Malevolent or Meaningful Beauty? Female Aesthetics in Etruscan

Malevolent or Meaningful Beauty?
Female Aesthetics in Etruscan Society
Bridget Sandhoff
In any day and age, beauty is often considered a female concern. As a result, it is
typically held with little regard and considered a trivial issue. The suspicion around
makeup, hair styles, jewelry, and fashion entails its deceitful nature—hiding flaws and
presenting a less than truthful image. Plastic surgery, expensive face creams, endless
varieties of makeup, padded jeans, pushup bras and girdles allow women to alter their
appearance much easier than before, and these options appear to be losing their stigma.
Men are also paying more attention to their appearance, even getting plastic surgery.
Indeed, plastic surgery has almost become a rite of passage in certain areas of the world.
Though current rhetoric lambasts the artificiality of current beauty trends, it has not
stopped women from investing a lot of time and money into improving their looks.
Fashion and adornment seem a natural pursuit for women because of the stereotypical
gender roles established by a particular society. In many respects, women are still
considered eye candy—objects for the male gaze—and not valued for their minds but for
their bodies. Thus, beauty is primarily a feminine realm, where women can excel, and
often more than men.
A similar attitude was shared by the ancient Greeks and Romans; however, the
Etruscans had a different perspective. Female beauty in Etruria was probably not looked
upon with a similar scorn, but encouraged from a young age. Women were taught to
cultivate their appearance since youth because one’s personal appearance was critical to
securing a marriage. In our modern view, this belief seems old-fashioned and antiquated
but in Etruria, marriage was the cornerstone of its society. Marriage symbolized children,
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who carried on the family name and consequently Etruria into the future. Nothing was
more sacred than family to the Etruscans. This paper will attempt to reveal the import of
female beauty in Etruscan culture. Due to the lack of Etruscan literature, female material
culture will be used as the major evidence. In general, the opposite view of adornment
pervaded Etruscan civilization. Beauty was not considered a trivial matter for women to
dabble in but concerned the whole of Etruscan society and its future.
1. Perception of Women and Beauty in Antiquity
Beauty in antiquity is more complex than it appears. Both men and women
groomed themselves and were aware of their public appearances. One’s image and
identity was clearly tied to how one looked. 1 While care for the body affected both sexes,
it is largely classified under the feminine arts. The reason lies mainly in the pervasive
attitudes in ancient Greece and Rome about men and women. Men were clearly superior
in body and mind, and women were considered deformed men or mutilated males. As
lesser humans, women cannot compete physically or mentally. 2 Therefore, females were
only prized for their physical appearance and ability to give birth. Even then, the
deceitful nature of cultus or care for the body was often attacked by contemporary
writers. Women were expected to look desirable but the process seemed, for these male
writers, excessive and only meant to entrap a man.
Platonic thought believes women to be primarily corporeal, just a body, and slave
to somatic desires such as cultus. However, a man comprises body and mind seamlessly;
he can groom, wash and primp himself but never takes it too far as his mind transcends
the trivialities of appearance. A man can cultivate his exterior but more importantly, he
fosters the development of his interior self—soul, thought, character, countenance,
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composure. A female lacks self-control and is ruled by emotions and physical needs such
as sex. Consequently, a woman’s body personifies vice, tempting and seducing and
threatening the power hierarchy of a society.3
With these prevailing beliefs, it is no wonder that ancient literature is rife with
disparaging comments about the amount time, effort and money that women would spend
on their visage. Roman writers such as Juvenal, Seneca and Martial offer the most acerbic
criticism of the feminine arts. In particular, Juvenal, a Roman satirist (second century
A.D.), sees beautification efforts of Roman wives and matrons as a waste of time with
their ridiculous treatments, which were only meant to seduce a man, analogous to the
actions of a prostitute: ‘…But that face, transformed and softened with endless poultices,
plastered with endless cakes of flour, cooked, and soaked, would you call it a face or a
sore?’4 In his diatribe, Juvenal suggests that such extreme interest in appearance leads
only to abhorrent sexual behavior in women.
