THE RURAL BIAS OF FIRST GENERATION RURAL

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T H E R URAL B I A S O F F I R S T G E N E R A T I O N R U R A L - U R B A N
MIGRANTS : EVIDENCE FROM KENYA MIGRATION STUDIES*
by
J oh n 0. OUCHO, Ph.D.
P o p u l a t i o n S t u d i e s and R e s e a r c h
Instit ut e
U n i v e r s i t y of N a i r o b i
P . O . B o x 30197
NAIROBI, K E N Y A
S u b m i t t e d to the R e v i e w of A f r i c a n S t u d i e s p u b l i s h e d
by the U n i o n for the S t ud y of the A f r i c a n P o p u l a t i o n
(USAP)
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THE RURAL BIAS OF FIRST-GENERATION RURAL-URBAN MIGRANTS:
EVIDENCE FROM KENYAN HIGRATION STUDIES
INTRODUCTION
T here
is o v e r w h e l m i n g e vi de n c e
in su b- S a h a r a n
A fr i c a that r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a n t s do not b r e a k links w i t h
their rural origins.
Th e m i g r a n t s are
"men of two
worlds" (Houghton,
1960) c o - e x i s t i n g
in two g e o g r a p h i
c al ly s e p a r a t e d h o u s e h o l d s
- one rural,
the other
urban. A f r i ca n r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n has p e r s i s t e d since
the co lo n i a l p e r i o d p r i m a r i l y b e c a u s e of the “
urban
bias"
of the d e v e l o p m e n t p r o c e s s (Lipton, 1977) w h i c h
co nf er s ma ny a d v a n t a g e s to u r b a n areas.
The p r o c e s s has
c re a t e d
"m o rs el iz ed
hou se ho ld s"
(Kuznets, 1976) w h i c h
tend to d e v e l o p s up p o r t s y s t e m s at the p o l a r i s e d locales
of migration,
but w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e s one f a mi ly so
d i v id e d by the process.
Rural-urban migration
is a
d ir e c t
o ut c o m e
of
economic
disequilibrium which
c h a r a c t e r i z e s dual e c o n o m i e s c o n s i s t i n g of the mode rn
s ect or w h i c h p r o v i d e s w a g e e m p l o y m e n t and the t r a d i t i o
nal s u b s i s t e n c e s e c t o r
in
w h i c h the
m a j o r i t y of
p o p u l a t i o n lives.
Ken ya n r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n e x e m p l i f i e s the subS a h ar an Af ri c a n
case e v o l v i n g
from the c o u n t r y ' s
c ol on ia l history.
The m o d e r n s e c t o r of K e n y a ' s e c o no my
evo lv ed in the form er
"While H ig h l a n d s "
w he r e a mo de r n
a g r i c u l t u r a l e c o n o m y and a few sm all t owns c o n s t i t u t e d
the ce nt r e w h i c h was c o n s t a n t l y d e p e n d e n t upon a large
r es er vo i r of cheap labour f ro m the u n d e r d e v e l o p e d p e r i
phery, ma de up of the s o - c a l l e d A f r i c a n
Reserves. An
urban p r i m a c y em er ge d in K e n y a as the ca pi t a l city of
N a i r o b i a m a ss ed e v e r y t h i n g that r e p r e s e n t s de ve lo pm en t,
w it h M o m b a s a at the K e n y a n C o a s t b e c o m i n g the g a t e w a y to
in t e r n a t i o n a l trade. G i v e n the i n a d e q u a c y of ce ns u s d a t a
to p r o v i d e d e p e n d a b l e
i n f o r m a t i o n about r u r a l - u r b a n
mi gration,
a n a l y s i s of the
process
in
K e n y a has
g e n e r a l l y d e p e n d e d upon
s u r v e y d a t a w h i c h have been
g e n e r a t e d by a small n u m b e r of m i g r a t i o n or m i g r a t i o n cen tr ed studies.
T hi s p a p e r a t t e m p t s
to d e m o n s t r a t e that K e n y a' s
"urban bias" of d e v e l o p m e n t
has r e s u l t e d
in t e m p o r a r y
r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n w h i c h n e c e s s i t a t e s m i g r a n t s "rural
bias" in t er ms of t he ir o r i e n ta ti o n,
s u b s e q u e n t m o ve s
and their u l t i m a t e re tu r n to the p e r m a n e n t domicile. It
c o n s i s t s of t hree s e c t i o n s
: the first d e s c r i b e s the
c o n f i g u r a t i o n of d e v e l o p m e n t and the re su lt ed m i g r a t i o n
in Kenya, p l a c i n g t h ei r r e l a t i o n s h i p in the co nt e x t of
Zelinsky's
(1971) t h e o r e t i c a l
f r a m e w o r k ; s e c t i o n two
p r e s e n t s e v id e n c e of m i g r a n t s 'r ural bias ; and the third
s ection c o n c l u d e s the study.
61.
