee home, where I found several
fellow students also gathered. He welcomed
us warmly and led us through a loggia,
looking onto an Italianate water-garden with
a colonnaded summer house reflected in a
pool. A door at the end of the loggia led into
Sadler’s library. Its timbered roof reminded
me of a chapel, the thought strengthened
by the presence of a pipe organ, on which,
I later learned, the Professor particularly
enjoyed playing the music of Bach. The
library, like his lecture room, was full of
treasures; among them a fine carved model
of Francis Drake’s Golden Hind, which in
years to come he generously gave to me. In
1940 Sadler stimulated me to make models of
historic ships, and in our correspondence he
encouraged me in this craft. The afternoon
concluded with us taking tea in the tea house
Sadler had built in the garden. This was a
practical introduction to the mysteries of the
Japanese Tea Ceremony. This entertainment
became legendary among his students and
friends.
In 1941, without declaring war, the Japanese
struck in the East, the British Empire was
sorely pressed and my peace-time student
days were over. I joined the navy and, before
I sailed off to war, called on the professor
to thank him for his kindnesses and say
good bye. We discussed the Japanese war;
he expressed concern about its outcome,
and asked me to write to him from time to
time. Years passed and while commanding
a Royal Australian Navy patrol boat among
126
教授の講義は、帝国日本の歴史を英国と比較
しつつ紹介するものでした。教授によると、今
から2000年前、イギリス島の住民が身体を青
く塗りたくって神に人身御供を差し出していた
ころ、日本では美しい陶器を作っていたのでし
た。そこから教授は日本の国民性について話
を始められましたが、日本の美術など文化は心
から尊敬するが、日本人には情け容赦のない
面があり、これを懸念するというようなことをお
っしゃいました。
我々粗野な学生に教養をつけさせようとするサ
ドラー教授の努力は学内だけに留まりません
でした。ほどなくサドラーご夫妻から「ティー」
に招かれたときは戸惑いました。緊張のうちに
ワラウィーにあった教授のお宅「ライヴェンホ
ール」に伺うと、ほかにも数人学生たちが集ま
っていました。教授は暖かく僕たちを迎え、先
に立って案内されました。開廊からは池を配し
たイタリア風の庭が臨まれ、池の水面には列
柱をめぐらせた東屋が映っていました。開廊
の突き当たりのドアを入ると、教授の書斎でし
た。木材が露出した天井は教会の礼拝堂を思
わせ、その印象は中のパイプオルガンでより強
まりました。後に知ったことですが、教授はそ
のオルガンでバッハを弾くのがことのほかお好
きでした。書斎は教授の教室と同様に、貴重な
収集品でいっぱいでした。その中にはフランシ
ス・ドレイクが世界一周した船「黄金の鹿」号の
見事な彫刻模型もあったのですが、これは後
年私が教授から譲与されました。1940年には
教授から歴史上著名な船の模型造りを勧めら
れ、その後も手紙で励まされました。その午後
の訪問を締めくくりとして、教授が庭に建てた
茶室でお茶をいただきました。僕たちにとって
は、これが神秘的な日本の茶道の初めての体
験でした。教授のこのもてなしは、学生や友人
たちの間で伝説的な語り草となっています。
Japanese occupied islands in the South
Pacific where there had been heavy fighting,
I saw something of the horrors of war and
the inhumanity of which Sadler had spoken
of which the Japanese treated those that
fell into their hands. And, remembering his
parting words, I wrote to him telling him
something of my experience of the Japanese
national character. He replied promptly
suggesting that when I returned to Sydney
we might meet to discuss the matter.
In 1947, we met again and Sadler commented
on my letter at some length. In his view the
tragedy that had fallen on Japan, the Far East
and Pacific, was directly the responsibility of
the uncouth military caste that had seduced
their ‘Divine Emperor’ and used him as their
puppet. He summed up his argument by
saying that when speaking of the civilised
culture of Japan he had been talking about
its Nobility, whereas I had been dealing
with its arrogant military class – men like
General Togo – and the brutalised Japanese
peasants.
In 1948 Sadler returned to England and went
to live in Essex near Helions Bumpstead.
My father, a retired clergyman, purchased
‘Rivenhall’ prior to Sadler’s departure. In 1949,
when I too was living in England, we renewed
our growing friendship. Sadler invited me to
his home where he and Mrs Sadler treated
me as an old friend. After lunch we went for
a walk in the country during which he spoke
often of his happy memories of Australia.
After some time we came to a high stone
wall and followed it along to a set of grand
gates opening onto a drive leading to a large
Georgian mansion. On the gates was its
name, ‘Rivenhall End’. Sadler told me that
his house in Sydney had been based on the
design of the Bailiff’s house at ‘Rivenhall End’.
From 1956-58, now married and with a family,
I was again living in England and renewed
my friendship with the Sadlers who were
then living at Buck’s House, Great Bardfield.
Between the years 1958 and 1970 when I
was building up a small print gallery in North
1941年、日本は宣戦布告なしに東方で奇襲し、
大英帝国は深刻な選択を迫られて、私の平和
時の学生時代は終わりを告げました。海軍に
入り、戦地に向かう前に、私はお世話になった
お礼とお別れを言うため、サドラー教授を訪ね
ました。私達は日本との戦争について話し合
いましたが、教授はその成り行きに懸念を示さ
れ、私に時々手紙を書くようにとおっしゃいま
した。年月がたち、私はオーストラリア海軍哨
戒艇の指揮官として、激しい戦闘があった南太
平洋の日本軍が占領地域に進駐したとき、私
は戦争の恐ろしさとともに、日本人の捕虜の扱
いに、昔サドラー教授が語った非人間性を目撃
したのでした。教授の別れの際の言葉を思い
出し、私は自分が体験した日本人の国民性につ
いて手紙で報告しました。教授からはすぐ返
事が来て、シドニーに帰ってきたら会って話を
したいとありました。
1947年に再会したとき、サドラー教授は私の
手紙の内容について詳細に意見を述べられま
した。教授の見解は、日本、極東、太平洋にふ
りかかった悲劇の直接の責任は、日本の粗野
な軍人階級にあり、彼らは「現人神」である天
皇をそそのかし、傀儡として利用したのだとい
うものでした。そして最後に、
「日本の洗練され
た文化を語った時の私の対象は貴族階級だっ
たが、君が相手にしたのは思い上がった軍人
階級―東條大将のような―や、残忍さの訓練
をうけた下層階級だったのだ」と締めくくりま
した。
1948年、サドラー教授はイギリスに帰られ、エ
セックスのヘリオンズバムステッドに居を移さ
れました。教授が帰国されるに先立って、牧師
の職を引退した私の父がライヴェンホールを
買い取りました。1949年には私もイギリスに住
み、教授との旧交を温めることができました。
サドラーご夫妻は私をお宅に招き、旧友とし
127
Sydney, I occasionally visited Europe and
kept in touch with the professor and Mrs
Sadler. By now we had become personal
friends and although he addressed me in a
familiar manner, I continued to call him ‘sir’ or
‘professor’.
On 14 July 1970, I received a letter from Eva
Sadler stating that Sadler had died from
thyroid, throat and lung cancer. He was
brave to the end and full of talk of returning
to Australia as his memory of Australia was
vivid. After Sadler’s death I kept regularly in
touch with Eva. She sent me a photograph
of him which is now hanging in Rivenhall’s
library. Sadly, on 8 October 1978, I received a
letter from Eva Sadler’s niece with the news
that she had died on 2 September 1978 from
pneumonia.
て接してくださいました。昼食のあと田園を散
歩しながら、教授はよくオーストラリアの楽し
い思い出を語られました。しばらく歩くと高い
石壁があり、その壁沿いに行くと大きな門があ
り、邸内に続く車道の先にはジョージアン様式
の館が見えました。そして、門にかかる屋敷の
名前は「ライヴェンホール・エンド」と読めまし
た。そこでサドラー教授は、シドニーの家をラ
イヴェンホール・エンドの荘官邸に基づいて設
計したのだと明かされたのでした。
1956年から1958年まで、すでに妻子を持つ身
になっていた私は再びイギリスに滞在し、当時
グレートバードフィールドのバックスハウスに
住まわれていたサドラーご夫妻とまた旧交を温
めました。1958年から1970年までノースシドニ
ーで版画を収集して小さなギャラリーを経営し
ていた私は、時折ヨーロッパを旅行し、サドラ
ー夫妻とも連絡を保っていました。この頃には
師弟というよりは友人のようになっていました
が、教授が私を親しい呼び方で読んでくださっ
ても、私は昔通り「先生」とか「教授」と呼ばず
にはいられませんでした。
1970年の7月14日、サドラー夫人のエヴァから
手紙が来て、教授の死を知りました。癌に甲状
腺、咽喉、肺を侵され亡くなったのでした。最
期まで勇敢に癌と闘った教授は、オーストラリ
ア時代の記憶も鮮明で、オーストラリアを再訪
したいとよく語っておられたそうです。教授の
死後もエヴァ夫人と定期的に連絡を取りあいま
したが、そんな中で彼女が送ってくれた教授の
写真が、いまライヴェンホールの書斎の壁にか
かっています。1978年10月8日、夫人の姪御さん
から手紙が届きました。エヴァ・サドラー夫人
が9月2日に肺炎で亡くなったという悲しい知ら
せでした。
128
Sadler after Sydney: A personal note
シドニー以後のサドラー：私的な思い出
Silas CLIFFORD-SMITH
Professor Sadler continued to engage with
scholars and artists during his retirement
years. After stepping down from his
academic responsibilities at the end of 1947,
he was conferred with the title of Emeritus
Professor.1 He made a parting gift to the
University for the purchase of ‘books on
oriental studies’.2
The Sadlers’ choice of retirement home
was the isolated English village of Helions
Bumpstead in north-west Essex, near
Cambridge. Despite selling some of his
collections –including several pieces of
ancient Japanese armour at a Sydney auction
in 1948 – he took many treasures back with
him to Britain.3 While Sadler was born and
raised in London, he clearly knew Essex well
as he had based much of the design of his
former Sydney home on a Jacobean-style
period house he had seen there.4
The Sadlers’ new home ‘Stubbard’s Croft’
was diagonally opposite ‘Bucks House’, the
home of my parents, and close to The Vine
public house – a favoured watering-hole of
local artists. Sadler frequently visited our
home, and discussed art, philosophy and
religion with my father.5
My parents Stanley Clifford-Smith and
Joan Glass were involved with the local art
community known as the Great Bardfield
Artists, a group of figurative modernists
working at the same time as the better
known abstractionists from St Ives, Cornwall.
サドラー教授は、退職後も学者や芸術家など
の文化人との交流を続けた。1947年末に大学
の職を退いたサドラーは、翌年名誉教授号を
受けた。1 大学を去るにあたっては、｢東洋学の
書籍｣購入費を寄贈した。2
サドラーが引退生活の地に選んだのは、イギリ
スのエセックス州北西部にあるヘリオンズ・バ
ムステッドという、ケンブリッジには近いが、へ
んぴな村だった。1948年にシドニーのオークシ
ョンで日本の骨董甲冑など売却したが、コレク
ションの多くは、サドラーと共にイギリスへ渡っ
た。3 サドラーはロンドンで生まれ育ったが、エ
セックスを熟知していたことは、そこで見たジャ
コビアン様式の家のデザインをシドニーの居
宅に多く取り入れていたことでも分かる。4
サドラー夫妻の新居｢スタバーズ・クロフト｣は、
私の両親の家｢バックス・ハウス｣の斜め向かい
で、｢バックス・ハウス｣の向かいには｢蔦｣という
パブがあり、地域のアーティスト達の溜まり場
だった。サドラーはよく私の家に来て、父と芸
術、哲学、宗教について話しこんだ。5
私の両親スタンリー・クリフォード＝スミスとジ
ョーン・グラスは、グレート・バードフィールド・
アーティスツという芸術家のコミュニティに参加
していた。これは、より知られたコーンウェル
のセントアイヴスの抽象主義グループと並存し
129
The community had about a dozen members
during the 1950s, the best known being Royal
Academicians Edward Bawden, John Aldridge
and Michael Rothenstein, as well as the
internationally famous cartoonist David Low,
who made his name working in Australia.6
The peak period of activity for the Great
Bardfield Artists was in the 1950s when the
group organised a series of popular openhouse exhibitions. Despite being an isolated
village in Essex these art festivals attracted
many thousands of visitors and received
much attention in the British media. In 1951
the artists held a large art exhibition in Great
Bardfield in conjunction with the Festival of
Britain. The success of the festival as well
as the cultural dynamism of the community
must have attracted Sadler and his wife Eva
to move there in the early 1950s.7
Bernard Leach – the great studio potter from
St Ives – visited Sadler, and my parents dined
with him during one of the Great Bardfield
exhibitions. Sadler had known Leach during
his early days in Japan and the Professor had
dedicated his 1933 book The Art of Japanese
Flower Arranging to him.