Similar sentiments are found in the writings of Seneca, a Stoic philosopher (first
century A.D.). In a letter he wrote to his mother while in exile, Seneca praises her for
rejecting the wiles of beauty and “excessive” feminine behavior. It is unbecoming, and
his mother rises above such intemperate attitudes and comports herself like a man:
You—unlike so many—never succumbed to immorality, the worst evil of the
century; jewels and pearls did not bend you; you never thought wealth was the
greatest gift to the human race;…you never tried to hide your pregnancy as
though it were indecent, like other women who seek to please only with their
beauty…you never polluted yourself with make-up, and you never wore that
covered about as much on as it did off. Your only ornament, the kind of beauty
that time does not tarnish, is the great honor of modesty.5
Martial, a first century A.D. Latin poet, provides more invective on the female
pursuit of adornment, recalling the deceit that cannot be hidden: ‘Fabulla swears that the
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hair she has bought is hers.’6 This scornful commentary suggests that women wore wigs
but also dentures. ‘You purchased hair and teeth and you’re not ashamed to. How will
you manage with your eye, Lelia? You can’t buy eyes.’7 Martial’s sarcastic attitude about
frivolous women takes on a more Ovidian flavor, as if to help those in need. Yet, it still
has a sting at the end: ‘To avoid stinking too much of the wine you drank yesterday,
Fescennia, gorge yourself on the tablets from Cosmo’s perfumery. These preparations
plaster the teeth, but they are no use when a belch rises from the depths.’ 8 To be sure,
Martial intended to mock Fescennia, with no desire to help.
Ovid, on the other hand, appears in the late first century B.C. as a type of love
guru, providing advice for the love impaired. Incredibly, he created “manuals” to help
secure a mate, giving practical advice, especially for women on how to attract a man. For
example, his suggestions sound like advice you would find in a modern fashion
magazine. He also recommends cosmetics to remedy any bodily deficiency:
‘And if the face lacks the natural rosy hue that comes from the blood, there are
arts to achieve it. Apply your art to reinforce the thin rim of the eyebrows, and let
a small mole adorn the milky-white cheeks. Nor is there any shame in shading
the eyes with fine charcoal or with crocus.’9
Throughout much of Ars Amatoria, the overall tone seems didactic and genuine,
with a hint of sarcasm. Ovid appears to champion these efforts yet realizes their duplicity
as he ardently tells women never to let a man see her at her toilet as these efforts are an
‘ugly sight.’10 This advice is quite revealing and indeed, in his next “manual”—Remedia
Amoris—he apparently retracts his earlier advice for women in a show a fraternal
solidarity with the “boys.” In this follow up to Ars Amatoria, Remedia Amoris addresses
a male audience and tells them how to extract themselves from a love affair, especially to
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reveal the ‘true’ woman.11 He uses the advice readily dispensed in Ars Amatoria against
women. Indeed, the prior instruction to avoid being seen at the toilet is now ammunition
for men; Ovid encourages them to seek out their beloved during their beautification.
Presumably, the unsightliness will speak volumes and end the love affair.