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D E V E L O P M E N T C O N F I G U R A T I O N AND M I G R A T I O N IN K EN YA
Theoretical Framework :
Zelinsky
(1971)
f o r m u l a t e d the
'hypothesis of
m o b i l i t y tra ns it io n" w h i c h e x p l a i n s the links b etween
modernisation
and
demographic
transitions
in five
phases. S u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s are t h e o r e t i c a l l y
in the s ec o n d phase,
the e a r l y t r a n s i t i o n a l phase,
during
which
the
centre/periphery differentiation
commences
and
incip ie nt
i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n occurs,
t r i g g e r i n g b o t h r u r a l - u r b a n and r u r a l - r u r a l m i g r a t i o n as
w el l as circulation,
(Pryor, 1975). Z e l i n s k y ' s f o r m u
lation has one m a jo r appeal, n a m e l y its i nclusion of the
t o t a l i t y of p o p u l a t i o n d y n a m i c s
in the d e m o g r a p h i c
t r a n s i t i o n r a th e r than the v i ta l t r a n s i t i o n ( f e rt il it y
and m o r t a l i t y d y n a m i c s ) w i t h w h i c h d e m o g r a p h e r s have
b ee n p r e o cc up ie d. But it has been c r i t i c i s e d for f a i li n g
to take c o g n i z a n c e of the i n t e r n a t i o n a l ca pi t a l i s t
s y s t e m w h i c h infl ue nc es v a r i o u s forms of m o b i l i t y ; for
over-simplifying
internal
migration
whose various
components
include temporary,
seasonal,
retu r n and
c i r c u l a r m o b i l i t y ; and for a s s u m i n g an u n r e a l i s t i c neat
m e s h i n g of mo de rn i s a t i o n ,
demographic
or m o b i l i t y
t r a n s i t i o n s (Pryor,
1982 : 26). Yet the b a s i c ideas in
Z e l i n s k y ' s t h e o r y are a p p l i c a b l e to the A f r i c a n m o b i l i t y
transition, and c e r t a i n l y to Kenya's.
The demographic situation
in K e n y a ma y s i m p l y be
d e s c r i b e d as follows.
Th e c o u n t r y ' s e x p e r i e n c e s rapid
p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h due to high f e r t i l i t y in the face of
fast d e c l i n i n g mortality.
Th is d e m o g r a p h i c m o m e n t u m
results
in
a youthful
p o p u l a t i o n who are high ly
m igratory, the most d o m i n a n t f or m of m i g r a t i o n b e i n g
rural-r ur al , a l t h o u g h r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n is the most
conspicuous.
Unlike many African countries which were protec
t o r a t e s or in di r e c t l y r ul ed d u r i n g the c ol on i a l period,
K e n y a wa s a c o l o n y p a r e x c e l l e n c e in w h i c h g o v e r n a n c e of
the p e o p l e was direc t and re gi mented. T h e K e n y a n mi gr a n t
labour s y s t e m is rooted in the p r o c u r e m e n t i n i t i a l l y of
c o n s c r i p t e d labour and the c r e a t i o n of c o n d i t i o n s that
m ad e v o l u n t a r y o u t - m i g r a t i o n
imperative.
F or instance,
the i mp o s i t i o n
of ta xa t i o n of a du lt men d e m a n d e d that
they m i g r a t e e ls e w h e r e as target w o r k e r s to earn income
and p a y t heir own taxes as well as t h os e of t h ei r close
r e l a t i v e s who r em ai ne d at home to take care of other
a c t i v i t i e s w h il e they (migrants) w e r e away. The
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c i r c u l a r i t y of m i g r a t i o n
f o l l o w i n g st at e m e n t :
can
be
ap pr ec ia t ed
from the
"Under the m i g r a n t arrangement, the worker
m i g r a t e d t e m p o r a r i l y to the site of produc
tion and sold his labour p o we r for a period
of time, then r et ur ne d to his h om e la nd for
rest or a g r i c u l t u r a l w o r k bef or e
m i g r a t i n g again. Th e w o r k e r ' s f am i l y re mained
at home, s h o u l d e r i n g mo s t of the burden of
land cu l ti va ti on "
(Stichter, 1982 : 27).
Th e m ai n s ites of p r o d u c t i o n in the initial s t ag es of
labour m i g r a t i o n w e r e the E u r o p e a n c o m m e r c i a l farms.
T h i s p r o c e s s of r u r a l - r u r a l m i g r a t i o n w a s the first step
to a s t e p w i s e m i g r a t i o n of w h i c h r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n
b e c a m e the second step.
It is an i m po rt an t c ol on ia l
legacy that has r em a i n e d i mp or ta nt and that has r e c e n t l y
rai se d
c o n ce rn
for s u s t a i n i n g r u r a l - u r b a n b al a n c e
(Kenya, 1986). The c o n c er n for the rest of the c e n t u r y
is to strik e a bett er b a l a n c e w h i c h is n e c e s s a r y for the
c o e x i s t e n c e of rural and u r b a n develo pm en t .
T e m p o r a r y ci r c u l a t i o n was an e x p l i c i t p o l i c y of the
c o l o n i a l g o v e r n m e n t w h i c h r eq ui re d that m i g r a n t s o nl y
s t a y at their d e s t i n a t i o n
for as
long as their labour
w as needed, and that they retu rn to their o r i g i n s at the
end of their contracts. T h e i r r ural bi as was, therefore,
o bl ig atory. W h i l e in their p l a c e s of work, m i g r a n t s we re
not to be v i s i t e d by their spouses,
c hi l dr en or any
o t he r r e l a t i v e s and friends. T h i s c o n d i t i o n e x p l a i n s the
emergence
and
c on t i n u e d
existence
of m o r s e l i z e d
h o u s e h o l d s or "one family,
two ho us eholds" (Weisner,
1972). S ince m i g r a n t s we re a w ar e of their t ra n s i e n t
urban
residence,
t he y w o u l d not be ex pe ct ed to c o n
s o l i d a t e t heir grip of u r ba n
life t h r o u g h i n v es tm en ts
and the
like. Moreover,
t he y earne d s u c h m e a g r e w a g e s
that w e r e on ly spent
in s ur v i v a l s t r a t e g i e s by their
rural-based
households.