By the early 1960s the art community at
Great Bardfield disbanded leaving only two
artists living in the village. Perhaps reflecting
the mood of dissolution the Sadlers also
left, and by 1961 they were living in Upper
Heyford, near Oxford. In May that year, my
12 year-old relative Julia Gafford visited the
Sadlers, and later wrote of her visit:
Uncle [Sadler] opened the door, and all
around me there were Japanese pictures
and prints. Even the umbrella stand had an
Eastern pattern on it. He led us into his study;
a room lined with fat leather bound books
on the shelves. Here again everything was
Japanese. There was a glass case on one
side of the room filled with curios, swords and
ugly little mandarins made of ivory. Most of
the books were Japanese and I felt rather
out of place in the oriental room.8
In fact, the Sadlers returned to Great
Bardfield in the 1960s after purchasing my
130
た具象モダニズムの画家集団だった。1950年
代のメンバーは10人あまりで、最も知られてい
たのはロイヤル・アカデミー会員のエドワード・
ボーデン、ジョン・オルドリッジ、
マイケル・ロー
センスタインだった。このほかに、国際的に有
名な漫画家で、オーストラリアで活躍したデヴ
ィッド・ローがいた。6
グレート・バードフィールド・アーティスツの最
盛期は1950年代で、個人宅を開放した展覧会
は、特に人気があった。エセックスの片田舎に
もかかわらず、これらのアート・フェスティバル
には各地から数千人が訪れ、国内のマスコミ
にも取り上げられた。7 1951年にはフェスティ
バル・オブ・ブリテンの一環として大規模な美
術展を開いた。サドラーとエヴァ夫人がここに
移り住んだのは、美術展の成功とこのグループ
の精力的な文化活動に魅かれてのことだった
ようだ。
名高い陶芸家バーナード・リーチはセントアイ
ヴスからサドラーを訪れた。私の両親も一度グ
レート・バードフィールド美術展の期間中にリ
ーチと食事を共にしたことがある。サドラーは
リーチと日本時代からの友人で、1933年に出
版した｢日本の生け花芸術｣をリーチに献じて
いる。
1960年代の初め、グレート・バードフィールド
の芸術家集団は、この地に2人を残して離散し
た。多分こうした空気のせいもあって、サドラー
夫妻も村を去り、1961年にはアッパー・ヘイフ
ォードに居を移した。その年の5月、当時12歳だ
ったサドラーの親類にあたるジュリア・スケー
ピングは、夫妻を訪問したときのことを、後に
学校の作文で次のように綴っている。
｢おじさん（サドラー）がドアを開けてくれ、中
に入ると、日本の絵とか版画でぐるりと囲まれ
ました。傘立てでさえ、東洋の模様が付いてま
した。おじさんの書斎に案内されました。部屋
UNKNOWN, Professor Sadler and Mrs Sadler in retirement at their home in England, 1953
parents’ former home. Buck’s House was
a prominently positioned red-brick building
which backed on to a Quaker Meeting House.
Like his former Sydney residence, the front
was imposing while the attractive walled
garden was secluded from prying eyes.
Despite choosing to live in the countryside,
the relatively close location of Sadler’s
retirement homes to the academic centres of
Oxford, Cambridge and London is revealing.
In retirement, Sadler was still involved in
academic research, as a consultant to the
British Museum. He even contemplated
returning to Australia as he had become
disillusioned with modern life in Britain.
Notes
1 ‘Chancellor re-elected’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 2
March 1948, p 2
2 ‘Huge student enrolment’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 16
December 1947, p 17
3 ‘Feudal armour auctioned’, The West Australian, 22 April
1948, p 10
4 ‘Rivenhall’ at Warrawee, Sydney, was named after a period
house at Rivenhall End, near Thaxted in north-west Essex.
は本棚に囲まれていて分厚い革表紙の本がぎ
っしり並んでいました。この部屋も日本のもの
ばかりでした。片側にガラスケースがあって、中
には骨董とか、刀とか、象牙でできた奇妙な小
さいミカンとかが飾ってありました。ほとんどの
本が日本語で、こんなに何もかも東洋の部屋で
私は居心地の悪い思いをしました。」8
1960年半ばには、サドラー夫妻は私の両親の
もとの家を買い、グレート・バードフィールドに
戻った。｢バックス・ハウス｣はひときわ目立つ赤
レンガの建物で、裏はクエーカー集会堂であっ
た。｢バックス・ハウス｣の堂々とした構えと、壁
に囲まれたプライベートな美しい庭とは、サド
ラーのシドニーの家を思わせた。
田園生活を選んだにもかかわらず、サドラーの
退職後の家がいずれも、オクスフォード、ケン
ブリッジ、ロンドンといったアカデミックな中心
地に比較的近いというのは意味深い。サドラー
は引退後も学術的な研究に関係していた。ま
131
5 The Great Bardfield art community was active from 1932 to
1970. At its peak during the 1950s members also included:
George Chapman, Audrey Cruddas, Walter Hoyle, Sheila
Robinson, and Marianne Straub.
6 For an accessible account of the Great Bardfield Artist
community refer to: W.J. Strachan, ‘The Artists of Great
Bardfield’, The Studio, March 1958, pp 72-76; Malcolm
Yorke, Edward Bawden and his circle, Antique Collectors’
Club, 2007
7 Information sourced from Jonathan Clifford-Smith who
remembered these encounters from his youth.
8 Julia Scaping, ‘Behind the doors’, unpublished school
composition, 1961
132
たホーダーンによると、大英博物館のコンサル
タントも務めていたという。サドラーがイギリス
へ引退してからも連絡を保ったホーダーンによ
ると、1960年代にサドラーは現代イギリスの生
活に幻滅し、オーストラリアに帰ることを考え
ていたという。
Notes
註1 ｢学長再選｣,『シドニー・モーニング・ヘラルド』1948年3月2
日, 2頁
註2 ｢大量入学｣,『シドニー・モーニング・ヘラルド』1947年12月
16日, 17頁
註3 ｢中世の甲冑競売さる｣,『ウェスト・オーストラリアン』1948年
4月22日, 10頁
註4 シドニー、ワラウィーの「ライヴェンホール」は、エセックス北
西部、タクステッド近くの由緒ある館「ライヴェンホール・エ
ンド」に因んで名づけられた。
註5 著者の兄ジョナサン・クリフォード＝スミスの記憶による。
註6 グレート・バードフィールドの芸術家集団は1932年から1970
まで活動、最盛期は1950年代で、他にジョージ・チャップマ
ン、オードリー・クラッダス、ジョーン・グラス、ウォルター・
ホイル、シーラ・ロビンソン、マリアンヌ・ストローブなどが参
加した。
註7 グレート・バードフィールドの作家たちについて入手可能な資
料としては、W.J. Strachan, ‘The Artists of Great Bardfield’,
The Studio, March 1958, pp 72-76; Malcolm Yorke, Edward
Bawden and his circle, Antique Collectors’ Club, 2007があ
る。
註8 ジュリア・スケーピング, ｢ドアの向こう｣, 未出版の学校の
作文, 1961年
ARTIST BIOGRAPHIES
Abbreviations:
JCPA: Japan Creative Print Association (Nihon Sōsaku Hanga Kyōkai) 1918-31
JPA: Japan Print Association (Nihon Hanga Kyōkai) 1931-present
AZECHI Umetarō 畦地梅太郎
(Japanese: 1902-99)
Born in Ehime. Began to make his own prints in 1926,
while working at the government printing office in
Tokyo, encouraged by Hiratsuka Un’ichi (1895-1997). His
work was accepted at the JCPA exhibition in 1927 and
he met Onchi whom he considered his second teacher.
He is well-known for his love of mountains, the subject
which dominates his work.
BLACK, Dorrit ブラック、ドリット
(Australian: 1891-1951)
Born in Adelaide. Studied at the South Australian School
of Arts and Crafts, then at Julian Ashton’s Sydney Art
School and later under Claude Flight at Grosvenor
School of Modern Art, London. It was here she first
experimented with colour linocut printing, inspired by
Flight’s rhythmic, Cubo-futurist prints from the late 1920s.
BRANGWYN, Frank ブラングィン、フランク
(English: 1867-1956)
Born in Belgium. The first living artist to have a
retrospective at the British Royal Academy. During the
1910 Anglo-Japanese Exposition, London, at which
he was a committee member, he met Urushibara
Yoshijirō and later collaborated with him. In 1916 he met
Matsukata Kōjirō in London and began assisting him
with art collecting. Worked in various media including
painting, prints (woodcut, lithograph and etching),
poster design, mural, craft and furniture design.
CAZNEAUX, Harold カズノー、ハロルド
(New Zealander/Australian: 1878-1953)
Born in Wellington, moved to Melbourne in 1886 and
Sydney in 1904. Worked as the official photographer for
The Home magazine 1920-41, documenting Australian
society, art, architecture, fashion and interior design.
Photographed Sadler’s Warrawee residence, ‘Rivenhall’,
in 1926 for The Home. Renowned for his pictorialism and
modernist employment of light, geometric angles and
industrial, urbanised subject matter.
CORINTH, Lovis コリンス、ロヴィス
(German: 1858-1925)
Born in Prussia, studied in Königsberg and worked in
Munich, Paris and Berlin. Participated in the Secession
movement in Munich and Berlin. Corinth’s work is
considered to represent a transition from 19thcentury
naturalism to the Expressionist movement. His print Nude
study was exhibited at the 1911 Shirakaba exhibition.
CROMBIE, Peggy クロンビー、ペギー
(Australian: 1901-84)
Born in Melbourne. Studied at the National Gallery
Art School. Her linocuts from the 1930s, inspired by
Japanese ukiyo-e, derived their subjects from the
experiences of urban living – sombre, austere images of
inner-city terrace houses, laneways and backyards.
DALGARNO, Roy ダルガーノ、ロイ
(Australian: 1910-2001)
Born in Melbourne. Studied at the National Gallery
Art School, then under Dattilo Rubbo, and later at
East Sydney Technical College. His work depicted the
industrial working class including steelworkers and
seamen. He returned to Melbourne in 1933, joined the
Communist Party and worked as a commercial artist
and lecturer in printmaking at the University of Baroda,
India, before relocating to New Zealand.
DOW, Arthur W. ダゥ、アーサー・W
(American: 1857-1922)
Considered the most influential art educator in modern
America. Inspired by William Morris’s Arts & Crafts
movement and Japanese art, the latter was a result
of his encounter with Ernest Fenollosa at the Museum
of Fine Arts, Boston, and later Urushibara. Published
Composition: a series of exercises in art structure for
the use of students and teachers in 1899.
FEINT, Adrian フェイント、エイドリアン
(Australian: 1894-1971)
Born in Narrandera. Studied under Julian Ashton and
Elioth Gruner at the Sydney Art School. and at the
Académie Julien, Paris. Started wood engraving in
1927 after studying under Thea Proctor. Employed by
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Sydney Ure Smith’s advertising agency, Smith and
Julius, as assistant editor and illustrator, and designed
covers for Art in Australia and The Home. Member of
the Australian Ex Libris Society, produced bookplates
by commission and exhibited them internationally. After
1939 worked as a bookbinder, illustrator and painter.
FUJIMAKI Yoshio 藤牧義夫
(Japanese: 1911–c35)
Born in Gunma. Moved to Tokyo in 1927 and began
making prints from 1929. First exhibited his prints in 1931
at the JPA. Had to support his family from the age
of sixteen. Produced prints and drawings of the
‘street-level views’ of the city. Suffered from TB and
disappeared in 1935, presumed dead.
FUJIMORI Shizuo 藤森静雄
(Japanese: 1891-1943)
Born in Fukuoka. Entered the White Horse Society art
school in 1910 where he met Tanaka Kyōkichi (18921915) and Onchi. Together they published Tsukuhae
(1914-15), a magazine of poetry and prints with a strong
Expressionist tone. In his later works these distorted
figures imbued with a feeling of solitude gave way to
serene landscapes.