2. The Etruscans
We have been dealing primarily with Roman sources and their opinions about
beauty. As hard, right-minded, virtuous Romans, they tended to see adornment and
cosmetics with suspicion; only soft, weak-minded cultures worry about such affairs, such
as the Etruscans. Based on the writings of foreign writers, the Etruscans were described
as the worst offenders—lovers of easy, luxurious living. A fourth century B.C. Greek
historian, Theopompos, wrote about his general impressions of the Etruscans and what he
discusses is not flattering. He mentions Etruscan women and their flamboyant behavior:
‘Etruscan women take particular care of their bodies and exercise often, sometimes along
with the men, and sometimes by themselves. It is not a disgrace to see them naked.’12 He
also discusses their attendance at parties with their husbands and other men; they partake
equally in the merriment, drinking, eating and conversing. Theopompos even calls them
‘expert drinkers and very attractive.’13
In addition to this early account, Livy, a late Republican historian, also examines
the Etruscans in history of Rome, in particular, the rape of Lucretia. As the tale unfolds, it
becomes clear the wealthy Etruscan princesses are envisioned as party girls, disregarding
their duty to home and family in order to have a good time. Lucretia and her entourage,
however, embody all that is good about the Roman matron—industrious, virtuous and
morally upright:
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‘…There they found the daughters-in-law of the king banqueting with their
friends. They continued on to Collatia to check on Lucretia, whom they found,
not at dinner like the others, but in the atrium of the house, with only her
maidservants, working at her wool by lamplight.’14
Lucretia does her husband proud even when she commits suicide after being
raped by Sextus Tarquinius; she would rather die than live with the shame and stain of
another man on her body.15
Despite this evidence, one must be cautious when utilizing these texts; the former
account comes down second hand, and the latter one is a propaganda piece, explicating
the virtues of Rome. Unfortunately, no Etruscan literature survives to give us a proper
account of Etruscan women or their culture, and most Etruscan scholars dismiss these
stories. Theopompos was probably trying to shock his more conservative Greek readers,
and Livy had a political agenda in mind—to reveal the dangers of a tyranny, as embodied
in the Etruscan kings and justify the republic.16 A better source is the material culture of
wealthy Etruscan females. By examining the extant artwork, a picture emerges of the
integral role beauty played in Etruria. While the Greeks and Romans treated beauty with
suspicion, the Etruscans appear to have encouraged it. Unfortunately, the truth will
always elude us; however, the prevalence of beauty items that survive—mirrors, perfume
vessels, hair pins, toiletries boxes, jewelry—and the image of adornment imply that
beauty was essential and not malevolent.
3. Culture of Beauty in Etruria
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One of the largest bodies of artwork to survive from Etruria is the engraved
bronze mirror. 3000 are accounted for but the number may be as high as 5000. 17 The
sheer quantity indicates that mirrors held a greater significance than just a utilitarian
object. Indeed, they often followed the owner into the afterlife, as most have been
recovered from burials. This adds another complicated dimension and suggests a
multivalent piece. Since the archaeologically sound contexts are female burials, it is
logical to assume that mirrors were primarily for female consumption. Nevertheless, men
played an important role too as they seem to have been the ones who commissioned and
gave them as gifts, usually on the occasion of a wedding. In this respect, a woman’s
appearance was not solely for her but for her husband too.
A fourth century B.C sarcophagus from Vulci (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston) 18
supports the claim that a woman’s beauty, similar to her husband’s achievements, was a
sign of her status. Carved on the side of the coffin, Ramtha Visnai and her husband, Arnth
Tetnies, come together in the center, followed by servants. Each attendant appears to
carry items indicative of their station in life. Arnth’s servants display a backless chair,
rods, lituus, and double flutes; these objects reveal his position as a possible high
magistrate. In contrast to his civic honors, Ramtha’s possessions were meant to preserve
and improve her appearance: umbrella, situlae, jewelry box (?), fan and lyre. This image
appears to advocate the belief that a woman’s beauty and her beautification items were
emblems of status, and they were cultivated in Etruria.19
The mirror, as a practical object, serviced its owner by “throwing back” an image
of her, so she could inspect or work on her visage. The reflective side had no decoration,
but the opposite one occasionally did, usually with elaborate scenes connected to the
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female toilet or other topics relevant to women—love, marriage, and children. As
expected, an adornment scene was a popular subject engraved on bronze mirrors.
Normally, an elaborately coiffed, dressed and bejeweled woman sits on a chair in the
center of the mirror, surrounded by women attending to her appearance (Musée du Petit
Palais, Paris).20 The scene is abuzz with activity as women fuss over the central figure.
All the trappings of the female toilet appear in some fashion—jewelry box, cista, perfume
vessels, hair accoutrements. In some cases, the woman is labeled as Malavisch (Private
collection, E. and P.H. Bloch-Diener, Bern), which has been translated to mean ‘bride.’21
This seems appropriate as the mirror was the common gift for Etruscan brides; the scene
itself is probably not an exact image of what happened on that day but more symbolic of
marriage, beauty and its implications.