Th e s i t u a t i o n e x i s t e d u n ti l
i n d e p e n d e n c e when the p h a s i n g out of c o l o n i a l s t r i c t u r e s
r e l a x e d rules of m i g r a n t labour, l etting loose the flood
of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a n t s to u r b an u n e m p l oy me nt , f uelled
by e x p e c t e d higher u r b a n incomes (Todaro, 1976).
T h e c on c e p t u a l
f r a m e w o r k of the c ol on i a l era has
not ch an g e d d r a s t i c a l l y in the i n d e p e n d e n c e era. In a
r u r a l - u r b a n su r v e y c a r r i e d out in 1968-71, Rempel (1978)
found that u rban m i g r a n t s do not b r e a k ties w i t h their
r ural origins.
Urban m i g r a n t s seem to have d e v e l o p e d
im po r t a n t linkages w i t h their rural o r i g i n s w h e r e their
" o r i g i n - s p e c i f i c capital"
( p r o p e r t y and c lose re la t i v e s
and fr ie n d s ) is found.
T h e y v i s i t th eir r ural homes
periodically,
are
in turn v i s i t e d by t heir rural
r e l a t i v e s or friends, spend their leave to their rural
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64.
homes, remit part
of t heir e a r n i n g s to and receive
r em i t t a n c e s from t h ei r rural homes, and p r e p a r e for easy
r e- e n t r y into the home e c o n o m y on t he ir retir em en t or
loss of employment.
A l t h o u g h rural b ia s as c o n c e p t u a l i z e d above a pplies
to the rural o r i e n t a t i o n of m i g r a n t labour to bo th urban
d e s t i n a t i o n s and the a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r in rural areas,
it is more n o t i c e a b l e a m o n g r u r a l - u r b a n migrants. Ruralrural m i g r a n t s are yet one s te p p r e c e d i n g the next stage
of m i g r a t i o n w h i c h co uld be r u r a l - u r b a n or return ruralrural migration.
But even r u r a l - r u r a l m i g r a n t s to the
a g r i c u l t u r a l wa ge s e c t o r e xh i b i t
rural bias. E vi d e n c e
add uc ed fr om the p r e v i o u s s t u d i e s s ho ws the i n e v i t a
b i l i t y of the r e t u rn of f i r s t - g e n e r a t i o n m i g r a n t s to
their rural origins.
PREVIOUS WORK ON MIGRATION BASED ON AVAILABLE DATA :
The K en y a n
in te rn al m i g r a t i o n
s y s t e m has been
s tudied at b o t h m a c r o and m i c r o
levels. At the former
level,
use has been made of c e n s u s d a t a to explain
inter-regional migration
and
its p atterns.
Thus, the
1962 ce ns u s d a t a w e r e us ed
in a p i o n e e r i n g s tudy of
m i g r a t i o n in the c o u n t r y w h i c h p l a c e d
e m p h a s i s on landpopulation relationships
in c o l o n i a l K e n y a (Ominde,
1968) ; the 1969 c e n s u s d a t a w e r e a n a l y s e d to p r o v i d e
insigh ts into the p h e n o m e n o n d u r i n g the first six y ea rs
of K e n y a ' s
i n d e p e n d e n c e (Rempel,
1977) ; and the 1979
cen su s d a t a p e r m i t t e d d e t a i l e d
a n a l y s i s of lifetime
m i g r a t i o n (Beskok, 1981) and b o t h
l if et im e and recent
m i g r a t i o n (Oucho,
1983). A l t h o u g h t hese s t u d i e s p o r t r a y
m i g r a t i o n at m a c ro level, t he y are d e f i c i e n t in e x p l a i
ning micro
level p e r s p e c t i v e s and do not capture
d e t e r m i n a n t s and c o n s e q u e n c e s
of
migra ti o n.
T h es e
deficiencies
have b ee n r e m e d i e d
by m i g r a t i o n s urveys
w h i c h have
provided useful
d a t a for
interpreting
m i g r a t i o n at the h o u s e h o l d
level.
In this exercise,
s u r v ey s of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n
have d o m i n a t e d the
scene.
A consistent finding
in K e n y a n m i g r a t i o n s ur v e y s
has b ee n that u r b a n m i g r a n t s are t r a n s i e n t and m a i n t a i n
s t r o n g links w i t h t heir o r i g i n s to w h i c h e v e n t u a l l y they
exp ec t
to return.
While resident
in
u r b a n areas,
migrants
receive t h e i r r e l a t i v e s and f r i e n d s in their
t e m p o r a r y a bode as s h o r t - t e r m v i s i t o r s or n e w m i g r a n t s
w ho m the e a r l i e r m i g r a n t s have to s u p p o r t u n t il they are
e s t a b l i s h e d to be left on th eir own. T h i s
f i n d i n g cuts
a c r os s all the d i s c i p l i n e s that p a r t a k e of o u t - m i g r a t i o n
from r ural p a rt s of Kenya.