FUJINAMI Tsutomu フジナミツトム
(Japanese: dates unknown)
During the 1950s commissioned by Percy Neville
Barnett to produce Ex Libris bookplates for Harrie
Percival Mortlock, a partner in Barnett’s printing firm,
Beacon Press and associate Arnold Hirst.
FUKUI Ichirō 福井市郎
(Japanese: 1893-1966)
Born in Nara. Moved to Ashiya (near Kobe) in 1912 and
began exhibiting prints at the JCPA in 1921. Went to
France in 1925 and studied etching and colour aquatint.
HAEFLIGER, Paul ヘイフリガー、ポール
(German /Swiss: 1914-82)
Born in Frankfurt, Germany. Studied at Julian Ashton’s
Sydney Art School and printmaking under Thea Proctor
and later Adelaide Perry. In 1932 travelled to Southeast
Asia and Japan. Produced colour woodcut prints and
Ex Libris bookplates in the Japanese manner during the
early 1930s.
HECKEL, Erich ヘッケル、エリッヒ
(German: 1883-1970)
One of the founders of the Expressionist group Die
Brücke (The Bridge) with Kirchner and Pechstein.
Prolific in woodcut, he exploited the bold and textual
effects of the medium. His work was included in the
1914 Der Sturm exhibition in Tokyo.
HENMI Takashi 逸見享
(Japanese: 1895-1944)
Born in Wakayama. Inspired by a posthumous exhibition
by Tanaka Kyōkichi (see entry on Fujimori), began
134
making prints. Two prints were accepted at the first
exhibition of the JCPA in 1919.
INAGAKI Tomoo 稲垣知雄
(Japanese: 1902-80)
Born in Tokyo. Began printmaking in 1923. First exhibited
at the sixth annual JCPA exhibition in 1924, and became
acquainted with Onchi. Exhibited internationally after
WWII.
JOHN, Augustus ジョン、オーガスタス
(British: 1878-1961)
Reputed to be one of the most accomplished
draughtsmen in England in his time. Bernard Leach
greatly admired John, and contributed an essay on him
in Shirakaba and showed a drawing in his possession at
the group’s exhibitions.
KAWAKAMI Sumio 川上澄生
(Japanese: 1895-1972)
Born in Yokohama. In 1917 travelled to Canada, Seattle
and Alaska. Produced a number of picture books
featuring prints, and played a seminal role in the
development of the regional print movement.The poetry
and exoticism of his prints inspired the young Munakata
Shikō (1903-75) to become a printmaker.
KAWANISHI Hide 川西英
(Japanese: 1894-1965)
Born in Kobe. A self-taught artist he produced his first
print in 1912 and commenced exhibiting from 1922.
A prolific artist, he created some 1300 works. Like
Kawakami, his main themes were chic urban scenes
and the cosmopolitan modernity of the port Kobe, his
hometown.
KAWASE Hasui 川瀬巴水
(Japanese: 1883-1957)
Born in Tokyo. Studied nihonga (Japanese-style
painting) first, then oil painting, returning to nihonga
to study under Kaburagi Kiyokata. He exhibited prints
and worked as a designer and illustrator including for
Watanabe Shōzaburō (1885-1962), the publisher of New
Prints.
KIRCHNER, Ernst Ludwig キルヒナー、エルンスト
(German: 1880-1938)
Founded the Expressionist group Die Brücke with Max
Pechstein and others. Work inspired by the Jugendstil
movement, Edvard Munch and Vincent van Gogh.
He produced woodcuts for the magazine Der Sturm,
and three of his works were included in the Der Sturm
exhibition in Tokyo in 1914.
KITAZAWA Shūji 北沢収治
(Japanese: 1890-1960)
Born in Nagano. Exhibited woodcuts at the JCPA as
Moriyama Shōji 1919-28, and then as Kitazawa Shōji
after 1929. Studied lithography and etching, worked as a
school-teacher, and exhibited paintings and prints.
KLINGER, Max クリンガー、マックス
(German: 1857-1920)
Born in Leipzig. His work inspired European artists
such as Käthe Kollwitz, Edvard Munch, and Giorgio De
Chirico, and in Japan the members of the Shirakaba
magazine, who dedicated the May 1911 issue to him.
KOLLWITZ, Käthe コルヴィツ、ケーテ
(German: 1867-1945)
Studied in Berlin and Munich. Became a strong
advocate for victims of social injustice and war after
seeing the conditions of the urban poor in a workingclass section of Berlin where her husband worked as
doctor. Her compelling graphic images had enormous
influence on modernist artists around the world
including Australia, Japan and China.
KURITA Yū 栗田雄
(Japanese: 1895-1961)
Born in Shizuoka. Studied painting, and began exhibiting
prints at the JCPA in 1920. Travelled to Europe 1930-31,
and concentrated on painting after his return to Japan.
LEACH, Bernard リーチ、バーナード
(British: 1887-1979)
Born in Hong Kong, lived in Asia till 1897. Returned
to Tokyo in 1909 with an etching press and became
involved in Japan’s emerging anti-academic art
movements and began a lifelong association with the
Shirakaba group. Began making pottery in 1911 and
returned to Britain to become an influential AngloJapanese style studio potter. In 1940 published A
potter’s book, the first manual of studio pottery, which
became a bible to many potters in the English-speaking
world. Visited New Zealand and Australia in 1962.
LINDSAY, Sir Lionel Arthur リンジー、ライオネル
(Australian: 1874-1961)
Born in Creswick, Victoria. Illustrator, engraver, critic
and author. Studied at Melbourne’s National Gallery Art
School. After returning from Europe in 1902, worked as
a cartoonist and illustrator for the Bulletin. Exhibited in
Australia and London. Produced highly skilled ‘white-line’
wood engravings and etchings that featured subject
matter including birds, flora and animals.
LIUBARSKY, Pavel Vasilevich リュバルスキー、パヴェル
(Russian: 1891-1968)
Born in Khabarovsk. Studied art in Moscow and formed
the Futurist group Green Cat (Zelenaia Koshka). Moved
to Vladivostok in 1922 then back to Moscow in 1928.
MAEKAWA Senpan 前川千帆
(Japanese: 1888-1960)
Born in Kyoto. In 1911 began working as an illustrator
for the Tokyo Puck, and became established as a
cartoonist. Began exhibiting prints at the first JCPA
exhibition in 1919 and became one of the most popular
print artists of ‘folk’ scenes.
MASEREEL, Frans マゼリール、フランス
(Belgian: 1889-1972)
Graphic artist and illustrator. Travelled to England and
Germany in 1909 then lived in Paris for four years before
immigrating to Switzerland. Created socio-political
‘image novels’ in the 1920s, which inspired artists such
as Lynd Ward and Ono Tadashige.
MUNCH, Edvard ムンク、エドヴァルド
(Norwegian: 1863-1944)
One of the most influential Expressionist artists. Worked
in Paris from 1889, where he was exposed to artists
such as van Gogh, Gauguin and Lautrec. Returned to
Norway in 1910 where he remained until his death. His
iconic images had a strong impact on many modern
Japanese artists
NAGARE Shirō 永礼資朗（孝二）
(NAGARE Takaji/Kōji)
(Japanese: 1901-75)
Born in Okayama. Went to Tokyo in 1919 to study
painting, but turned to woodcut. Produced a small
magazine with other artists and held his first solo
exhibition at Okayama Prefectural Library in 1930.
Showed prints at the JPA exhibition 1932-44. Often
signed and/or submitted prints under various names.
NATORI Shunsen 名取春仙
(Japanese: 1886-1960)
Born in Tokyo. Studied nihonga and in 1919 turned
his attention to theatrical subjects. From 1917 he
collaborated with Watanabe Shōzaburō to design actor
prints, one of the three major subjects of the traditional
ukiyo-e, (the others being portraits of women and birdand-flower prints).
NICHOLSON, Sir William ニコルソン、ウイリアム卿
(British: 1872-1949)
Studied in Britain, then in Paris, where he met James
Pryde with whom he formed the Beggarstaff Brothers,
a partnership producing commercial graphic art in
Japonisme/Les Nabis style. He had an enormous
influence on early Japanese modernist artists.
ODA Kazuma 織田一磨
(Japanese: 1882-1956)
Born in Tokyo. Studied lithography and painting. In
1907, whilst working as a commercial lithographer, he
joined Yamamoto Kanae (1882-1946) and others in
the publication of the magazine Hōsun (ßquare inch),
Japan’s first literary/creative print magazine. He was
one of the founding members of JCPA in 1918 and is
also known for his interest in and study of ukiyo-e prints.
OHARA Shōson 小原祥邨
(Japanese: 1877-1945)
Born in Kanazawa. Studied Japanese-style painting and
designed prints for export for the publisher Matsuki
Heikichi under the name Koson (古邨) during the first
decade of the 20th century. Changed name to Shōson
135
in 1912 and concentrated on painting. Resumed print
design in 1926, working for various publishers including
Watanabe Shōzaburō.
ōHASHI Kōkichi 大橋孝吉
(Japanese: 1898-1984)
Born in Kyoto. Studied Japanese-style painting in Kyoto
and later, oil painting in Tokyo. Travelled to Europe 192427. Founding member of Kokugakai (National Painting
Association) in 1928. Published books on ancient art of
Greece and Egypt.
ONCHI Kōshirō 恩地孝四郎
(Japanese: 1891-1955)
Born in Tokyo. Considered the most important artist
in the history of modern Japanese prints. The young
Onchi admired the poetic charm of Takehisa Yumeji’s
work and frequented Takehisa’s home in the early
1910s with Fujimori and Tanaka Kyōkichi. In 1914 they
began publishing Tsukuhae, the magazine of prints and
poetry. In 1915 Onchi produced Bright hours, which is
considered the first completely abstract image by a
Japanese artist. A highly respected and influential leader
of the Modernist print movement, Onchi worked both in
figurative and abstract styles.
ONO Tadashige 小野忠重
(Japanese: 1909-90)
Born in Tokyo. Interested in avant-garde theatre from
an early age and became involved in stage design,
playwriting and acting. Inspired by Maurice de Vlaminck’s
prints in 1925. Became active in the proletarian art
movements, education and promotion of printmaking
for the working masses. Committed to telling the story
of modern Japanese printmaking and helped lay the
foundation for the history of modern Japanese prints.
PALMER, Ethleenパーマー、エスリーン
(South African: 1906-58)
Born in Johannesburg, South Africa. Lived in France and
England before arriving in Sydney in 1921. Studied at the
East Sydney Technical College under sculptor Rayner
Hoff from 1924-27. Exhibited her first linocuts at the
Society of Arts and Crafts in 1933. Was nicknamed ‘An
Australian Hokusai’ for her skill in brilliant colours and
gradation in the manner of Hokusai and Hiroshige.
PECHSTEIN, Max ペヒシュテイン、マックス
(German: 1881-1955)
Studied in Dresden and in 1906 became a member of Die
Brücke, a group of artists dedicated to creating a new
form of artistic expression –a bridge between the past and
present. Founded the Neue Sezession (New Secession) in
Berlin in 1910. Three of his Expressionist/Fauvist works were
exhibited in the Der Sturm print exhibition in Tokyo in 1914.
PERRY, Adelaide ペリー、アデレード
(Australian: 1891-1973)
Born in Beechworth. Influential artist, printmaker and
teacher. Studied under Bernard Hall and Frederick
136
McCubbin at Melbourne’s National Gallery Art School,
1914-18. Went to Europe in 1922 and enrolled at the Royal
Academy of Arts, London, returning to Sydney in 1925.
Taught printmaking at Julian Ashton’s Sydney Art School
1927-30 with Henry Gibbons and Thea Proctor. Students
included Paul Haefliger, Vera Blackburn and Eric Thake.
PRESTON, Margaretプレストン、マーガレット
(Australian: 1875-1963)
Born in Port Adelaide. Painter, printmaker, ceramicist and
writer. Trained at Melbourne’s National Gallery Art School
under Frederick McCubbin and Bernard Hall, then at the
School of Design, Painting and Technical Arts, Adelaide.
Lived in Germany and in France from 1904-07, then in Paris
and London from 1912-19. While in Paris Preston frequently
visited the Museé Guimet, studying its collection of Chinese
painting and Japanese ukiyo-e prints. Embraced ukiyo-e
elements in her investigation of modernist principles of
colour, line, decoration and design.