Another fascinating adornment scene depicts Peleus happening upon Thetis as
she prepares herself, more than likely for the intruder (The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York City).22 A semi-nude Thetis looks into a mirror as she adjusts her hairstyle.
Interestingly, the mirror she holds reflects back her face, much like the actual mirror
would do for its owner. A self-reflexivity imprints itself on the user as if to take on the
role of Thetis. A servant—Calaina—helps Thetis, offering up suggestions for jewelry. In
the background, her open cista sits, revealing cosmetics and perfume vessels and
garments and shoes ready to be worn. While the characters are mythical, the scene itself
is very human and could be easily adopted by any person looking at it.
Thetis’ toned form does evoke care and exercise for the body and not
surprisingly, several mirrors depict women bathing at a fountain or primping (Musée
Royaux d’Art ed d’Histoire, Brussels).23 The scene usually is comprised of three
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characters, mostly female but a male appears on occasion, surrounding a water basin
(Staatliche Museen, Berlin).24 The figures typically are nude, save for their jewelry, and
often sport rather athletic bodies. These groups give credence to Theopompos’ remarks
about Etruscan women exercising in the nude and sometimes with men. No matter who
they represent, the characters illustrate the beauty rituals and with some frequency
including the washing of hair, styling hair, primping in a mirror, using a strigil and so
forth (The Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge).25 The “mirror in mirror” motif is common
as well as the nudity, again possibly serving as reminder to the user of the value of cultus.
One cannot just apply make-up or style hair; one needs to cultivate of the body too.
Yet the most substantive mirrors, I believe, depict Lasas. Lasas are enigmatic
creatures, supernatural beings of Etruscan invention. They often defy explanation as there
is no consistency in their appearance or function. However, one can general say they are
youthful, semi-nude winged females, who often serve as attendants to the female toilet.26
In addition, they usually show up in scenes occupied by lovers—the result of
beautification. One certain fact is that the Lasa was one of the most popular characters
engraved on Etruscan mirrors, second only to the Dioscuroi twins. Hundreds of these
mirrors with a single Lasa survive and by and large, are shown with an alabaston and
perfume dipper in their hands (Danish National Museum, Copenhagen; Royal Ontario
Museum, Toronto).27 It is believed the Lasa “adorns” or blesses the woman with perfume
(often seen on adornment mirrors) or facilities the love between a couple (Hermitage
Museum, St. Petersburg).28 In this respect, love and adornment coincide. The
craftsmanship for most of the single Lasa mirrors is perfunctory at best but that was
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probably of no consequence to the owner as these mirrors were meant to serve the owner
symbolically in the here and now and in the life beyond.
Ultimately, beauty in Etruria was a collective concern for the entire society. An
attractive female appearance caught the attention of male suitors, which resulted in a
wedding. Marriage was instrumental in the survival of Etruria. The endless images of
happy married couples in tomb paintings, engraved bronze mirrors, Praenestine cistae
and votives attest to the value of marriage in Etruria. And the result of a couple’s union
was children, another critical concern also substantiated in the hundreds of votive
offerings of chubby children—thanks for an answered prayer or a plea for a child. A
happy, healthy couple could produce strong healthy children who could carry on the
family name as well as Etruria into the future.29 The cult of ancestors dates back to the
beginning of Etruscan civilization. Ancestral tombs, familial inscriptions, ritualistic
spaces and objects illustrate the prominence of family throughout Etruscan history. Based
on this evidence, I believe that beauty was the cement that held the whole system together
and therefore, fashion, makeup, perfume, hairstyles, jewelry, bathing and all its
implements (perhaps even exercise to an extent) was not deemed as evil, malicious, or
deceitful at all. Adornment and cultus were cultivated, encouraged and held substantive
value for the Etruscans that translates into a meaningful beauty.