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65.
R e s e a r c h on the rural bias of m ig rants has been
limited to the first g e n e r a t i o n urban migrants. In the
first s u r ve y of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a n t s
in K enya carried
out
in
1968-1971,
it
wa s f ound that ru ra l- ur ba n
m i g r a t i o n d o e s not r ep r e s e n t a b r e a k w it h rural areas
(Rempel, 1978). In a s u b s e q u e n t w o r k based on a d d i ti on al
data, it is noted that u r b a n - r u r a l tie takes d i f f e r e n t
forms and sug ge st that u rb an m i g r a n t s are expected to
return to their ho mes at the end of m i g ra ti on (Rempel,
1981
: 137-139).
It was from the first surv ey that
Todaro, Re m pe l ' s colleague,
was able to d e v el op his
fam ou s labour m i g r a t i o n m od el (Todaro, 1969) from w h i c h
a m a j o r w o r k ens ue d (Todaro, 1976).
As interest
in the
sub je ct grew,
e s p e c i a l l y w i t h re s pe ct to the c o n s e
q u e n c e s of r u r a l - u r b a n m ig ration,
a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s began
to d o m i n a t e the scene. W e i s n e r ' s (1972) concept of "one
family, two ho us eholds" found ro ots from his effort to
s t ud y m i g r a n t L u h y a (a m i g r a t o r y ethnic g r o up from
W e s t e r n Kenya) in Nairobi.
A n o t h e r study of L u h y a s u b
t rib es wa s made in s e p a r a t e s t u d i e s by Ross (1973) and
M o o c k (1976 ; 1978).
A s pe c i a l
issue of A f r i c a n U r b a n
S t u d i e s (edited by Ferraro, 1978) on Nairobi, K e n y a' s
capital,
provides
valuable
perspectives
of u r ba n
migrants'survival strategies
in the c it y as well as
t heir h ea vy bias in d i v e r s e wa ys
to their rural home
places. T he
latest s t ud y
in this g e nr e was c arried out
in i m po rt an t o u t - m i g r a t i o n d i s t r i c t s
in We st er n Kenya,
t r a c i n g o u t - m i g r a n t s s p e c i f i c a l l y to Nai ro bi and the
r e g i o n a l (the third largest K e n y a n ) town of Kis um u in
that out- m i g r a t i o n a re a (Oucho and Mukras, 1983). The
i nt en ti o n of this w o r k w a s to g a i n insights into long
d i s t a n c e and short d i s t a n c e m o v e s r e s p e c t i v e l y and their
i m p l i c a t i o n s for rural d e v e l op me nt .
E m p h a s i s on m i g r a t i o n and m i g r a n t s from Wes te rn
K e n y a is p r e s u m a b l y du e to some sound reasons. First,
the r e gi on has the h ighest p r o p o r t i o n of m i g r a n t s in any
Kenyan
town or
in any mo de of the a g r i c u l t u r a l w ag e
sector. Tw o e th n i c g r o u p s (the Luo and the Luhya) from
this reg i on are a m o n g the m os t m i g r a t o r y of K e ny an
peoples, the ot her two (the K i k u y u and the Kamba) living
in the p r o x i m i t y of Nairobi. T he K i k uy u u n l i k e the two
e t h n i c g r o u p s in W e s te rn Kenya, have been more involved
in land colo ni sa ti on , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the former "White
H ig h l a n d s "
f o l l o w i n g the t r a n s f e r of land from the
B r i t i s h G o v e r n m e n t to the K e n y a G o v e r n m e n t in the y e ar s
i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g and f o l l o w i n g K e n y a ' s in de p e n d e n c e
in 1963.
Second,
m u c h of the regi on was ou ts i d e the
o rbit of the " S c he du le d Areas" (the a re a r e s tr ic te d to
w h i t e s e t t l e m e n t in c o l o n i a l Kenya ) and s ta g n a t e d due to
its r e l i a n c e on s u b s i s t e n c e a g r i c u l t u r e and o ther forms
of t r a d i t i o n a l economy. O n l y c h ea p labour was pr oc u r e d
f ro m the region to s erve in the m o d e r n sect or ; and it
is on ly since
in d e p e n d e n c e that the region has e x
p e r i e n c e d an e co n o m i c
"take-off"
as rural d e v e l o p m e n t
p r o g r a m m e s co nt i n u e to be i m p l e m e n t e d there. Third,
m i g r a n t s fr o m We st e r n Kenya, u n l i k e oth er s from other
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p arts of the country, ex hi bi t rural bias at individual,
h o us eh ol d and c o m m u n i t y
levels. It is not surprising,
therefore, that s t u d i e s on u r b a n - r u r a l links have been
based on m i g r a n t s from West er n Kenya. For example, in a
c o m p a r a t i v e s tu dy of the H a u s a living in Ibadan and the
Luo of K e ny a in K a m p a l a (Uganda) it was found that :
" L u o a r e s i m u l t a n e o u s l y i n v o l v e d in both a
rural an d an u r b a n e c o n o m i c s y s t e m : they
run f a rms t h r o u g h w i v e s and r e l a t i v e s and
also have urban wage employment. Most Hausa
have their economic relations centrally
l o c a t e d in I b a d a n a n d h a v e a h i g h e r p r o p o r
t i o n a c t u a l l y b o r n in t h e c i t y " .