PROCTOR, Thea プロクター、シア
(Australian: 1879-1966)
Born in Armidale, NSW. Artist, printmaker and interior
designer. Trained at Julian Ashton’s Sydney Art School,
and in London where she was inspired by ukiyo-e prints,
the drawings of Ingres and the Ballet Russe. First exhibited
woodcut prints with Preston and Lionel Lindsay in 1923.
Taught at the Sydney Art School with Adelaide Perry.
Produced front covers for The Home, wrote on fashion and
interior decoration, and designed modern furniture during
the 1920s and 30s. Participated in the Burdekin House
Exhibition of Antique and Modern Furniture in October 1929.
PYE, Mabel パイ、メーベル
(Australian: 1894-1982)
Born in Melbourne. Trained under Bernard Hall at
Melbourne’s National Gallery Art School with fellow
students, Napier Waller, Adelaide Perry and Ethel Spowers.
Her linocuts depicting the Australian landscape show the
influence of ukiyo-e in their colour and composition.
SPOWERS, Ethel スパウアース、エセル
(Australian: 1890-1947)
Born in Melbourne. Studied art briefly in Paris then at
the National Gallery Art School, Melbourne. Travelled
to Europe 1921-24 working and studying in London and
Paris. Her solo exhibition in Sydney in 1926 was opened
by Sadler. Returned to Europe 1928-29 and trained
under Claude Flight, a strong advocate of linocut and
known for his Futurist curvilinear composition. Spowers
promoted Flight’s work and ideas in Australia.
SYME, Eveline サイム、イヴリン
(English: 1888-1961)
Born in Surrey, England. Spent her childhood in
Melbourne. Obtained her BA at Cambridge, a Diploma of
Education at the University of Melbourne and later, an MA
at Cambridge. Studied in France 1921-24 under Maurice
Denis. Undertook further studies in Europe 1928-30,
then in London under Claude Flight. Experimented with
‘dynamic symmetry’ and the ‘golden section’. Published an
article on Flight’s teachings in the Recorder (1929).
TAKEHISA Yumeji 竹久夢二
(Japanese: 1884-1934)
Born in Okayama. Achieved great success with his
illustrations published in 1909. Considered the first
modern commercial designer. His products – from
women’s accessories and stationery as well as
illustrations – are considered representative of the
culture of the Taishō era (1912-26).
TANINAKA Yasunori 谷中安規
(Japanese: 1897-1946)
Born in Nara. Family moved to Seoul in 1904. Moved to
Tokyo to go to high school in 1915. Self-taught printmaker
and from the 1920s became known for his grotesque but
compelling images of the modern city and its mysteries.
Particularly inspired by The Cabinet of Dr Caligari (Dir.
Robert Weine, 1919), a German Expressionist silent film
that was first screened in Japan in 1921.
URUSHIBARA Yoshijirō/Mokuchū 漆原由次郎(木虫)
(Japanese: 1888-1953)
Born in Tokyo. Trained in woodblock cutting and
printing. Went to Europe (c1908) and demonstrated
woodblock printing techniques at the British-Japanese
Exposition of 1910. Worked for the British Museum as
a woodblock print technician and as a scroll mounter
till 1919. Began working with Frank Brangwyn, creating
prints from Brangwyn’s designs till he returned to Japan
in 1941. Taught and worked with many European and
American artists including Arthur Wesley Dow.
Utagawa HIROSHIGE 歌川/安藤 広重
(Japanese: 1797-1858)
Edo (Tokyo) artist of the Utagawa school of ukiyo-e.
Born as a son of a lower-ranking samurai in the service
of the Tokugawa Shogun. Studied ukiyo-e under
Utagawa Toyohiro and became known for his landscape
prints of famous places, the first being the Fifty-three
Stations of Tokaidō Highway published by Hoeidō
c1833-34. Excelled in bird-and-flower prints with his
dynamic and innovative compositions.
Utagawa KUNIAKI II 歌川国明
(Japanese: 1835-88)
Edo (Tokyo) artist of the Utagawa school of ukiyo-e.
Pupil of Utagawa Kunisada and brother of Kuniaki I,
Kuniaki produced images of modern Tokyo as well as
traditional kabuki actors and sumō wrestlers.
Utagawa KUNISADA / TOYOKUNI III 歌川国貞/三代豊国
(Japanese: 1786-1865)
Edo (Tokyo) artist of the Utagawa school of ukiyo-e.
Pupil of Utagawa Toyokuni I (1769-1825) and the most
prolific and commercially successful ukiyo-e artist.
Excelled in depicting kabuki actors and beautiful women.
When Toyokuni died, he succeeded his master and took
his name and is now known as Toyokuni III.
Utagawa KUNISADA II 二代歌川国貞
(Japanese: 1823-80)
Edo (Tokyo) artist of the Utagawa school of ukiyo-e.
Pupil and son-in-law of Kunisada I. He designed prints
and book illustrations in the style of Kunisada.
VALLOTTON, Félix ヴァロットン、フェリックス
(Swiss/French: 1865-1925)
Born in Lausanne. Studied and worked in Paris. His
woodcuts show the influence of Post-Impressionism,
Symbolism and Japonisme as well as the classical masters
he admired – Holbein, Dürer and Ingres. His work, in turn,
influenced later artists, particularly the Expressionists. His
works were greatly admired by the Shirakaba group, and
16 original prints were shown at their first exhibition in 1911.
WARD, Lynd ワード、リンド
(American: 1905-85)
Born in Chicago. Studied art in New York and then at the
National Academy of Graphic Arts in Leipzig, Germany,
where he encountered Franz Masereel’s book, telling a
story by way of a series of woodcuts. Ward produced a
number of ‘novels in woodcuts’ and illustrations.
WEITZEL, Frank ウイゼル、フランク
(New Zealander: 1905-32)
Born in Levin, New Zealand. Printmaker, decorative
artist and sculptor. Studied at the California School of
Fine Arts, the Students’ League, New York, and the
Munich Academy before arriving in Sydney in 1928.
Participated with Henry Pynor in the Burdekin House
Exhibition of Antique and Modern Furniture in 1929,
designing a gentleman’s study in the Bauhaus style.
Exhibited linocuts in London with Claude Flight, Jacob
Epstein and Paul Nash 1930-31.
YAMAGISHI Kazue 山岸主計
(Japanese: 1893-1966)
Born in Nagano. While professionally trained in
woodblock carving, Yamagishi studied oil painting and
sculpture at a private art school. Carved blocks for a
number of modernist artists including Tanaka Kyōkichi
(posthumously publishing his illustrations for poems
Howling at the moon by Hagiwara Sakutarō, 1917) and
Takehisa Yumeji. Sent by the Japanese government
to the US and Europe 1926-1929 to demonstrate
woodblock techniques. Also produced his own prints.
YAMAGUCHI Susumu 山口進
(Japanese: 1897-1983)
Born in Nagano. Went to Tokyo to study art in 1920.
Worked at a high school (non-teaching staff) and began
printmaking, first exhibiting at the second JCPA in 1920.
Founding member of JPA in 1931.
137
CATALOGUE OF WORKS
This exhibition is divided into the following five sections:
PROFESSOR Sadler
Australian modernist prints
Bookplates – European, Australian, Japanese
European modernism in prints
Japanese modernism and its inspirations
Unless otherwise stated all University Art Collection works are:
Purchased with funds from the Dr M J Morrissey Bequest in memory of Professor A L Sadler
All University collection works are photographed by and © Michael Myers
All measurements are given in centimetres, height x width x depth.
* indicates works that are reproduced in this catalogue
PROFESSOR SADLER
*1. Harold CAZNEAUX ハロルド・カズノー (1878-1953)
(Sadler’s album) 1926
サドラー写真アルバム
gelatin silver prints, album: 28 x 25 x 2.5cm
Private collection
In 1926 Cazneaux photographed Sadler’s Warrawee
residence, ‘Rivenhall’, for The Home journal. These
photographs included interior and exterior views of the
house, the garden with the Sukiya (outdoor tea-hut) and
Roji (tea-house garden), and photographs of Sadler and
his wife, Eva.
n
substituted for Sadler when he took study leave from
the University.
*4. Ishinomaki in the snow: Collection of scenic views of
Japan, eastern Japan edition 1935
日本風景集東日本篇　石巻の暮雪
colour woodcut, 23.6 x 35.3cm
University Art Collection UA1986.30
© Estate of the artist
Skilfully produced prints depicting contemporary
‘famous places’ with blossoms, rain and snow were
popular exports, particularly in the interwar years. This
print belonged to Dr M J Morrissey, Sadler’s former
student, who bequeathed his collection, as well as a
large purchase fund, to the University in 1984.
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*2. Paul HAEFLIGER (模刻)ポール・ヘイフリガー(1914-82)
after Tōshushai Sharaku (active 1749-95) 東洲斎写楽
Ebizō Ichikawa (Danjurō Ichikawa V) as Takemura
Jōnoshin in Koi-nyōbō Somewake Tazuna 1794
市川鰕蔵(五代目市川團十郎)の「竹村定之進」『恋女房
染分手綱』
Art in Australia 『アート・イン・オーストラリア』誌4巻2号1941
年6,7,8月号
series 4, no 2 June/July/August 1941
four-colour reproduction, 23 x 14cm
Rare Books and Special Collections, The University of
Sydney RB1616.5
© Estate of Paul Haefliger
Haefliger re-cut and reproduced Tōshushai Sharaku’s
actor print to accompany Sadler’s essay on ‘The
Japanese Print’ in Art in Australia. Haefliger has
captured Sharaku’s dramatic mask-like pose, calligraphic
line and vivid bands of colour.
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6. Jug 1953
ジャグ
stoneware with nuku rich hull ash glaze, 22 x 16cm
Collection Freeland Gallery
In 1952 Leach was joined by Yanagi Sōetsu and
Hamada Shōji on an extensive lecture trip to the USA
an followed them to Japan where he stayed till 1954,
visiting kilns and making pottery. This is believed to be
one of the objects he made during this time.
KAWASE Hasui 川瀬巴水 (1883-1957)
3. Uchiyamashita, Okayama: Selection of scenes of
Japan 1923
日本風景撰集　岡山　内山下
colour woodcut, 28.3 x 20.5cm
Donated by Miss Lake 1959. Transferred from Sydney
College of Advanced Education 1990
University Art Collection UA1990.729
© Estate of the artist
This print, along with a number of others in this
section, was donated by Margaret E. Lake who
*7. NATORI Shunsen 名取春仙 (1886-1960)
The actor Ichimura Uzaemon XV as Iriya Naozamurai
1925
十五世市村羽左衛門の入谷の直侍
colour woodcut with mica, 38.2 x 26.3cm
Donated by Miss Lake 1959. Transferred from Sydney
College of Advanced Education 1990
University Art Collection UA1990.732
© Natori Yoshiko
The ‘large head’ portrait of actors was developed by
the late 18th century ukiyo-e artist Sharaku, whose work
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Bernard LEACH バーナード・リーチ (1887-1979)
5. Set of five dishes with plant motif c1952-56
皿五点
stoneware with iron oxide brush decoration and clear
glaze, 3.8cm, diameter 12cm each
Collection Freeland Gallery
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was admired by many Western artists. Natori continued
the format in a series of modern actor prints.
*8. ODA Kazuma 織田一磨 (1882-1956)
The Great Matsue Bridge from the series Scenes of
north-western Japan 1924
山陰風景より松江大橋
colour woodcut, 23.4 x 36.4cm
Donated by Miss Lake 1959. Transferred from Sydney
College of Advanced Education 1990
University Art Collection UA1990.731
© Estate of the artist
Although later modernist printmakers often spoke
against ukiyo-e due to the lack of control it afforded
over the production process, early modernists, such as
Oda Kazuma eagerly studied it and incorporated aspects
of it into their work. This print follows the traditional
‘famous places’ theme, however its modernism is
apparent in the free-hand technique used, compared
with works by Kawase Hasui or Ohara Shōson in
which the designs were carefully reproduced by the
blockcutter and printer.
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*9. OHARA Shōson 小原祥邨 (1877-1945)
Two women in snow 1927
雪の二美人
colour woodcut, 36 x 23.3cm
Publisher: WATANABE Shōzaburō (1885-1962)
University Art Collection UA1986.33
© Estate of the artist
This print was in Dr M J Morrissey’s private collection.