Notes
1 Maria Wyke, ‘Woman in the Mirror: The Rhetoric of Adornment in the Roman World’, in Women in Ancient
Societies: An Illusion of the Night, eds. Léonie Archer, Susan Fischler and Maria Wyke (New York: Rutledge,
1994), 135.
2 Holt Parker, ‘Women and Medicine’, in A Companion to Women in the Ancient World, eds. Sharon L. James
and Sheila Dillon (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2012), 107-114.
3 Wyke, ‘Woman in the Mirror’, 135-136.
4 Juvenal, Satires, VI.461-473. See also Antonio d’Ambrosio, Women and Beauty in Pompeii (Rome: L’ERMA
di Bretschneider, 2001).
5 Seneca, On Consolation, 16.L.
6 Martial, Epigrams, VI.12.
7 Martial, Epigrams, XII.23.
8 Martial, Epigrams, I.87.
9 Ovid, Ars Amatoria, III.200-204.
10 Ovid, Ars Amatoria, III.209-218.
11 Ovid, Remedia Amoris, 340-355; Wyke, “Woman in the Mirror,” 146.
12 Athenaeus, Deipnosophists, 12.517-518. (Theopompos’ commentary is preserved in Athenaeus’ text from the
third century A.D.)
13 Ibid.
14 Livy, Ab urbe condita, 1.57.6-58.
15 Vedia Izzet, ‘Etruscan Women: Towards a Reappraisal’, in A Companion to Women in the Ancient World, eds.
Sharon L. James and Sheila Dillon (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2012), 67-71.
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid., 71.
18 Sybille Haynes, Etruscan Civilization: A Cultural History (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2000),
288-289, figs. 232a-b.
19 Nancy de Grummond, ‘The Meaning of Mirrors’, in A Guide to Etruscan Mirrors, ed. Nancy de Grummond
(Tallahassee: Archaeological News, Inc., 1982), 180. De Grummond uses this sarcophagus and the debate about
the repeal of the lex Oppia (215 B.C.) between Cato and Lucius Valerius, recounted in Livy (Ab urbe condita,
34.7.8-9).
20 Eduard Gerhard, Adolf Klügmann and Gustav Körte, Etruskische Spiegel V (Berlin: Gedruckt und Verlagt bei
Georg Reimer, 1897), pl. 22.
21 Ines Jucker, Italy of the Etruscans (Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1991), 216, fig. 29a.
22 Larissa Bonfante, Corpus Speculorum Etruscorum: USA 3: The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Rome:
L’ERMA di Bretschneider, 1997), 132, fig. 14a.
23 Roger Lambrechts, Les miroirs étrusques et prénestins des Musée Royaux d’Art ed d’Histoire à Bruxelles
(Brussels: Musée Royaux d’Art ed d’Histoire, 1978) 47 (no. 6).
24 Gerhard, Klügmann and Körte, Etruskische Spiegel V, pl. 154.
25 Richard Nicholls, Corpus Speculorum Etruscorum: Great Britain 1: The Fitzwilliam Museum (London:
British Museum Press, 1993), 106, fig. 12a.
26 Antonia Rallo, Lasa: iconograpia e esegesi (Florence: Sansoni, 1974) and Richard D. De Puma, ‘An Etruscan
Mirror’, Muse 19 (1985): 44-55.
27 Helle Salskov Roberts, Corpus Speculorum Etruscorum: Denmark 1: Copenhagen (Copenhagen: Odense
University Press, 1981), 58, pl. 12a; Nancy de Grummond, ed., A Guide to Etruscan Mirrors (Tallahassee:
Archaeological News, Inc., 1982), fig. 59.
28 Otto J. Brendel, Etruscan Art (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 364, fig. 282.
29 Marjatta Nielsen, ‘Fit for Fight, Fit for Marriage: Fighting Couples in Nuptial and Funerary Iconography in
Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Periods’, in Gender, Cult, and Culture in the Ancient World from Mycenae
to Byzantium, eds. Lena Larsson and Agneta Strömberg (Sävedalen: Paul Åströms Förlag, 2003), 47.
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