(Parkin, 19:126).
A s tu dy of the
Ibo of Nigeria, the Luo and L u h y a of
K e n y a and othe rs found that these e t hn ic c o m m u n i t i e s had
formed ethn ic a s s o c i a t i o n s not only to
look after the
i nt er es t s of ne w u r b a n migrants,
but also to foster
d e v e l o p m e n t in t heir home p l ac es (Southall, 1975). These
s tu d i e s
are c o n c e r n e d
with
f i r s t - g e n e r a t i o n urban
m i g r a n t s who w er e
asked
to e x pl a i n t heir a m b i v a l e n t
b e h a v i o u r d u r i n g their m i g r a t o r y life. The p a r a d o x that
e xist s
is that a l t h o u g h the u r b a n bi a s in e co no mi c
d e v e l o p m e n t has g e n e r a t e d r u r a l - u r b a n migration, it has
s t i m u l a t e d the r u r al b ia s of u r ba n m i g r a n t s in sev e ra l
ways. T hi s s t u dy d e s i s t s from s p e c u l a t i n g on second and
s u b s e q u e n t g e n e r a t i o n s of urban m i g r a n t s
(i nc l u d i n g
u rban na ti v e s ) who have not been
covered
in p r e v i o u s
surveys.
EVIDENCE OF URBAN MIGRANTS'RURAL BIAS
Previous
s u r v e y r e s e a r c h on r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n
in A f r i c a has c o n c e n t r a t e d
on f i r s t - g e n e r a t i o n m i g r a n t s
who are g e n e r a l l y m i g r a n t s i nt e r v i e w e d w hi le re si de nt at
their d e s t i n a t i o n s . S t u d i e s on m i g r a n t s 'c hi ld re n (urban
born or s e c o n d - g e n e r a t i o n m i g r a n t s )
are almos t n o n
e xi s t e n t in the c on tinent. A rare e x a m p l e is a s tudy of
Abidjan, C te d ' Iv oi re , w h i c h co ve r e d u r b an m i g r a n t s and
urban n a t i v e s and w h i c h
indica te s
that 41 p er c e n t or
urban n a t i v e s
expected
to reti re
in Abi dj an and 28
p e r ce nt in any o t he r
town
in the country,
i.e. 69
p e r ce nt
expect
to remain u r b a n i t e s (Gibbal, 1974). A
s ur v e y of f i r s t - g e n e r a t i o n m i g r a n t s
in K e n y a ' s third
town shows
that
50.2 p e r ce nt
ex p e c t e d e v e n t u a l l y to
leave the town c o m p a r e d w i t h only 15.8 p e r c e n t e x p e c t i n g
to stay u ntil r e t i r e m e n t
(Oucho, 1986:216). Finally, a
study of such m i g r a n t s in K en y a ' s first and third towns
respectively suggests
that urban m i g r a n t s make d e c i s i v e
a r r a n g e m e n t s for ret ur n to their rural ho mes in a
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67.
var ie ty of ways
(Oucho and Mukras,
1983).
Se ve ra l
N ig e r i a n m i g r a t i o n s t u d i e s (i nc l u d i n g that of and cited
by Adepoju, 1986) p r o v i d e sim il a r evidence.
Indeed, the
rural bias of ur ban m i g r a n t s is an A f r i c a n p h e n o m e n o n
w h i c h re qu i r e s c a r e f u l l y d e s i g n e d s t u d y
in o rder to
a sc er ta in
its i m p l i c a t i o n s for rural d e v e l o p m e n t now
b eing a d v o c a t e d by A f r i c a n g ov er nm e nt s. The K e ny an case,
here used as an e x a m p l e in the A f r i c a n scene, c o n s i d e r s
four ma in indices of rural bias
: the rural "origins pe ci fi c capital",
u r b a n m i g r a n t s 'p e r i o d i c home visits,
r e c i p r o c i t y of u r b a n - r u r a l and r u r a l - u r b a n tr a n s f e r s at
both h o u s e h o l d
and c o m m u n i t y
level,
and migr an ts '
c o n s p i c u o u s i n v es tm en t in their home communities.
Origin-specific Capital in Rural Areas
The c oncept of
" l o c a t i o n - s p e c i f i c capital"
was
i nt roduced by D a V a n z o and M o r r i s o n (1982:4) to d e n o t e
any or all of the f a c t or s
that
"tie"
a person
to a
p a r t i c u l a r p l ac e and that fix him to rather than make
him m ov e from the place. T h i s c o n c e p t u a l m odel m a y a p p ly
to s i t u a t i o n s w h er e m i g r a n t s are eith e r p e r m a n e n t or
w e ig h t heir "capital" at the c ur r e n t
location v i s - a - v i s
that elsewhere.
It may not a p p l y to the A f r i c a n
s i t u a t i o n w h er e c ap i t a l in a large m a j o r i t y of cases
exists at the rural
homes.
The c o n ce pt of "o rigins pe ci f i c capital" is t h e r e f o r e used to d e s c r i b e cap it al
located at migra nt s' p e r m a n e n t d o m i c i l e w hi l e t h ey are
t ra n s i e n t at the p l a c e s of i n - m i g r a t i o n
; such cap it al
includes p r o p e r t y e.g. land, p a r e n t s and the family.