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12. UNKNOWN 江戸時代19世紀
Japanese tobacco brazier 19th century
たばこ盆
wood and brass, 21 x 27 x 27cm
Private collection
This brazier was owned by Sadler and exhibited in
Sydney Ure Smith’s Burdekin House Exhibition of
Antique and Modern Furniture in Macquarie Street
(October 1929). Sadler designed two rooms, including
an ‘Oriental room’ in which the brazier was displayed.
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13. Utagawa HIROSHIGE 歌川/安藤 広重 (1797-1858)
Bird perched on a flowering cherry blossom branch
1820-40
(桜枝に鳥図)
colour woodcut, 33.8 x 11.1cm
Donated by The Honourable Roderick Meagher 2008
University Art Collection UA2008.20
This upside-down bird on a branch is an example of the
free and innovative compositions by Hiroshige whose
designs were much admired by European artists of the
late 19th and early 20th century.
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*14. Utagawa KUNIAKI II 歌川国明 (1835-88)
The opening ceremony of Gakushōin, The Peers School
at Nishiki-chō 1877
学習院開校の図
colour woodcut, triptych
overall image 37 x 76.7cm
Publisher: HASEGAWA Chōbee
University Art Collection UA1994.48.a-c
This triptych depicts the opening ceremony of the
Peers School, established to educate both male and
female children of the Imperial family, members of the
court and the domain lords of the previous Edo period. It
offered a liberal education aimed at fostering the future
leaders of Japan. Sadler taught English at this school
from 1919-22.
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10. Margaret PRESTON マーガレット・プレストン (18751963)
Circular Quay 1925
サーキュラー・キー(『ザ・ホーム』誌表紙)
(front cover design, published in The Home Easter
Pictorial, ‘Australia Beautiful: Sydney Number’, Sydney
1928)
two-colour woodcut reproduction, image 10 x 10cm;
journal (closed) 28 x 22.5cm
Private collection
*11. Arthur Lindsay SADLERアーサー・リンジー・サドラー
(1882-1970)
A Short History of Japanese Architecture 1941
『日本建築小史』
First Edition 1941, Angus and Robertson, Sydney,
London
Rare Books and Special Collections, The University of
Sydney RB537.75
© Photo: Michael Myers
Sadler published extensively on Japanese history,
literature, art and culture. This book chronicles the
history of Japanese architecture from 660 BC until the
end of the Edo period in 1860.
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*15. Utagawa KUNISADA / TOYOKUNI III 歌川国貞/三
代豊国 (1786-1865)
Fan 1830–50
団扇
woodcut and bamboo, 43.5 x 23.5 x 1.7cm
Donated by Dr Marsden and Mrs Lesley Hordern 2008
University Art Collection UA2008.33
This fan, owned by Sadler, was donated to the
University by his former student Dr Marsden Hordern.
During the Edo period fan-shaped prints were sold to be
cut and pasted onto fans. As they were actually used,
these fans are not commonly found.
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Utagawa KUNISADA II 二代歌川国貞 (1823-80)
16. Usumurasaki uji no akebono 1852
『薄紫宇治の曙』
colour woodcut printed book, 17 x 11.5cm
Private collection
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17. Usumurasaki uji no akebono 1855
『薄紫宇治の曙』
colour woodcut printed book, 17 x 11.5cm
Private collection
18. Muromachi Genji 1864
『室町源氏』
colour woodcut printed book, 17 x 11.5cm
Private collection
These three volumes, owned by Sadler, were written
by Ryōtei Senka (1806-68). The densely illustrated,
inexpensive books were very popular at the time.
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AUSTRALIAN MODERNIST PRINTS
Dorrit BLACKドリット・ブラック (1891-1951)
*19. Music (1927)
ミュージック
colour linocut, printed in colour from five blocks on thin
cream laid tissue, 24.1 x 21.3cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1976
Photo: © Diana Panuccio
Music was inspired by a jazz performance at the
London Dominion Arts Club. Black studied colour linocut
printing under Claude Flight at the Grosvenor School
of Modern Art and adopted his rhythmic patterning,
stylisation of natural forms, flat dramatic colour and bold
black outlines, all features reminiscent of ukiyo-e.
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20. Nocturne, Wynyard Square 1932
*ノクターン、ウィンヤード広場
linocut, printed in black ink on thin ivory mulberry laid
paper, 22.6 x 15cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1976
*21. Peggy CROMBIE ペギー・クロンビー (1901-84)
Washing, St. James roof 1925
屋根の洗濯物、セント・ジェームス
linocut, printed in colour, from multiple blocks, 23 x
14.4cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
Purchased 1984
© Courtesy of the artist’s estate
*22. Roy DALGARNO ロイ・ダルガーノ (1910-2001)
Greeting card: Seaman c1933
船員
woodcut, printed in black ink, from one block, 10.6 x
7.6cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
Purchased 1973
© Estate of Roy Dalgarno
Produced during Dalgarno’s time in Sydney (1932-34),
this print highlights the economic plight experienced
by the industrial working class during the 1930s. Like
Weitzel and Ono Tadashige, Dalgarno’s woodcuts
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140
were politically engaged and responded to the socioeconomic effects of the Depression years.
23. Adrian FEINT エイドリアン・フェイント (1894-1971)
The goddess and the aspidistra (1934)
女神と葉蘭
wood engraving, printed in black ink on cream Japanese
(kozo) paper, 20.5 x 17.9cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1987
*24. Paul HAEFLIGER ポール・ヘイフリガー (1914-82)
Not titled (self-portrait) 1932
(自画像)
woodcut, printed in black ink, from one block, 25.1 x 20cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
Gift of the artist 1978
© Estate of Paul Haefliger
Created prior to his departure for Japan, this print is
an idealised rendition of the artist, pipe in mouth and
paintbrush in hand at work in an archetypal European
studio. The woodcut echoes Sharaku’s distinctive trait
for dramatic poses. Of Sharaku, Haefliger wrote: “What
concentration he had to be able to seize the essentials
and, with an unerring line, trace the sentiments of a
moment.”
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Lionel Arthur LINDSAY ライオネル・リンジー (1874-1961)
25. Faun date unknown
フォーン(半人半獣)
etching on paper, 14 x 87cm
Purchased with funds from Professor E G Waterhouse.
Transferred from Sydney College of Advanced
Education 1990
University Art Collection UA1990.309
26. Heysen’s birds c1923
七面鳥
wood engraving on paper, 14.5 x 15.3cm
Donated by students of the Sydney Teachers’ College.
Transferred from Sydney College of Advanced
Education 1990
University Art Collection UA1990.538
*27. Pheasant and magnolias 1925
雉と木蓮
wood engraving on paper, 19.3 x 14.7cm
Donated by the estate of Nell McKenzie 2000
University Art Collection UA2000.124
© National Library of Australia
Lindsay was one of Australia’s most prolific wood
engravers. This work was influenced by the traditions of
kachōga (‘bird-and-flower pictures’). The high degree of
realism is credited to Lindsay’s proficiency in calligraphy
and compositional skills in the Japoniste manner. In A
Book of Woodcuts (1922), he stated that he “aimed for
that brilliance in the juxtaposition of white and black,
which is one of the distinctive charms of the cut.”
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*28. Flowers c1925
花
wood engraving on paper, 12.5 x 9.5cm
Donated by the estate of Nell McKenzie 2000
University Art Collection UA2000.125
© National Library of Australia
Ethleen PALMER エスリーン・パーマー (1906-58)
29. Farrell’s shed, Newport 1935
ニューポートのファレルズ・シェッド
linocut, printed in colour, from multiple blocks, 19 x
29.3cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
Purchased 1976
*30. Kookaburra 1936
ワライカワセミ
linocut, printed in colour, from multiple blocks, 19.3 x
22.8cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
Purchased 1977
© Estate of Ethleen Palmer
Celebrated as the ‘Australian Hokusai’, Palmer created
linocuts in the Japanese manner, primarily inspired by
Hiroshige, Hokusai and Ohara Shōson. Fascinated by
Australia’s fauna, this print reveals Palmer’s affinity with
kachōga. Her work is characterised by a delicate style
which combined graphic linearity, experimentation in
colour graduations and multiple impressions.
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Adelaide PERRY アデレード・ペリー (1891-1973)
*31. The Bridge, October 1929 (1930)
ハーバーブリッジ1929年10月
linocut, printed in black ink on thin ivory laid paper, 32.8
x 44.4cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Gift of George Soutter and John Yu 2008
© Estate of Adelaide Perry
*32. Model in armchair c1930
肘掛け椅子のモデル
linocut, printed in black ink, from one block, 25.2 x
18.2cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
Gift of John Brackenreg 1978
© Estate of Adelaide Perry
Margaret PRESTON マーガレット・プレストン (1875-1963)
*33. Harbour foreshore 1925
シドニー湾沿岸
woodcut, printed in black ink, hand coloured with
gouache on thin cream laid tissue,
24.7 x 18.7cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Gift of Mrs Alison Brown 1968
© Margaret Preston/Licensed by Viscopy, 2011
Photo: © Diana Panuccio
Harbour foreshore highlights Preston’s fascination
with the ukiyo-e aesthetic and expresses her modernist
interpretation of the urbanised city. Preston contributed
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to the interest in Japonisme during the 1920s in Sydney
and promoted its application in Australian design.
34. Nude 2 c1925
裸婦2
woodcut, printed in black ink on thin ivory tissue, 12.7 x
12.8cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1984
35. Banksia Cobs c1933
バンクシアの種
woodcut, printed in black ink, 45.2 x 44cm
Donated by the artist 1933
University Art Collection UA1933.1
Thea PROCTOR シア・プロクター (1879-1966)
*36. Frangipanni 1928
フランジパーニ
woodcut, printed in black ink, from one block, 27.1 x
20cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
Purchased 1973
© AGNSW
Proctor was a collector of ukiyo-e prints, postcards,
ceramics and textiles. This print displays Proctor’s
penchant for Japanese ceramics and her refined
woodcarving skills. The composition is reminiscent
of kachōga with its floral subject matter, delicate
decoration and linear patterning.
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*37. Summer (1930)
夏
woodcut, printed in black ink, hand-coloured on thin
ivory mulberry paper, 17.5 x 22.8cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1965
© AGNSW
Photo: © Ray Woodbury
*38. Mabel PYE メーベル・パイ (1894-1982)
The mountain c1930s
山並み
colour linocut on cream laid paper, 17.1 x 21.7cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Gift of Dr Robin Sharwood 1975
© Estate of Mabel Pye
Photo: © Jenni Carter
*39. Ethel SPOWERS エセル・スパウアース (1890-1947)
Wet afternoon 1929–30
雨の午後
linocut, printed from four blocks on thin ivory laid tissue,
23.9 x 20.2cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1968
Photo: © Ray Woodbury
Under Claude Flight’s tuition at the Grosvenor School
of Modern Art, Spowers’ linocut prints became highly
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141
decorative and dramatically rhythmic. Illustrating the
popular ukiyo-e motif of the umbrella, Wet afternoon
celebrates overlapping rhythms, bold outlines and
vibrant flat colours.
*40. Eveline SYME イヴリン・サイム (1888-1961)
The Yarra at Warrandyte 1931
ヤラ川、ワレンダイト
linocut, printed in colour, from four blocks (yellow ochre,
cobalt green, viridian, raw umber),
21.9 x 15.4cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
Purchased 1977
© Estate of Eveline Syme
With its subject matter, elevated perspective, flat
surfaces of colour and natural rhythms, this print recalls
the ukiyo-e prints of Hiroshige.
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*41. Frank WEITZEL フランク・ウイゼル (1905-32)
Deserted street c1930
人気のない通り
linocut, printed in black ink, from one block, 27.4 x
27.6cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
Purchased 1979
Weitzel’s linocuts depict the desolate working-class
streets of Sydney during the Depression years.
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BOOKPLATES – EUROPEAN, AUSTRALIAN &
JAPANESE
42. Percy Neville BARNETT パーシー・ネヴィル・バネット
(1881-1953)
Australian book-plates and book-plates of interest to
Australia 1950
『オーストラリアの蔵書票とオーストラリアに関連のある蔵
書票』
Sydney, N.S.W: Beacon Press
Rare Books and Special Collections, The University of
Sydney RB707.1 10
44. Bookplate for Raoul Lempriere c1930
蔵書票：ラウル・レンプリエール
woodcut, 9.5 x 6.6cm
Donated by Percy Neville Barnett c1935. Transferred
from the Sydney College of Advanced Education 1990
University Art Collection UA1990.715
In 1930 this bookplate won first prize in an international
competition organised by the Los Angeles-based
Bookplate Association International. In the same year
Feint’s bookplates were exhibited in Washington DC at
the Library of Congress.