Land Ownership
The land tenure s y s t e m of p r i m o g e n i t u r e a p p o r t i o n s
land to sons
in a family,
w h e t h e r m i g r a n t or n o n
migrant, and confers on them r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as h eads of
household. C o m p l e t e lack of land o w n e r s h i p induces adult
m ales to p u r c h a s e
land e l s e w h e r e to w h i c h they w o ul d
m i g r a t e w i t h o u t n e c e s s a r i l y s e v e r i n g ties w i t h their
relatives.
In Kenya,
two st u d i e s r e p o r t e d that about
36.3 p e r c e n t
of u r ba n m i g r a n t s
owned
land
(Oucho,
1986:213) and a m a j o r i t y of urban m i g r a n t s from W e s t e r n
Kenya depended
h e a v i l y on their rural farms (Moock,
1978).
Migrants anticipating
l a n d l e s s n e s s in the near
future or w i s h i n g to own more
land b o ug ht
land in the
former w h i t e - s e t t l e d
a reas to hold their g ri p of land ;
a case in po int is the N y a n z a s u g a r b e l t on the b o r d e r of
N y a n z a and Rift V a l l e y p r o v i n c e s n o r t h - e a s t of Kisumu
town w h e r e m an y u rg an m i g r a n t s p u r c h a s e d
land on w hi ch
they have e s t a b l i s h e d
their s e co nd
homes.
On r e t i
rement, s uc h m i g r a n t s expect to live
in the farms they
purchase
rath er than retur n to their o ri g i n a l rural
homes. The s u ga rb el t will in the ne ar futur e be pa rt of
m e t r o p o l i t a n Kisumu.
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68.
Parents and the Family
A no t h e r
important
a sp e c t of rural capital
is
p a r e n t s and the family. T he two are important assets of
social ne tw o r k s
w h i c h m i g r a n t s m a i n t a i n wi th n o n
migrants. Ev id e n c e of s uc h n e t w o r k s is the exchange of
v i s i t s between m i g r a n t s
and n o n - m i gr an ts , e s p ec i al ly
b et w e e n spouses, c h il dr en and p a r e n t s and other me mb er s
of b o t h the n u c l e a r f a m i l y and the extended fam il y
(Moock, 1978:27).
In Kenya, the i m p o r t a n c e of family ne t wo rk s has
been s h ow n by two bur ia l d i s p u t e s b e t w e e n w i do ws of the
d e c e a s e d and the d e c e a s e d ' s b r o t h e r s as we ll as clan
members.
The first
is the d i s p u t e b e t w ee n the late
M b u r u ' s second wife who w a n t e d her h usband buri ed in a
farm he had p u r c h a s e d
in Rift V a l le y p ro v i n c e and
M b u r u ' s b r o t he r who w a n t e d
him b u r i e d
in his ance st ra l
home
in C e n t r a l Province.
The h ig h c o u r t ' s verd ic t :
Mburu w a s buried at his a n c e s t r a l home.
The second
d i s p u t e was b et w e e n O t i e n o ' s w i d o w who wante d him
buried in a farm n ea r N a i r o b i
and his br ot he r and
c l a n s m e n who w a n te d him b u r i e d at his a nc e s t r a l home in
S ia ya d i s t r i c t of N y a n z a prov in ce , some 400 ki lo m e t r e s
w es t of Nairobi.
The hi gh c o u r t ' s verdict, w h i c h was
r a t i f i e d by the Co urt of Appeal,
was that O t i e n o be
b u r i e d in his a n c e s t r a l
home ( D a il y Nation, 1987). One
thing was common to b ot h c ases
: they were m i xe d
m a r r i a g e s b e t w ee n a K i k u y u man and a L u h y a w oman and a
Luo man and a Ki ku y u w o m a n
r e sp ec ti ve ly . In both cases
the v e r d i c t was bia se d
to a n c e s t r a l home in c o n f o r m i t y
w i t h c u s t o m a r y rather than c o m mo n
law, w h i c h re qu ir ed
that a man be buri ed w h e r e his a n c e s t o r s had c u s t o m a r i l y
been buried.
While d e b a t e on the
s u b j e c t rema in s
i n c o n c l u s i v e in m an y a u t h o r i t a t i v e circles, the rule of
thumb is that m i g r a n t s
have to be b ur i e d
in their
a n c e s t r a l homes to w h i c h th ey w o u l d have r et ur ne d had
they d o n e so p e r m a n e n t l y b e f o r e dying.
Preliminary
r e s u l t s of an o n - g o i n g r e s e a r c h of social we lf ar e
o r g a n i s a t i o n s in K e n y a have s hown that u r ba n migrants'
pooled
re so u r c e s are t r a n s f e r e d
to rural areas for
c o m m u n a l d e v e l o p m e n t ( M u k r a s and Oucho, 1984 ; Mukras, et
al. 1985).
Identification with Home-place
Home-based Activities
and
Participation
in
U rb an m i g r a n t s g e n e r a l l y id en t i f y w i t h their rural
homes and p a r t i c i p a t e
in home based a c t i v i t i e s in a
n u m b e r of ways. These take p l a c e
at both h ou se ho ld and
c o m m u n i t y levels.
T able 1 e x p l a i n s a v a r i e t y of a c t i
v i t i e s in w h i c h m i g r a n t s p a r t i c i p a t e bo th to i de ntify
w i t h and to pr ep ar e
for e v e n t u a l r e t i r e m e n t in their
c om mu ni t ie s. The first
two activities,
w h i c h largely
overlap, a ccount for about 81 p er c e n t of all i mportant
contribution
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69.
m igrants' pooled tr an s f e r s ma ke toward d e v e l o p i n g their
rural c o m m u n i t i e s
in a co un t r y w h er e self- h el p (harambee)
f u n d - r a i s i n g thr o ug h e s t a b l i s h e d social w elfare
organisations
had
r e a d il y
s u p p l e m e n t e d go ve r n m e n t
e f f or ts in rural develo pm en t . A s t u d y of social welfare
o r g a n i s a t i o n s in a d i s t r i c t
in W es t e r n K e n ya indicated
that ei ght such o r g a n i s a t i o n s m o b i l i s e d over Kshs. 30
mi ll i o n per year for rural d e v e l o p m e n t (Mukras, et al.,
1985:419). Yet the ta ble s hows that re m i t t a n c e s at the
h ou s e h o l d level are i n s i g n i fi ca nt
; this is so only in
so far as c om mu na l a c t i v i t i e s are contr as te d wi th
h o u s e h o l d affairs.
Th e p i c t u r e at the household level
p r o v i d e s a cle ar er p e r s p e c t i v e of the im portance of
r e m i t t a n c e s (Table 2). The c r i s s - c r o s s i n g of r em i t t a n c e
flows is o bs erved ; even in the case of the study, d a t a
are l a c k in g only b e c a u s e no c o n s i d e r a t i o n was made of
r e m i t t a n c e s from urban
wa ge
earners'
origins.
A
s u b s t a n t i a l p r o p o r t i o n of r e m i t t a n c e s flows from urban
to r ural areas w h e r e b o t h migrants,
p a r e n t s and s pouses
are the main recipients.
R e m i t t a n c e s are sent to rural
ar eas p r i m a r i l y for s u p p o r t i n g f a m i l y or fri en ds and
other
a sp e c t s
of
house ho ld consum pt io n.
But the
" in t e n d e d use"
of r e m i t t a n c e s d o e s not n e c e s s a r i l y
amount
to the "actual use". T h e r e exi st s n et w o r k s of
act ua l u se s w h i c h
in some cases
include also the
r e m i t t e r s h a r in g
the r e m i t t a n c e s w i t h other users
(Standing, 1984:274-5).
The a r g u m e n t that ur ba n - r u r a l
r e m i t t a n c e s are spent m a i n l y in c o n s u m p t i o n (Rempel and
Lobdell,
1978
; K n o w le s and Anker,
1981) has been
c o u n t e r e d by the o p p o s i n g v i e w that they are spent in
" c o n s p i c u o u s investment" (Adepoju, 1983). The latter has
mu ch ap pe a l given that inve st me nt o p p p o r t u n i t i e s har d ly
exist
in rural p ar ts of m a n y
s u b - S a h a r a n African
c o u n t r i e s to w h i c h r e m i t t a n c e s could be directed.
Urban Migrants'Retirenent Plans
Most of the w o r k i n g urban m i g r a n t s p r e p a r e for
r e t i r i n g in their home p l ac e s by u n d e r t a k i n g di ff e r e n t
h o m e - b a s e d activities. T a b l e 3 r e p o rt s b ot h intended and
a c c o m p l i s h e d p l an s to this end.
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70.
T a b l e 1 - A c t i v i t i e s o u t - m i g r a n t s p a r t i c i p a t e d in to
m ai n t a i n c o n t a c t s w i t h the c o m m u n i t y i d e n
tified for re ti r e m e n t
Main A c t i v i t y
Repondents
Num be r per ce nt
Re gu la r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in selfhelp a c t i v i t i e s
120
48.6
P a r t i c i p a t i o n in social
welfare activities
79
32.0
M a k i n g re gu l a r v i si ts to the
pl ace
22
8.9
M a k i n g re gu l a r r e m i t t a n c e of
m o n e y / g o o d s to famil y m e m b e r s
15
6.1
P a r t i c i p a t i o n in s p o r t s and
f iesta
2
0.8
Others
9
3.6
T otal
247
100.0
S o u r c e : J.O. O u c h o and M.S. M u k r a s (1983)
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71.
T ab le 2 - Some f e a t u r e s of r e m i t t a n c e s based on p r e v i o u s
s tu d i e s in Kenya, 1971 - 1982
F e a t u r e of r e m i t t a n c e
Study
J oh ns on
and
Whitelaw
(1974)
unidirectional
(urban-rual)
D i r e c t i o n of flow
20. 7
Pe rc e n t of income
r em it te d
R e c i p i e n t s by r e l a
ti on s h i p to r e m i t t e r
n .a
:
u -r
r-r
u-u
r-u
= 50 .0
= 28 .3
= 15 .0
= 6 .3
u - r = 7 3 .3
r - u = 2 6 .7
37.4
38.4
5.0
7.7
11.5
n .a .
12. 1
1.7
3.6
96.2
S c h o o l fees
P a y i n g off d e b t s
Farm maintenance
Supporting family/
f ri e n d s
O th e r s
Notes
Oucho
and
M u kr as
(1983)
Reciprocal
Reciprocal
u r b a n ru ral u r b a n rura!