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FUJINAMI Tsutomu フジナミツトム
45. Bookplate: Harrie P. Mortlock c1930s
蔵書票：ハリー・P・モートロック
colour woodcut, 9.2 x 6.2cm
Hamilton Art Gallery – Donated by Patrick Corrigan 1981
46. Bookplate: Arnold Hirst 1930s
蔵書票：アーノルド・ハースト
colour woodcut, 9.3 x 5.1cm
Hamilton Art Gallery – Donated by Patrick Corrigan 1981
Paul HAEFLIGERポール・ヘイフリガー (1914-82)
*47. Bookplate: Ex Libris Paul Haefliger 1931-33
蔵書票：ポール・ヘイフリガー
woodcut, printed in black ink, from one block, 16.9 x 11.4cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
Gift of the artist 1978
© Estate of Paul Haefliger
As a member of the Australian Ex Libris Society,
Haefliger produced a series of bookplates in the Japanese
style after his journey to Japan in 1932. This plate depicts
a gyōji refereeing a bout between sumō wrestlers.
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*48. Bookplate: (Frontispiece) The Young King and
other Stories by Oscar Wilde 1933
蔵書票(口絵) オスカー・ワイルド著『若い王様』
woodcut, printed in colour, from multiple blocks, 15 x 10cm
Josef Lebovic Gallery
© Estate of Paul Haefliger
Image courtesy of Josef Lebovic Gallery
Haefliger produced eight woodcut plates for a 1933
edition of Wilde’s book.
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Adrian FEINT エイドリアン・フェイント (1894-1971)
43. Bookplate for Thea Proctor c1930
蔵書票：シア・プロクター
woodcut, 7.4 x 6.1cm
Donated by Percy Neville Barnett c1935. Transferred
from the Sydney College of Advanced Education 1990
University Art Collection UA1990.714
Feint studied under Proctor at Julian Ashton’s Sydney
Art School in 1926 and produced this bookplate for
her which symbolises his transition from painting to
printmaking. By 1945 Feint was one of Australia’s most
proficient bookplate artists, producing over 220 plates
for British royalty and celebrities including the Duke and
Duchess of York and Dorothea Mackellar.
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142
*49. Max KLINGER マックス・クリンガー (1857-1920)
Bookplate of Walter Giesecke 1880
蔵書票：ヴァルター・ギーセッケ
etching on paper, 12.7 x 8.7cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1981
ONCHI Kōshirō 恩地孝四郎 (1891-1955)
50. Bookplate: Ex Libris W. C. Hartnett c1940s
蔵書票：W・C・ハートネット
colour woodcut, 6.2 x 6.8cm
Private collection
51. Bookplate: Ex Libris Shibayama date unknown
蔵書票：シバヤマ
colour woodcut, 8.6 x 5.2cm
Private collection
52. Bookplate: Ex Libris N.A.K. date unknown
蔵書票：N.A.K.
colour woodcut, 8.6 x 6.5cm
Private collection
53. Bookplate: Ex Libris S.M. date unknown
蔵書票：S.M.
colour woodcut, 8.7 x 5.9cm
Private collection
54. Bookplate: Ex Libris (Window) date unknown
蔵書票：(窓)
colour woodcut, 8.7 x 6.1cm
Private collection
55. SHA (dates unknown)
Bookplate: George Perrottet 1934
蔵書票：ジョージ・ペロテット
colour woodcut, 7.4 x 8.2cm
Hamilton Art Gallery – Donated by Patrick Corrigan 1981
56. UNKNOWN Japanese 作者不詳
Bookplate: Ex Libris Barbara Constance c1930s
蔵書票：バーバラ・コンスタンス
colour woodcut, 7.5 x 6.9cm
Hamilton Art Gallery – Donated by Patrick Corrigan 1981
57. UNKNOWN Japanese 作者不詳
Bookplate: Ex Libris C. B. Berckelman c1930s
蔵書票：C・B・バーケルマン
colour woodcut, 7.3 x 5cm
Hamilton Art Gallery – Donated by Patrick Corrigan 1981
EUROPEAN MODERNISM IN PRINTS
58. Frank BRANGWYN フランク・ブラングィン (1867-1956)
Cornfield, Montreuil 1907
モントレイユのトウモロコシ畑
etching on paper, 22.1 x 35.4cm
Josef Lebovic Gallery
*59. Lovis CORINTH ロヴィス・コリンス (1858-1925)
The Kiss 1921
キス
drypoint, ink on paper, 24 x 17.8cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Bequest of W G Hess 1979
60. Arthur W. DOW アーサー・W・ダゥ (1857-1922)
Modern Art – Les Maitres de l’Affiche (front cover) 1896
『モダンアート』
book, colour lithograph, 54 x 39cm
Josef Lebovic Gallery
*61. Erich HECKEL エリッヒ・ヘッケル (1883-1970)
On the shore 1923
岸辺にて
woodcut, 41 x 26.6cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1989
© Erich Heckel/Bild-Kunst. Licensed by Viscopy, 2011
Photo: © Mim Stirling
*62. J R Witzel (1867-1924)
J Rヴィツェル
Abend (Evening) from Jugend no 7, 1897
たそがれ『ユーゲント』 7号
book (closed), 30 x 24 x 3cm
National Gallery of Australia Research Library, Canberra
Jugend (Youth: 1896-1940) was a German magazine,
based in Munich, of literature, art, design and satire. It
promoted an anti-academism (Sezession) movement
in Germany. Jugendstil, the German art nouveau
movement, was named after this magazine. Jugend,
along with other magazines such as The Studio
(London) and Pan (Berlin), served as sources of
inspiration for young Japanese artists.
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63. Augustus JOHN オーガスタス・ジョン (1878-1961)
Quincy 2 1919
クインシィ
etching on paper, 12.6 x 10.1cm
Josef Lebovic Gallery
*64. Ernst Ludwig KIRCHNER エルンスト・ルドヴィグ・キル
ヒナー (1880-1938)
Portrait of Ludwig Schames 1918
ルドヴィグ・シャームスの肖像
woodcut, 56.6 x 26.9cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1989
Photo: © Diana Panuccio
*65. Max KLINGER マックス・クリンガー (1857-1920)
Psyche on the rock, from the set Cupid and Psyche 1880
版画集＜キューピッドとプシュケ＞より《岩の上のプシュケ》
etching on paper, 25.4 x 17.5cm
Josef Lebovic Gallery
Image courtesy of Josef Lebovic Gallery
Käthe KOLLWITZ ケーテ・コルヴィツ (1867-1945)
66. The mothers 1919
母親たち
lithograph, 50.9 x 68.5cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1947
*67. Maria and Elisabeth 1928
マリアとエリザベス
woodcut, 37 x 35.0cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1989
© Käthe Kollwitz/Bild-Kunst. Licensed by Viscopy, 2011
Photo: © Mim Stirling
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68. Pavel Vasilevich LIUBARSKY パヴェル・リュバルスキ
ー (1891-1968)
Prostitutes: order of salvation (one of a series of 11
prints) c1920, reprinted 1975
＜娼婦たち＞より《救世騎士団》
linocut on paper, 13.8 x 8.7cm
Masuda Gallery
This is one of 11 works in a series which was brought to
Japan in 1920 by David Burliuk and Victor Palmov. Eight
linocut plates were found in Tokyo in 1975 by printmaker
Kiyoshi Shinagawa who made impressions to distribute to
members of the Print Collectors’ Salon (PCS) in Japan.
Gift of Orde Poynton Esq. CMG 1989
© Estate of Lynd Ward
Ward’s first ‘novel without words’ was an immediate
success and is one of the works that inspired Ono
Tadashige to produce Three generations of deaths: a
novel without words 1931.
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69. Frans MASEREEL フランス・マゼリール (1889-1972)
Businessman 1920
ビジネスマン
woodcut, 20.7 x 16.2cm
Josef Lebovic Gallery
70. Edvard MUNCH エドヴァルド・ムンク (1863-1944)
The sick girl 1896
病む少女
etching with drypoint, 13.8 x 17.8cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1987
*71. Sir William NICHOLSON ウイリアム・ニコルソン (1872-1949)
J for Jockey 1897
Jはジョッキー
hand coloured woodcut, 25.1 x 20.1cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1984
© Desmond Banks
*72. Max PECHSTEIN マックス・ペヒシュテイン (18811955)
Conversation 1910
会話
woodcut, 20.4 x 21.9cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Purchased 1956
© Max Pechstein/Bild-Kunst. Licensed by Viscopy, 2011
73. Félix VALLOTTON フェリックス・ヴァロットン (18651925)
Portrait of an Old Man c1910
老人の肖像
woodcut, 19.8 x 14.8cm
Josef Lebovic Gallery
*74. Lynd WARD リンド・ワード (1905-85)
God’s man 1929
『神の人』
New York: Jonathan Cape and Harrison Smith, 1929,
2nd printing
Illustrated book
woodcut, printed in black ink, from one block, page: 14 x
20.8cm; book: 15 x 21.2 x 8cm
National Gallery of Australia, Canberra
144
JAPANESE MODERNISM AND ITS INSPIRATIONS
*75. AZECHI Umetarō 畦地梅太郎 (1902-99)
Landscape 1929
風景
etching on paper, 11.5 x 14cm
University Art Collection UA1998.53
Azechi, a keen mountaineer, is known for his late
woodblock prints of mountain themes. This is one of his
early experimental zinc relief prints, using the zinc alloy
used for printing types, which Ono describes “imbued
[the print] with sharp and pure poetry”.
n
*76. FUJIMAKI Yoshio 藤牧義夫 (1911-c1935)
Cemetery, night 1932
墓(夜)
woodcut, 16 x 21cm
University Art Collection UA2004.10
Fujimaki made a series of prints of cemeteries,
depicting various moods. This night scene of
gravestones bathed in moonlight was paired with a
morning scene and shown at the first exhibition of
the New Print Group, a leftist artists’ group aimed at
disseminating prints among the working masses.
n
FUJIMORI Shizuo 藤森静雄 (1891-1943)
*77. Fireworks at Ryōgoku, from the series Twelve
scenes of greater Tokyo: July 1933
大東京十二景の内 七月 花火の両国(隅田川)
colour woodcut, 31.5 x 24cm
University Art Collection UA1998.70
© Fujimori Motohiko
*78. Haneda Airport in autumn, from the series Twelve
scenes of greater Tokyo: November 1934
大東京十二景の内 十一月 羽田の秋
colour woodcut, 23.8 x 31.7cm
University Art Collection UA1996.7
© Fujimori Motohiko
*79. FUKUI Ichirō 福井市郎 (1893-1966)
Poster for ‘Exposition en plein-air par Itzirō Foukoui
1924’ 1924
福井市郎野外展覧会ポスター
woodcut, 41 x 30.5cm
University Art Collection UA1996.37
© Estate of the artist
*80. HENMI Takashi 逸見享 (1895-1944)
Landscape 1925
風景
colour woodcut, 21 x 14.8cm
University Art Collection UA2005.21
© Estate of the artist
Henmi employed different styles, but this work
of desolation and alienation is a little unusual – it is
reminiscent of Tanaka’s works that inspired the artist a
decade earlier.