30. 7
33.9
8.7
11.0
n s
P u r p o s e of r e m i t t a n c e s
:
Kno wl es
and
Anker
(1977)
.
Spouse
P a r en ts
Children
Siblings
Others
S o ur ce
a ut ho r( s )
by
n .a .
10.6
34.0
21.8
64.7
32.4
C o m p i l e d from the s t u d i e s cited (see r e f e r e n c e s )
n a
=
not a p p l i c a b l e
n s
=
not stated
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T a bl e 3 - A c t i v i t i e s u n d e r t a k e n by u r ba n m i g r a n t s in
p r e p a r a t i o n for r e t i r e m e n t in their homep lace s
Act ivity
I nt en de d
Accomplished
n = 427
n = 427
B u i l d i n g a moder n
house or i mp ro vi ng
e x i s t i n g one
65.4
43.5
B u y i n g farmla n d
25.6
15.7
0.8
2.6
S e c u r i n g t ractor
and o t he r fa rm in g
equipment
Note
: 1 Total p e r c e n t a g e s do no t add upto 100 bec au se
of i n c o m p l e t e r e s p o n s e
S ou r c e
: J.O. O u c h o and M.S. M u k r a s (1983)
The b u i l d i n g or
improvement
of r u r al ho us i n g
is an
i mp o r t a n t p r e p a r a t o r y measure, f o l l o w e d by land p u r c h a s e
in a d d i t i o n
to land o wn e d b e f o r e
o u t - m i g r a t i o n took
place.
These
undertakings
explain
the
imp or ta nc e
m i g r a n t s a t ta c h to o r i g i n - s p e c i f i c capital.
CONCLUSION
Rural o u t - m i g r a t i o n and
ru ral d e v e l o p m e n t eff or ts
r e p r e s e n t i n t e r e s t i n g p a r a d o x e s in Af ri c a n de velopment.
A p p r e c i a t i o n of how m i g r a t i o n
f a c i l i t a t e s or c ri pp le s
rural d e v e l o p m e n t
is s till
lacking
in m an y A frican
countries. S t u d e n t s of A f r i c a n
s p a t i a l d e m o g r a p h y and
development studies
at
large n e e d
to em ul at e the
v a l u a b l e e fforts a l r e a d y m a de
in N i g e r i a
(O dimuko and
Riddel,
1979;
Makinwa,
1981; Adepoju, 1976; 1986) and
B o t s w a n a (Lucas,
1985
; L u c a s and Stark,
1985), to
m e n t i o n a few in s i g h t f u l cases, to i n v e s t i g a t e the whole
d y n a m i c s of m i g r a t i o n and r ural d ev e l o p m e n t .
Th e Keny an case e p i t o m i z e s the s i t u a t i o n in mu ch of
sub-Saharan
Africa
where
r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n at
present represents serious
challenges
in the future.
Districts
in the L a k e V i c t o r i a Basin, c u r r e n t l y the
m aj or net o u t - m i g r a t i o n area, are t h r e a t e n e d by a large
s t r e a m of return m i g r a n t s (the c u r r e n t u r ba n m i g r a n t s
who e x h i b i t rural bi as as a l r e a d y d i s c u s s e d ) ex pe c t i n g
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73.
to be r e h a b i l i t a t e d b a c k home. The u n k n o w n q u a n t i t y in
rural-urban migration
today is the second g e n e r a t i o n or
s u b s e q u e n t g e n e r a t i o n s of u rban
migrants
i.e.
the
c hi l d r e n and g r a n d c h i l d r e n
of first g e n e r a t i o n urban
migrants. Hill they be biase d towa rd the urban areas
with w h i c h they are most fa m il ia r or the rural areas to
w h i c h they have some cu l tural ties ?
U rban migra n ts ' rural bias as d i s c u s s e d
in this
paper
t o u c he s on
issues that go b e yo nd the scope of
s t u d y i n g migration.
It
spans
o ther
p r o v i n c e s of
d e m o g r a p h y and o t he r social s c i e n c e s w h i c h p a r t ak e of
s t u d y i n g m i g r a t i o n and develo pm en t .
F u t u r e studies need
to be more m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y and to co ver m u l t i d i m e n
sio na l issues than p r e v i o u s s t u di es have been. Now that
n a t i o n a l f e r t i l i t y and c o n t r a c e p t i v e p r e v a l e n c e surveys
as we l l as h e a lt h s u r v e y s
(which cover m o r b i d i t y and
m o r t a l i t y ) have b ee n carried out in m a n y p a r t s of the
w or ld i n c l u d i n g A f r i c a n countries,
the immediate future
s h o ul d be devoted, first, to n a t i o n a l m i g r a t i o n surveys
and,
later,
to
comprehensive
d e m o g r a p h i c surveys.
Although Caldwell's
(1977)
"inter-generational wealth
flow" t h e o r y had f e r t i l i t y un d e r p i n n i n g s , it fits well
into Z e l i n s k y ' s
(1971) " hy p o t h e s i s of m o b i l i t y t r a n s i
tion" from w h i c h this em pi r i c a l s t u d y on K e ny a finds
t h e o r e t i c a l support.
http://aps.journals.ac.za
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