*88. KURITA Yū 栗田雄 (1895-1961)
Slope c1922
坂道
woodcut, 23 x 15cm
University Art Collection UA1998.55
© Estate of the artist
n
INAGAKI Tomoo 稲垣知雄 (1902-80)
*81. Evening sky 1924
落日
woodcut, 9.5 x 14.6cm
University Art Collection UA1996.28
© Estate of Inagaki Tomoo/Tanahashi Keitarō
82. Rural landscape 1926
田舎風景
woodcut, 12 x 18.4cm
University Art Collection UA1996.13
*83. Blast furnace 1926
製鉄所
woodcut, 14 .8 x 8.6cm
University Art Collection UA1996.30
© Estate of Inagaki Tomoo/Tanahashi Keitarō
*84. KAWAKAMI Sumio 川上澄生 (1895-1972)
Casino Follies 1930
カジノ・フォーリー
colour woodcut, 21 x 26cm
University Art Collection UA1998.54
© Estate of the artist
Casino Follies is named after the French theatres
which operated in Asakusa in downtown Tokyo from
1929-33 and offered light revue-style entertainment.
n
KAWANISHI Hide 川西英 (1894-1965)
*85. Miss Kobe 1931
ミス神戸
colour woodcut, 22.7 x 19cm
University Art Collection UA1996.36
© Estate of the artist
*86. Dance hall 1935
ダンスホール
colour woodcut, 16.2 x 25.5cm
University Art Collection UA2005.14
© Estate of the artist
*87. KITAZAWA Shūji 北沢収治 (1890-1960)
Landscape with hills c1930
風景
colour woodcut, 29 x 37.3cm
University Art Collection UA1996.11
Bernard LEACH バーナード・リーチ (1887-1979)
89. Tiger, tiger, burning bright 1913
ウイリアム・ブレーク詩『タイガー、タイガー』より(『白樺』表紙)
(front cover design, published in Shirakaba May 1913)
woodcut, 13.8 x 12.2cm
Private collection
The front cover features Leach’s illustration quoting
the first lines of William Blake’s poem ‘Tiger, tiger’.
Leach introduced Blake’s work to Yanagi Muneyoshi,
a philosophy student of the Shirakaba group, who
published a biography of Blake in 1914.
n
90. (Landscape) 1918
風景(『白樺』表紙)
(front cover design, published in Shirakaba May 1918)
woodcut, 12.9cm diam.
Private collection
MAEKAWA Senpan 前川千帆 (1888-1960)
*91. Evening view of Shinjuku, from the series One
hundred views of new Tokyo 1931
新東京百景 新宿夜景
colour woodcut, 18 x 24cm
University Art Collection UA1997.12
© 2010 Yoshikawa Akiko and Kunio
This print depicts an industrial night scene in Tokyo,
which had transformed itself into a modern city after
the devastating earthquake of 1923. Completing the
scene is a ‘modern boy’, at home in his surroundings.
n
*92. Department store 1933
デパート 風景
colour woodcut, 29 x 36cm
University Art Collection UA1997.14
© 2010 Yoshikawa Akiko and Kunio
*93. UNKNOWN Japanese 作者不詳
After Edvard MUNCH エドヴァルド・ムンク (1863-1944)
Das Herz (The heart) (original woodcut 1899)
心臓(『白樺』口絵)
(Shirakaba frontispiece, April 1912)
three-colour reproduction, 14.9 x 10.5cm
Private collection
This special issue volume features eight works by
Munch and a text by Mushanokōji, one of the leading
members of Shirakaba.
n
NAGARE Shirō (Takaji/Kōji) 永礼資朗(孝二) (1901-75)
*94. On the way home 1928
帰路
linocut, 23 x 15.7cm
University Art Collection UA1996.32
© Yuyama Tōru
145
95. Komagata Bridge 1931
駒形橋
woodcut, 19.9 x 12.4cm
University Art Collection UA1996.34
*96. Road cut c1930
切通し
woodcut, 32.9 x 23.9cm
University Art Collection UA1996.35
© Yuyama Tōru
*97. ODA Kazuma 織田一磨 (1882-1956)
Simidagawa from Macchiyama from Views of Tokyo
1916
東京風景 待乳山から隅田川
colour lithograph, 27.8 x 41.5cm
University Art Collection UA1994.46
© Estate of the artist
Inspired by the lithographic works of Emil Orlik, a
Prague-born artist who visited Japan in 1900, Oda
began to design and print his own work with this series
of views of Tokyo (see also cat. no 8).
n
*98. ōHASHI Kōkichi 大橋孝吉 (1898-1984)
The village of Aegina 1929
エギナ村落
colour woodcut, 21.4 x 25cm
University Art Collection UA1996.9
ōhashi, primarily a painter, travelled to Europe from
1924-27 and produced prints for some years after his
return.
n
rising also… orange, a strong colour, and hazy shapes are
done in shallow print… and the distinct ‘L’ shape… create
natural harmony within me, whether others can see it or
not…”. (Onchi, ‘On Bathroom in the morning’, in HANGA
no 13, 1928)
*102. The sea 1937
海
part of a triptych, colour woodcut, 48 x 44cm
University Art Collection UA1998.51
© Onchi Motoko
This print, depicting a section of rock pool, is part of
a triptych. The larger centre print depicts two bathers
and the other an underwater scene with fish, jellyfish
and squid.
n
ONO Tadashige 小野忠重 (1909-90)
*103. Street Battle 1930
版画集 市街戦
album of 18 prints, various sizes
colour woodcut, cover, 30.5 x 23cm
University Art Collection UA2007.5
© Ono Chikashi
*104. Three generations of deaths: a novel without
words 1931
三代の死 字の無い小説試作
album of 51 prints, various sizes
woodcut, (title print), 15.5 x 23cm
University Art Collection UA2007.4
© Ono Chikashi
Inspired by Western artists such as Frans Masereel
and Lynd Ward, Ono created this ‘graphic novel’ about a
family’s hardship, social injustice, fellowship and betrayal.
The story is told as a series of ‘snapshots’ rather than as
an illustrated narrative.
n
ONCHI Kōshirō 恩地孝四郎 (1891-1955)
*99. Lyric 1 1914
リリックI
woodcut, 13.2 x 10.9cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Yasuko Myer Bequest Fund 2000
© Onchi Motoko
This is the first of Onchi’s Lyric series, in which he
attempted to convey poetry in visual form. He later
republished this work in the magazine Kaze no 3 with
a poem: While gazing at a point/ Focusing on a point,/
The will shoots out to the sky,/ A platinum wire springs
out,/ And tears run from the heart.
n
*100. A face 1914
一つの貌
colour woodcut, 14.7 x 11.1cm
Collection: Art Gallery of New South Wales
Yasuko Myer Bequest Fund 2000
© Onchi Motoko
*101. Bathroom in the morning 1928
午前浴室
colour woodcut, 21.2 x 14.6cm
University Art Collection UA1998.52
© Onchi Motoko
“The morning light is fresh, and it fills the bathroom.
There would be a naked body, and perhaps steam is
n
146
105. Ideal stage 1933
観念的な舞台
woodcut, 13 x 10cm
University Art Collection UA1998.57
*106. TAKEHISA Yumeji 竹久夢二 (1884-1934)
Snow at the crossroads 1922
巷の雪
photo-lithograph, 31 x 23cm
University Art Collection UA1994.44
At a time when records and gramophones were
expensive, ‘song-sheets’ were the principal means
of spreading music throughout Japan. Seno-o Music
Publishing, established in 1915, produced several
hundred scores including new compositions and
adaptations of classical and folk music from around the
world. Takehisa designed more than two hundred covers
for the company and also wrote musical lyrics, including
the popular Evening Primrose.
n
*107. TANINAKA Yasunori 谷中安規 (1897-1946)
Ehon Fou 1936
絵本『FOU』
Text: SATō Haruo 佐藤春夫著 (1892-1964)
book with 12 colour woodcut plates
page: 15 x 12.8cm; book: 15.5 x 13 x 1.8cm
University Art Collection UA1995.28
Taninaka was also a poet of tanka (31 syllable poems),
and his images were appreciated by a number of writers
for whom he provided book design and illustration. Satō
Haruo’s Fou is the story of a Japanese man in Paris.
n
108. URUSHIBARA Yoshijirō/Mokuchū 漆原由次郎
(木虫) (1888-1953)
Vase of Roses c1920
薔薇
colour woodcut, 38.3 x 27.5cm
Josef Lebovic Gallery
This work was published in the ‘Great Britain’ section
of The wood cut of today: at home and abroad, a
special issue of The Studio 1927.
n
*109. YAMAGISHI Kazue 山岸主計 (1893-1966)
Woman viewing a woodblock print (at the University of
California) 1927
木版画を見る女
colour woodcut, 19.8 x 28.3cm
University Art Collection UA1996.8
© Estate of the artist
Yamagishi held a solo exhibition at the Bohemian
Club, San Francisco in December 1926. The praise for
his skill by Haig Patigian, a sculptor and the president
of the club, triggered a flood of requests for lectures
and demonstrations. This print was created during his
demonstration at the University of California in the
following year.
n
*110.YAMAGUCHI Susumu 山口進 (1897-1983)
Still life 1926
静物
woodcut, 23.6 x 16.2cm
University Art Collection UA2005.23
© Yamaguchi Ayumu
Yamaguchi, who is known for his later landscape
prints of mountains, created a small number of Cubiststyle experimental prints in the 1920s. Ono Tadashige
described them as ‘classics of modern Japanese prints’.
n
147
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Writings by Professor A L Sadler
The ten foot square hut and Tales of the Heike: being
two thirteenth century Japanese classics, “The Hojoki”
and selections from “The Heike monogatari”, Angus and
Robertson, Sydney, 1928
The art of flower arrangement in Japan: a sketch of
its history and development, preface by Lionel Lindsay,
London, 1933
Bell, Pamela, ‘Identities: A. L. Sadler (1882–1970)
Professor of Oriental Studies at the University of
Sydney 1922–1947’, TAASA Review, Vol. 7, No.2 June
1998, pp.18–19
Burke, Janine, Australian Women Artists 1840-1940,
Greenhouse Publications, Collingwood, Victoria, 1980
Butler, Roger, Printed: images by Australian artists 18851955, National Gallery of Australia, Canberra, 2007
Cha-No-Yu: The Japanese Tea Ceremony, J L Thomson
& Co, Japan; Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co,
London, 1934
Broinowski, Alison, The Yellow Lady: Australian
impressions of Asia, Oxford University Press,
Melbourne, 1992
Japanese plays: No, Kyogen, Kabuki, Angus and
Robertson, Sydney, 1934
Conder, Josiah, The flowers of Japan and the art of
floral arrangement, Kodansha International, Tokyo,
London, New York, 2004 (originally published 1891)
The maker of modern Japan: the life of Tokugawa
Ieyasu, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1937
A Short History of Japanese Architecture, Angus and
Robertson, Sydney and London, through a grant from
the Carnegie Corporation of New York, 1941
Selections from modern Japanese writers, Australasian
Medical Publishing Company, Sydney, 1942
Three Military classics of China, Australasian Medical
Publishing Company, 1944
Coppel, Stephen, Linocuts of the Machine Age: Claude
Flight and the Grosvenor School, Scholar Press,
Aldershot, England in association with the National
Gallery of Australia, Canberra, 1995
De Waal, Edmund, Bernard Leach: St Ives artists, Tate
Gallery Publishing, London, 1998
Draffin, Nicholas, Australian Woodcuts and Linocuts
of the 1920s and 1930s, Sun Academy Series, South
Melbourne, Victoria, 1976
A Short History of Japan, Angus and Robertson,
Sydney, 1946
Edwards, Deborah and Peel, Rose with Mimmocchi,
Denise, Margaret Preston, exhibition catalogue, Art
Gallery of New South Wales, Sydney, 2005
Other references
Futterman, Susan (ed.), Behold the day: the color block
prints of Frances Gearhart, Museum of California Art,
Pasadena, Ca., 2009
Ajioka Chiaki (ed.), HANGA: Japanese Creative Prints,
exhibition catalogue, Art Gallery of New South Wales,
Sydney, 2001
Bell, Pamela, ‘A. L. Sadler (1882–1970) Professor of
Oriental Studies at the University of Sydney: His ideas
and influence’, in E. Benitez (ed.), Proceedings of the
Pacific Rim Conference in Transcultural Aesthetics, The
University of Sydney, Sydney, 1997
148
Humphries, Barry, Sayers, Andrew and Engledow,
Sarah, The world of Thea Proctor, exhibition catalogue,
Craftsman House, Sydney and National Portrait Gallery,
Canberra, 2005
Jenkins, Donald, Images of a changing world: Japanese
artists of the twentieth century, Portland Art Museum,
Portland, Oregon, 1983
Kimura Rieko (ed.), Bernard Leach: potter and artist
(bilingual catalogue), Committee for “Bernard Leach”
exhibition, 1997
Kraal, Diane, From Chatswood to Edo: The Life and
Books of P Neville Barnett, Bread Street Press,
Melbourne 2007
Lake, Margaret, ‘Ikebana: flower arrangements’ Hermes:
the magazine of The University of Sydney, vol 49, no 1,
October 1947, pp 23-28
Lambourne, Lionel, Japonisme: Cultural Crossings
between Japan and the West, Phaidon Press Limited,
London, 2005
Leach, Bernard, Beyond East and West: memoirs,
portraits, essays, Faber & Faber, London & Boston, 1978
Meaney, Neville, Towards a new vision: Australia and
Japan across time, University of New South Wales
Press, Sydney, Second Edition, 2007
Meech, Julia, and Weisberg, Gabriel P., Japonisme
comes to America: the Japanese impact on the graphic
arts, 1876-1925, H N Abrams, New York, 1990.
Menzies, Jackie (ed.), Modern boy modern girl:
modernity in Japanese art 1910-1935 (curated by
Chiaki Ajioka, John Clark, Jackie Menzies and Tsutomu
Mizusawa), Art Gallery of New South Wales, Sydney,
1998
Merrit, Helen, Modern Japanese woodblock prints: the
early years, University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu, 1990
Ryan, Anne, Australian Etchings & Engravings
1880s-1930s from the Gallery’s collection, online
exhibition catalogue, Art Gallery of New South Wales,
2007
Sawatari, Kiyoko (ed.), Eyes toward Asia: Ukiyoe artists
from abroad, bilingual catalogue, Yokohama Museum of
Art, Yokohama, 1996
Statler, Oliver, Modern Japanese prints: an art reborn,
Charles E Tuttle, Tokyo, 1956
Stephen, Ann, McNamara, Andrew and Goad, Andrew,
Modernism & Australia: Documents on Art, Design
and Architecture 1917-1967, The Miegunyah Press,
Melbourne, 2006
Smith, Lawrence, Modern Japanese prints 1912-1989,
British Museum Press, London, 1994
Turner, Clifford, Bygott, Urshula, Chippendale, Peter,
Australia’s first: a history of The University of Sydney,
vol 1 1850-1939, University of Sydney, Sydney, n.d.
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Asia 1850-1939, The University of Queensland Press, St
Lucia, Qld., 1999
Yokohama Museum of Art, The Miyagi Museum of
Art, The Museum of Modern Art, Wakayama (eds.),
Onchi: a poet of colors and forms, (bilingual catalogue)
The Yomiuri Shimbun & The Japan Association of Art
Museums, Tokyo, 1994
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Japanese Woodblock Prints: 1900-1975, University of
Hawai’i Press, Honolulu, 1992
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1920s-1940s: Kiichiro Ishida and Sydney Camera Circle,
The Shoto Museum of Art, Tokyo, 2002
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149
CONTRIBUTORS
Dr AJIOKA Chiaki
Dr KUWAHARA Noriko
Ajioka Chiaki is a freelance Japanese art consultant. She
obtained her MA from the University of Melbourne, PhD from
the Australian National University and a Graduate Diploma in
Museum Studies from Deakin University. She worked for SBS
Television as the principal Japanese subtitler and for the Art
Gallery of New South Wales as the curator of Japanese Art and
co-curated Modern boy, Modern Girl: modernity in Japanese art
1910–1935 (1988). Her publications include HANGA: Japanese
Creative Prints (exhibition catalogue AGNSW 2000) and
‘Aspects of the twentieth-century Japanese crafts: The New
Craft and Mingei movements’ in Since Meiji: perspectives of
the Japanese visual arts from 1868 to 2000, Thomas Rimer
(ed.), University of Hawai’i Press (to be published in 2011). She is
currently undertaking research in intercultural transmissions in
modern prints and crafts.
Kuwahara Noriko is Associate Professor of Japanese Cultural
Studies, School of Humanities, Seitoku University, Chiba, Japan.
She obtained her BA and MA from Ochanomizu Women’s
University, and her PhD from the University of Tsukuba. Her
PhD thesis was Onchi Kōshirō: pursuit of modernity in prints.
She has published widely on Onchi and various aspects of
modern Japanese prints. She is a recipient of the Japanese
Government Ministry of Education and Science Research
Grants since 2005 for her ongoing research on modern
Japanese prints in overseas collections. Kuwahara’s publications
in English include: ‘Onchi Kōshirō’s pursuit of modernity in
prints 1910s-1930s; HANGA: Japanese creative prints, AGNSW,
Sydney, 2000; ‘Onchi’s portrait of Hagiwara Sakutarō: emblem
of the Creative Print movement for American collectors’,
Impressions (The Journal of the Japanese Art Society of
America) no 29, 2007.
Silas CLIFFORD-SMITH
Dr Catriona MOORE
Silas Clifford-Smith is a historian whose research interests
include art and gardening. He recently wrote Percy Lindsay:
Artist and Bohemian (Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2011) and
has contributed to the Oxford Companion to Australian Gardens
(Oxford University Press, 2002), Interwar Gardens (National
Trust of Australia, 2003), and the Dictionary of Australian Artists
Online. He was born in the English village of Great Bardfield
where Professor Sadler spent part of his retirement and his
parents were friends and neighbours. In late 2008 CliffordSmith wrote an article about Sadler’s views on landscape design
for Australian Garden History.
Catriona Moore is an art historian and critic. She is a senior
lecturer in the Department of Art History and Film Studies, and
was Acting Director of the Power Institute, The University of
Sydney from 2007-10. She is on the Advisory Committee of
the Dictionary of Australian Artists Online. Moore has written
extensively on Australian and international contemporary art,
women modernist artists and feminist art and writing. Her
publications in this area include Indecent Exposures: Australian
Feminist Photography 1970-1990, 1994 and Dissonance: Twenty
Years of Australian Feminist Art Writing, 1994.
Dr Marsden HORDERN OAM VRD
NISHIYAMA Junko
Dr Marsden Hordern OAM VRD is an acclaimed author and
researcher. Graduating from The University of Sydney in 1947,
he served in the Royal Australian Navy during World War II, and
in its Reserve, attaining the rank of Lieutenant-Commander
and receiving the Volunteer Reserve Decoration for his naval
service. In 1959, Hordern established a print gallery in Sydney
(which he directed for 38 years) and navigated yachts in the
early Sydney-Hobart races. His publications include Mariners
are Warned!: John Lort Stokes and H.M.S. Beagle in Australia
1837-1843 (1989), King of the Australian Coast: The Voyages
of Phillip Parker King in the Mermaid and Bathurst 1817-1822
(1997) and A Merciful Journey: Recollections of a World War
II Patrol Boat Man (2005). In recognition of Hordern’s literary
contributions to Australian naval history, The University of
Sydney conferred on him an honorary degree of Doctors of
Letters in 2004, and in 2009, he was awarded the Medal of the
Order of Australia.
NISHIYAMA Junko is a curator at the Chiba City Museum of
Art specialising in modern Japanese prints. She graduated
from Waseda University where she completed her MA thesis
on Félix Vallotton. Since 1997, she has curated a series of
exhibitions investigating the development of modern Japanese
prints decade by decade from 1900. The latest highly acclaimed
exhibition in the series, Japanese Prints V: What is the
‘Japanese print’? (focusing on prints from 1941 to 1950), was
held in 2008.
150
Maria (Connie) TORNATORE-LOONG
Maria (Connie) Tornatore-Loong (co-curator) is curatorial
assistant at The University Art Gallery, Sydney University
Museums. She graduated with a MA (Curatorship & Modern
Art) in 2003 and is currently undertaking a doctorate at
The University of Sydney on the work of Australian classical
modernist Jean Mary Bellette (1908-91). Tornatore-Loong has
previously worked for the Dictionary of Australian Artists Online,
and as assistant curator, Australian Art, at the Art Gallery
of New South Wales (2007-08). She curated Poesia Visiva:
Italian Concrete and Visual Poetry of the 1960s & 1970s for
the University Art Gallery in 2009 and has published articles in
journals such as The International Journal of the Arts in Society
and TAASA Review.
TAKEHISA Yumeji, Snow at the crossroads 1922 (Cat. 106)
151
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Many have contributed generously to this
catalogue and exhibition. The curators would like to
acknowledge the pivotal assistance of the following
organisations and individuals. This catalogue and
exhibition has been supported by the Commonwealth
through the Australia-Japan Foundation which is
part of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.
We wish to thank Sheree Minehan (Manager), Ben
Esguerra (Project Officer) and the AJF Board for
their contribution. We are extremely grateful to other
sponsors including the Japan Foundation, Sydney;
Department of Japanese Studies, The University of
Sydney (Dr Olivier Ansart and Dr Yasuko Claremont);
The Oriental Society of Australia (Prof Michael Carter
and Dr Seiko Yasumoto); the Consulate-General
of Japan in Sydney; Australian Sogetsu Teachers
Association Inc., New South Wales Branch (Elizabeth
Fuller and Sandra Marker), TAASA (Josefa Green); P3 Connect Pty Ltd and Nozomu and Kathryn Ogawa.
For the catalogue we acknowledge the contributions
of Dr Catriona Moore, Nishiyama Junko, Dr Kuwahara
Noriko, Dr Marsden Hordern, Silas Clifford-Smith,
Editors Ann Stephen and Luke Parker, Hiroko Moore
(Translation), Peter Thorn (Designer), Ewen McDonald
(çopy editor), and Michael Myers (Photographer). We
also thank the following copyright holders including the
University of Sydney Archives (Julia Mant); Art Gallery
of New South Wales; National Gallery of Australia,
Canberra; National Library of Australia (Sylvia Carr);
Desmond Banks; James Jackson; Belinda Henry;
Elizabeth Carroll; Sally Garrett; Viscopy Australia
(Belinda Layton); Azechi Mieko; Fujimori Motohiko;
Hayashi Midori; Henmi Reiko; Kawakami Sayaka;
Kawanishi Yōzaburō; Kawase Ayako; Kitazawa Jun;
Natori Yoshiko; Ohashi Akiko; Onchi Motoko; Ono
Chikashi; Sano Yasumi; Tanahashi Keitarō; Yamaguchi
Ayumu; Yoshikawa Akiko and Kunio; Yuyama Tōru.
For the exhibition, we sincerely thank the following
lenders and individuals including the Art Gallery of
New South Wales, Sydney (Hendrik Kolenberg, Anne
Ryan, Peter Raissis, Dr Khanh Trinh, Emma Smith,
Caroline Geraghty, Donna Brett, Michelle Andringa,
Tracey Keogh, and the Research Library staff); National
Gallery of Australia, Canberra (Roger Butler OA, Emma
Colton, Christine Dixon, Jane Kinsman, Robyn Maxwell,
Nick Nicholson, Jane Marsden, Rose Montebello, Joye
Volker and Research Library staff); Hamilton Art Gallery
(Daniel McOwan); Josef Lebovic Gallery; Freeland
Gallery (John Freeland); Dr Kuwahara Noriko; Masuda
Gallery (Masuda Masako); Dr Marsden and Mrs Lesley
Hordern and Nicholas Hordern; Rare Books and Special
Collections, The University of Sydney (Neil Boness and
Richard Ratajczak) and RP Art (Ross Peck).
For various assistance and support, we would like to
thank: Prof John Clark; Erika Esau; Hoshino Keizō;
Kikai Gallery (Toshitome Naoteru); MOMA, Wakayama
(Inoue Yoshiko); Prof Neville Meaney; ōtani Shōgo;
Ann Proctor; Shōtō Museum of Art (Seo Noriaki);
Peter Ujlaki; The Crafts Study Centre, University for
Creative Arts, Surrey, England (Jean Vacher); Shunsen
Museum, Yamanashi; The Australian Embassy, Tokyo
(Toku Hitomi); Ellen Waugh; Natalie Tang; Fukuoka
Art Museum (Yamamoto Kazuko);Tokinowasuremono
Gallery (Watanuki Fujio); Deborah Edwards and
Christopher Loong. Silas Clifford-Smith would like to
thank Dr Marsden Hordern, Jonathan Clifford-Smith,
Julia Scaping and Tim Scaping.
At Sydney University Museums, we wish to
acknowledge David Ellis (Director, Museums and
Cultural Engagement), Dr Ann Stephen (Senior curator,
University Art Gallery), Maree Clutterbuck (Collections
Manager), Alayne Alvis (Conservator), Luke Parker
(Exhibitions Officer), Li-Fu Lu (Administration Officer),
Jocelyn Prasad (Media Officer), staff and volunteers for
their assistance with the exhibition and catalogue.
The Oriental Society
Of Australia
152

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